A GLANCE AT MODERN ErEOPE.
The events of the day, notified as they are by the various organs which tho ingenuity of man now devotes to the business of supplying "news" all over the world, are enotigh to occupy most persons` minds during the hours which business or the cares of life leave us for the indulgence of read- ing. So rapid, indeed, is the sequence of incidents which pass before the eyes of Europe, that few people can discern in the facts such a connexion as may afford a clue to the really pervading influences at work on the old frame of society. That there is such a connexion may nevertheless be affirmed ; and one which it is amply worth while to watch-and trace, were it only for the sake of curiosity, but which it more behoves us to detect and interpret in the hope of turning our knowledge to wholeaome profit for the coming time.
The lower classes of the people of Europe may in these times be likened to a child who has become possessed of a watch. He sees the dial, and the hands at work; it performs certain processes withgiven results ; his curiosity impels him to break open his machine and examine the structure and con- trivances; whereby he destroys it, and the watch ceases to go. The old governments of Continental Europe have been in like fashion exposed to view ; broken into• by popular-ounositys prompted by popular displeasure;
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and the actual result s, that they, like the watch, ve one and all ceased to perform, or at least haYe come into so dismal a state of confusion that every- where is found consternation, disunion, vacillation, and alarm. One power alone may be said to have got "on her legs" once more, which is Austria ; and that she is insolvent is admitted even by her stanch supporter the Times newspaper. But. Austria, at least, "knows what she would be at," which is more than can be predicated of any other European cabinet. She wants to bring matters back to a position nearly resembling that in which governments stood prior to the Revolution of 1848. With Russia at her elbow, Austria`is therefore labouring in her vocation, and has recently shown her sincerity by aiding one of the lesser German states to resist manifestations of disaffection among its subjects. On the other side, the King of Prussia, with characteristic weakness and incapacity of foreseeing political results, has been worse than a nullity in regard to the advancement of Liberal doc- trines in Germany. By his trimming and dissimulating conduct, he has forfeited all claim to confidence on the part of the friends of progress, whilst he has become odious in the eyes of his more consistent and clearsighted fel- low monarchs. His pretended demonstrations in behalf of the people of Hesse have been proved insincere; and the King of Prussia is now, although wielding an immense military force, completely at sea as to how to play out his own foolish game. I need not particularize the sources of this emrrass- ment, which must be patent to the eyes of such as have observed passing events with any attention of late. But the combination of Austria and Russia against the gz..owth of popular institutions is too formidable to leave room to doubt that, in countries subject to their influence, very little pro- gress can be made for the present : coupled with this, the resistance on the part of the higher classes to popular sentiments, in countries not comprised under this leaden despotism, may considered as forming nearly as potent an obstacle to the growth of f be reedom as thesresuscitated remnant of the Holy Alliance itself. If I am not misinformed, the bulk of the richer inhabitants and noble families in the leading states of Germany, (certainly in Prussia, Hanover, Saxony, and Bavaria,) entertain a decided aversion to admitting the element of "representation" into the machinery of state government. Now, there- fore, when we hear of certain kings being disposed to grant concessions to popular demands, it should always be borne in mind, that in doing so they alienate the main body of their adherents among the upper ranks in the country, and find, in these, unwilling ministers of any line of policy tainted with the sin of a democratic tendency. Whenthisgeneral fact is remembered, together with another: namely, that the mass of the people in Germany is both untrained to political action and ill-provided with individual organs or leaders, it must appear hopeless to expect German social amelioration to pro- ceed, save at a terribly slow rate. Still, I believe it does proceed, and that in spite of Austrian influencej and now the question suggests itself, why is Austria suffered to weigh like an incubus upon civilization and human development ? Has she a friend among. the Western family of Europe ? No I answer; not one at heart. But her position in the map, involved
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as t is with everlasting traditions of bygone transactions, treaties, " under- -standings," protocols, Re., mixed up with indefinable apprehensions of "losing the key to the East" if. Austria ceased to bar the road to Constantinople,— all these and many more mysterious associations have so hedged the old em- pire round about, in the minds of red-tapists of the highest order, that her genuine character, or the mischief her rule generates to the millions subject to it, never counts for anything in discussions bearing on Continental polity, among her contemporaries. This ancient, time-honoured nuisance, thus continues to bear sway ; thanks to the superstitions embodied in her existence, and to the instinct of sympathy which enhata every lover of absolute government in her preser- vation. Nay, het, v#:tstresurrection, after the expulsion of her presiding genius PrinceMettennela, iu 1848, was the fruit of too respectful an attach-
ment to ancient rights and forms on the pant of chiefs, who were
t4erebr witil4044 419: 914,Y.'"a.tOtalhrest 7 ma 3 'IL, Mves, however,-(for they are niultiferm) which ooncur in A/ . A 1 1.1 It/Irk I .. I I of Augnss, wail scene to,lotep 01? ;,,r!1,43gilta&al7123 IfSplellth .1bgai.a.4 *Ma in•Eugope.,.1,1fhatever„ may, ,sts regards the nilintstriettee gotitt Anima*, II that . .iind powerffil • la' ni thiet4s %eta '"nerer to• 1 751E3 . the .French el SW sl a A onalainvertanbit mot stn say vanity, ,enables their go, . td turn' to, account their foibles( ton foe II, onset perilous costs atb. SaCh a weak ridos itsk.,natiirg.tia rem NSW Seffeisisellall. IsP ./Iss st azgoyet w 0 aoifet9r4trhenmeighthe- 411 temptyoglss,itiofi,mx,i, aw, min ' i , l(ii Vail Mild do 'homage to ,--thcii "Stsreatnesi "" a any fr, even' IOW bstatttial *ay' The fact* that ttle-TiMiefindithitieis lid unsettledsa,state tivlitsminkill on for any. purpose beneficial to the interests of mankind. They will be persuaded to: do anrhings-march anyviliero—repudiate na.matier whist principles of po.; litiea eigratity—if, they but, hoar, the old watihwords "French influence, "legitimate aseentlaney;''' "glory of the Frenels arms," and so forth. For who can ever forget, Much less forgive, the monstrous application made of newly-established republican powers, on these pretexts, to the extinction of nascent independence and republican government in Rome? That unpardonable act of the French rulers was, indeed, I much fear me, far from offensive to the nation itself : at least I know that some of its most estimable citizens, including, for instance, M. Leon Faucher and M. Alexis de Tocqueville, viewed the employment of French bayonets to force the Pope upon an unwilling people as a suitable, nay a praiseworthy act, even of a government owing its existence to the popular breath. Fearing that tenure to be unstable, they probably deemed it wise to blow the embers of an expiring sovereignty, in the forlorn hope of its aiding them,. hereafter, out of gratitude, in the task of coercing an insubordinate spirit at home. Prince Louis Napoleon, by that measure more than by any other he has originated, showed clearly to what quarter he looked to maintain himself in power. He sought to attach the Catholic and Legitimist section of the French gentry to his interests; and he also thought the soldiery would like to be "doing something" to show their valour. And thus it is over : the individuals thrust up by accident into places of dominion exercise their power to falsify. and negative the very principles to which they owe their rise. The craving for the admiration, the flatteries, the good-will of the "habitues des grands salons," swept away as with a flood all the President's former, but I fear faint, velleities towards republicanism. And if, by a fortunate chance, the Assembly chosen by the people opposes the will of the chief magistrate of the B.epublic, a loud cry is raised of "the thing will not work," "the constitution must be revised," and so on. The present apparatus, it would seem, works but too well. Had Louis Philippe, even, been king now, he must have given way, at least for a time, to the ge- nuine action of a popular legislature ; although, doubtless, that consummate master of intrigue, aided by his able coadjutors, would have laboured, not unsuccessfully, at rendering it docile and manageable in due season. But to return to the general aspect of the European world as it now stands. From France small anticipations are to be cherished of cooperation in the work of progress. Whatever disposition may animate the masses of that nation, her present ruling classes have too great a fear of the encroach- ments of the popular element to encourage new efforts at reforming social abuses. They would rather, in fact, accept the friendly support of some old despotism than that of a republic of any kind ; and "France" means her government, at this point of time. It is tolerably evident, then, that from no existing government can the partisans of political reformation look for support, or even countenance. From England it is not likely to attend them,—and I say this without Morning to cast blame on this nation for withholding it ; the peculiar position in which she is placed in reference to France being of itself a serious ground for observing a discreet neutrality in the affairs of other countries. France and England might, indeed, new- model the greater portion of these, if they could cordially agree upon funda- mental prinoiples. But how can this be hoped for, after the hateful crusade of the former in behalf of a crumbling priesthood, whose rule, already fallen into contempt and odium among its own subjects, was confessedly unsuited to the altered tone of sentiment prevalent in the modern world. What com- mon action can there be on the part of the French and English people, after such a manifestation of attachment to the old doctrine of "divine right" on the part of a government of yesterday ? There is no knowing on what mutual foundation we are to base our alliance, in short. And thus the idle dream of a cordial co5peration between the two countries melts away into thin air ; and England turns to the more comprehensible, though ugly-look- ing partnership afforded by the affiance of Austria, as better calculated to help her in maintaining order in Europe. The two great elements now arrayed against each other are, democratic doc- trines, and resistance by the actual depositaries of power to their encroach- ments'. How the conflict will finally end, is perhaps not difficult to foresee. But the phases it may have to pass through before the opposing forces come to a stand-still, will derive their complexion and importance from the individual actions of existing governments. And the interest one feels in the progress of this vast struggle arises from watching the conduct of these, month by month. The popular party naturally make blunders, and will commit More ; whilst the reigning .parties divide their tactics between concession and du- plicitp: and concession oftentimes proves an illusion ; witness the Austrian and Wurtemberg Governments' retractation of those which were made in order to recover their position in 1848. If the French Revolution gave, as it seems it .did, the first shake to absolute government throughout the Conti- nen4 it is not from that quarter that any farther help is to be expected to the Liberal cause; and though its enemies the sovereigns are alarmed, and their fears lead them to make terms with their subjects here and there, the powerful armies of Russia and Austria will probably overwhelm all resist- ance, should the spirit of revolt become sufficiently general to call for the employment of so extreme a measure. The hopes of advancing in the path of reformation, then, depend on the peoples keeping within the limits of this necessity their manifestations of dissatisfaction. And thus a grumbling underground portentous note of change may be all that the present generation are destined to witness. A silent re- volution, however, which in any case must be achieved, has its advantages, though it is difficult to appreciate the gain of what is not patent and tangible. And whether Europe shall become much the wiser or happier for the great or- genic modifications which are impending over her society, must in the end de- pend upon the character of those few leading minds who rise to influence under a new form of government. That some men worthy of their sublime mission will come out of the melee, can hardly be doubted ; when they must take heed lest they lose the fruit of sacrifices, always serious, often 'ruinous to a nation in revolt, by the fatal process of conciliation of enemies : a process which infallibly leads to the necessity of beginning the work anew. In conclusion, the sad truth must out, that England and France never can "'row in the same boat" : we may be thankful if neither nation launch their " boat" at all upon the ocean of strife, for the chances are that they , would be found on opposite sides of the dispute. This reflection, however, needs not prevent our remaining on friendly terms with our great neighbour
during the prevalence of peace in Europe : for which let us heartily up our prayers to Heaven.
tqr trust_
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