THE DISORDERS IN RUSSIA.
THE English man in the street is always expecting a revolution in Russia. The autocracy of the Czars is so opposed to all his habits of mind, and is in his belief—a belief founded in great part on sensational novels—so oppressively used, that he cannot understand bow white men can endure it, and is always expecting some mighty heave of opinion which will throw it off. He reads therefore of the present student disturbances in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Leff, and possibly other cities, with the keenest interest, and a wholly unconscious exaggeration of their importance. He believes that the students mean revolt against the Monarchy as well as the • Elucation Department, the Minister of which has recently been assassinated. He sees that "the workmen' which - means substantially the factory hands, are inclined to support the students, and he jumps to the conclusion that there is a vast mass of combustible material in Russia which may, if circumstances are favourable, catch fire. He has, it may be admitted, some reason for the faith that is in him, though it is insufficient. The majority of the educated class in Russia, and in particular -the younger students, are, no doubt, disaffected, feeling that the system throttles them, and longing for a day -'when they shall have more lib-rty to learn, to speak, and, above all, to write out their opinions. From time to time they grow exasperated by the obscurantist policy of the Government, which, except in the department of science, is unfavourable to too much thinking ; or by some stupid rule which interferes with the free student life ; or by some decree of punishment which they think, and generally with reason, is far in excess of the offenders' demerits. A sentence to the ranks is an awful penalty for joining in a University row. In Russian students, as in all Slays not thoroughly disciplined, there is an element of childlike perversity which appears at intervals, and irritates the authorities as a child's bursts of anger irritate a wearied or much occupied paterfamilias. When thus exasperated the educated class listens to wild counsels, favours or ignores revolutionary circulars, and generally displays in a cautious way some of the temper which among the same class in France preceded the really popular movement. Nihilism arose out of this temper, and though active Nihilism has been beaten down, the manure in which its seeds flourished still exists. Moreover, the disaffected • educated have recently gained new allies. Associated industry has entered Russia, and the associated industrials, unlike the peasants, gain from their associa- tion a certain feeling of confidence, and with it a keener eonsciousness when wronged, a more hopeful feeling as to the utility of resistance, and that tendency to sudden, often nearly aimless, rushes which characterises all crowds. Of course whenever, as in the recent riots, the workmen chime in with the students, even accidentally, the movement in cities seems formidable to onlookers, . and correspondents who know history -begin calling up memories of the French Revolution, which, however, was never.so much a revolt against autocracy as against caste. A. resolute King of France, who abolished privilege and shot down the populace, would probably have died in his bed still centre of the Administration.
We do not think that this movement will produce revolution any more than the many which, have preceded .The educated class in Russia is quite .po.werless as against the Government,.. and the associated industrials
are nearly so. Their numbers are lost in those of the
peasants, and their employers wish for quiet. The grand protection for them is the wish of Ministers of Finance that Russia should become a little more taxable. Indeed, it may be doubted if the cities, taken in the aggregate, constitute a great force in Russia. Those cities have no Paris among them, and are separated by many conditions as well as by traditionary feeling. The Government, again, is not in the least like the old Bourbon Monarchy. It has when opposed an almost savage energy, it is un- hampered by a caste of privileged faineants, and it can rely on the bureaucracy, which, whatever its sentiments, did not in France exert itself frankly to defend the Throne. The autocracy rests on two rocks, neither of which as yet shows any symptom of crumbling. One, the power of the Army, is clearly perceived here, and is practically irresistible. The regiments, if appealed to, can master the people, and we see no hope or fear that they will, as against a popular movement, ever refuse to fire. They do not believe in popular movements, and. they do believe in the Czar and the need for unity in the barracks. The other is the fact that the peasantry do not look on the Czar as the force which causes their grievances, or even, as the Parisians once put it, as the "master baker who must be compelled to give bread," but as the protector against local oppression, the far-away power who, if he could only be approached, would protect them against all wrong. That is the force always behind the Russian autocracy, and till it disappears, or is materially weakened by events which it is impossible to forecast, that autocracy will survive all attacks. There are, in fact, only three changes in Russia in which there lies any hope for the revolutionists. One, by far the greatest, is the conversion of a Czar to liberal ideas. The position is nearly unendurable, and it is not difficult to conceive of a Czar who, like Diocletian, would decide "to disenchant the throne at once of its grandeur and of its foul terrors "—we are quoting De Quincey from memory— by calling in partners to bear the burden, who in modern times could only be representatives. It is possible to imagine also a general revolt against the conscription, though that would be an exceptional occurrence, at variance with most of the history of the world. Romans never fought the recruiting magistrate. Even Englishmen bore with the press-gang. The soldier sees himself part of a mighty organisation, but the reluctant conscript, with the sergeant's guard after him, thinks himself Flowerless and alone. Still, such a revolt is possible, and if it ever comes, will come in Russia, where the conscription seems to the peasant to involve life under unknown conditions throughout his manhood. And there is always a possi- bility of a great religious movement, leading to a tremen- dous persecution, and therefore carrying in its bosom, as the Reformation undoubtedly did, the seed of resistance to all authority. Any of these changes, improbable as they are, are possible, for they have all occurred in Russia upon a small scale, but of riot, whether political or economic, developing into revolution, we see no prospect whatever.
Why does everybody suppose that revolution in Russia would be beneficial to Europe? Because it would break Russia up ? It might ; but a great people once united is very slow to surrender its unity, which in Russia, again, is protected by the homogeneous character of the immense majority. The fissiparous tendency is not the modern one, the inclination being in politics as well as commerce towards huge aggregations. Because Russia would be paralysed ? It might be so; but, France was not, and we suspect that that huge mass of water OM stirred too violently would spill over, perhaps overwheltn'all Europe in its torrent rush. Or is it because all liberty is a good thing for man ? We agree heartily to the proposition, but with the .rider that those who will use liberty well must be ready for it. Are the Russians ready ? We do not pretend to know, but we perceive this, that of the sects which have arisen in Russia in our time one half, perhaps, have been based upon ideas leading to a nobler life, while the other half have professed and acted on ideas leading direct to social as well as spiritual destruc- tion. There are Skoptsi in Russia as well as Memnonites. We wish more liberty for Russia, but have no desire to see one of the greatest of white peoples waste three or four generations in trying one of the most hopeless of Socialist experiments. Incas do not help on the world.
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