LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
FALLACIES IN IRELAND.
[TO THE EDITOR. or TAB " SFECTATOR.1
was travelling recently in County Donegal, and in the carriage with mo was a well-to-do County Meath farmer and we got into conversa- tion. He was a well-informed man, journeying a good deal in England for his own cattle business, and ho had the intelligence to compare the way of life there and here and to come to conclusions on his own account. " What is wrong with this country," be said at parting, " is want of education. What do our children learn in the schools that would create any good feeling between England and us ? Nothing ! Other countries have had their bad times as well as Ireland, their days of famine and persecution in religion, only wo know nothing about that. Wo only know of our own troubles, and we dwell overmuch upon them." He had struck, in that last remark, on the root of our discontent.
There aro a great many fallacies in Ireland that need to be removed. Irish education has too long been the tool of political parties. A Canadian school teacher who recently visited County Tyrone, and attended a school teachers' meeting, threw them all into confusion by asking for information with regard to the teaching of patriotism in Irish schools. In writing to the Press ho says :— " The confusion that followed at the meeting as a result of asking my first question clearly indicated to me about as much as I wanted to know. I sat and listened to their discussions for two hours, and took notes. The whole time was spent in considering ways and means of getting increased payments from the Imperial Parliament. Why should there have been such a fuss when I asked if they supported the British Parliament in the present war, and taught loyalty to the same in the schools ? I was simply asking if they were loyal and patriotic sup- porters of the land from which they got their bread and butter." The letter written by this loyal Canadian teacher (Mr. James Smyth) was published in the Strabane Weekly News, but it deserved a much wider publication. I would like to see it quoted in full in the English Press. Up to a few weeks ago, Irish school teachers were not permitted to refer to the Union Jack, or to teach anything that bordered on loyalty in their schools. Recently the Commissioners of Education sent round to the school managers an essay on " Patriotism," which they advised to be read in the schools. What bestirred them to this action nobody knows, but the leaflet which was sent to be read was rather interesting. It was a beautiful and scholarly essay on the abstract ideal of patriotism. It made no mention of the Union or the Empire or the war, and no application of the ideals expressed to the case of the National School child. Personally, I do not think our poor little children could under- stand a word of it, and so it was really useless. The Commissioners had taken some action, but had done it in such a way that no school manager was either bound to read it or explain, and as happened in most cases they read it and put it aside. Following this letter, a school manager, the Rev. William C,orkey, of Belfast, wrote to tho Commissioners to acknowledge the pamphlet on "Patriotism" and asked a more pertinent question :- " I would be glad to know if the Commissioners will now allow managers to fly the Union Jack on National School buildings, and to use it in the schools under their management for the purpose of teaching patriotism—teachers inform me that the Commissioners of National Education have hitherto prohibited the flag of the Empire in the schools or flying it on any of the school buildings."
The Secretary of the Commissioners replied :- " I am directed to inform you that the Commissioners have no objection to the display and use of the Union Jack in the manner and for the purpose specified in your letter."
It took a European War to obtain this concession, which leaves it to the manager to do it or not as he pleases. What is needed in the Irish National Schools is some straight talking. The virtue of making " tho best of a bargain," to put it mildly, or of " doing " another person, to put it plainly, is deeply embedded, and the "doing" of the British Government has been an heroic act. When "George Birmingham" pro- duced his play General John Regan, and portrayed tho village Committee sitting down and openly discussing how they could best " do " the British Government, most people thought it part of the play, and did not realize, as we do, that it was merely an everyday occurrence. And so we have the recent Report of the Local Government Board Inspector in Westmeath (see Irish Times, August 26th) telling us of " the gross
maladministration of the Labourers Act by the County Council, showing that tenants of these cottages are actually in possession of 14, 18, 19, and some of 23 acres of land " 1 Imagine such a thing happening in England. This position of affairs is the result of the popular idea that it is a fine thing to " do " the Government, and in this case a number of people must actually have combined to " do " the Government, labourer and County Council together.
Another fallacy is that the land of Ireland is the sole possession of the "Irish," and that no one else has any right to the soil, whether ho has paid for it or not. " The land of Ireland belongs to the Celt," they say ; and so all Nationalists, according to themselves, are pure " Celts " I They do not realiza that they are a very mixed lot from every race an earth, with all the tricks and accomplishments of the mongrel. But if it is to be a question of Celt only, then the purest Celts are those people of the most recent settlements descended from the Scotch Celts. The Sassenachs, as they call the • English, have, in their opinion, no right to existence on Irish soil, and neither have the West Britons—i.e., Imperialists. This fallacy arises from mere ignorance, as history would tell them that the Saxons were in Ireland in the year 690, and that was not just yesterday. I have the misfortune of being descended from Cromwellian settlers, and so am a " West Briton " ; but that is far too recent to be considered of any value in Ireland, and so, as a Nationalist told me the other day : " You people don't belong here, and after the war you may either come in with us under Home Rule or clear out." During a recent visit to Nationalist parts I found the same spirit being engendered. A friend of mine who reprimanded a man trespassing in his wood and removing branches was told : " We'll give you a year and then we'll sort you." (" Sort " means " settle " or " do for.") In fact, the general idea among the ignorant people is that under Home Rule " we's uns will be you's sins." The Rebellion and the great looting adventure in Dublin were merely a herald of the happy days to come. " I always knew the police wore no ' good ' to the poor," was the re- mark of an old woman when she was told to return her loot by an emissary of the law. The police are no " good " to them, and they are therefore their enemy, and the outward sign of British occupation, as indeed any one in uniform is.
One could go on mentioning fallacies innumerable. According to the Nationalist Irish it was the cruel British Government that caused the famine. One hears this quoted at all political meetings. But no one ever thinks of saying that it was the British Government (spending large sums on an Agricultural Department) that has taught our people to spray the potatoes, and so avoid any more famines.
St. Patrick is always spoken of in Ireland as if he were the founder of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, whereas the good saint was an early Evangelical Christian, and common to all of us. While the Irish rant and rave over the coming of the English to Ireland, they never mention that their occupation was a bargain between the King of England and the Pope, and that it was England that practically estab- lished the Roman Catholic Church in the country. As they are good Roman Catholics, they should surely appreciate this fact.
Ireland is so fond of repeating that she is so morally superior to England that she has really come to believe it, but there are many quite primitive virtues that the Irish have never attained. It is diffi- cult for an Irishman to tell a plain, unvarnished tale; it is part of what English folk call his fascination. I remember trying to impress upon a countryman that the English were really not such despicable characters as he made out, and that if the Germans landed here he would not be so enamoured of their virtues as ho seemed to be. " Well, now, perhaps you're right," was his conclusion. " Better be under the divil ye know than the one ye don't," and that was the furthest he would go.
Apart from the teaching of patriotism, there is no teaching of even common gratitude in the schools, and for what they have received they never pray that the good Lord will make them thankful. Irish people have received benefits that the English labourer would be thankful for in England. The schoolmasters have vacated their posts for the poli- ticians, and the politicians have brought Ireland's honour to the dust.
No conscription for Ireland I " Let Englishmen and Scotchmen fight to keep the enemy from Irish shores, meanwhile be sly and get their jobs and their pay, and freeze onthem," so whisper the
politicians. " Play the same game in North of Ireland, and when the men have gone out to the war e their place and get the vote, and some day we'll have county option, and then we'll show the Ulstermen what fools they wore to go." One has only to live in the North to see what is happening, and Mr. H. Law is very explicit in an article in the Contemporary Review this month (September) as to what they mean to take place when they have filled the dead men's shoes. No prohibition for Ireland ! How could there be, while the publicans swarm on the District Councils and fifty public-houses is a fair average for a small country town ? The registration of war charities for Ireland! It would be awkward to make distinctions between war charities and rebellion charities, therefore better leave that alone I Nothing for Ireland to do that other Britishers are proud of doing, nothing except a calm acceptance of all the benefits that are going, but which carry no obligations. I should like to recommend to British voters the title of a little song which I learnt in my youth, as a good motto for their con- sideration with regard to Ireland. " No song, no supper 1 " Honestly, if it were not for the Irish soldiers we would be ashamed to say we were Irish nowadays. They_ have saved Iceland's honour even though their
numbers are few. We would ask British statesmen to realize their re- sponsibilities, if not to Ireland's own self-respect, then at least to the British Empire and the next war. It is very commendable to be kind to the prodigal son, but it is nowhere advised that he should be made the master of the household. " ` Ireland for the Irish,' " as Joseph Chamber- lain said, " is a very good cry, but Great Britain for the British' is a
Previous page
