BOOKS.

THE CASTLEREA.GH CORRESPONDENCE.'

THERE is much that is formal and much that is trivial in these four volumes ; and the reader is sometimes left, as a musician would say, with an unresolved discord—a letter of little moment in itself referring to an enclosure which is not printed. There is, too, a remarkable absence of information about the greatest events of the period. The campaigns of 1813-1814 in Germany and France the abdication of Napoleon, the evasion from Elba, the Hundred Days, and the battles of Ligny, Quatro Bras, and Wa- terloo, are the military subjects that occurred. Of all the great battles in Germany, only one is directly mentioned ; we have only results of Napoleon's march to Paris and his subsequent exertions ; while Ligny and Quatre Bras are "ignored," and Waterloo figures in a few complimentary letters. Leading diplomatic topics are of course fuller, but even they are historically incomplete ; and to so great a degree, that a man, however intelligent, who took up these volumes ignorant of the history to which they relate, would learn little of it. In fact, he would be fairly puzzled. He would incidentally discover that great events were going on, and that great events had happened, involving the fate of empires and the fortunes of dynasties ; but he would be unacquainted with their particulars and sometimes their very names, except the first capitulation of Paris to the Allied Armies in 1814, pretty full ac- counts of which are given in despatches written by the editor. It may be that the present Marquis of Londonderry's principle of selection was, to prefer documents which had not been already pub- lished, either on account of their secret or private nature, or of their relation to subordinate events.

The collection, however, is a very interesting publication to those who have a knowledge of the period, and can supply the de- ficiencies, or (sometimes) perceive the theme of the writer, which is not always directly evolved. A great historical drama is being per- formed; but the reader is not placed in front of the stage to ob- serve the artful connexion of the story, and the march of events, made to look rapid by the removal of all that intervenes and all that clogs; to gaze upon actors who have carefully studied their parts and present themselves in all the dignity of sock and buskin, while the efforts of machinist and property-man have got up the whole with a splendour more befitting the assumed than the actual characters of the dramatis personce. On the contrary, he is taken behind the scenes, and made a witness of the difficulty there was in getting one man to undertake his part, and another to go through it properly when he had undertaken it ; how this great star was suspected of tricks and occasionally detected in them ; how some performers talked in the green-room and some in their dressing-room ; and what a job it was for the responsible managers to get all the actors to pull together, or even to move at all. The book has a value of another kind. It is a very good "school for diplomatists." The private letters and quasi-private despatches relate to the business of a very important period ; they are written by various men, from a great variety of places, on a great variety of affairs ; and from their almost contemporary character they pos- sess a greater interest for a reader than despatches of a remoter period or on smaller events. They may lack the ease and finish of style which characterize the correspondence of Chesterfield or Malmesbury ; but they are mostly well and clearly written, by men of affairs, not mere word-spinners. No doubt, the use of the volumes in this or any other point of view would have been equally great after a free revision and pruning.

One source of attraction to some readers will be the manner in which they are carried back to subjects both military and po- litical with which they in common with the world at large were formerly excited. Names continually turn up familiar in the mouth as household words ; and their owners are shown in private or in dishabille, if the mind of a thorough politician is ever undis- guised. Of these few survive ; Aberdeen, Metternich, and Nessel- rode being the most conspicuous. New light is also thrown on opinions once held by politicians to be vital, and which yet have historical interest. For example, at one time it was an article of the Opposition creed that Castlereagh's head had been turned by his association with emperors and other great men at congresses, and their flatteries : but no direct trace of this appears. It was also an idea that he was the contriver and upholder of all that policy embraced in the phrase of the "Holy Alliance": and this con- clusion is not unfounded. At the meeting of the Sovereigns at Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1818, the Foreign Secretary of his Britannic Majesty so far gave in to foreign schemes that his Cabinet was startled and excited, if not really frightened. Lord Bathurst addressed to him a long private letter ; recapitulating the rea-

• Correspondence, Despatches, and other Papers of Viscount Castlereagh, Second Marquis of Londonderry. Edited by his Brother, Charles William Vane, Mar- quis of Londonderry, G.C.B., &c., &c. In twelve volumes. Third Series, Volumes I. II. III. IV. Published by Murray.

sons against Castlereagh's ideas, and giving in full the heads of .Canning's arguments at the Council, which, though the members of the Cabinet did not" subscribe " to them, it was conceived that "it is not unreasonable to apprehend that they may be felt by many other persons, as well as by our decided opponents." A few days later, on some new arrival, the Premier himself came out decidedly.

Lord Liverpool to Lord Castlereagh.

"Dover. October 23, 1818.

"My dear Castlereagh—Bathurst and I came over to Dover to deliver our letters to the pacquet agent, and we met your despatches No. 15, 16, and 17. We have had time only to read theta very cursorily, but we have been made very nervous even by the possibility of a new treaty, to which Franee might be a party. We are persuaded such a measure would open every ob- noxious topic to discussion in the most invidious manner, and we could not prevent Parliament from pronouncing an opinion upon it ; whereas, whilst we keep ourselves to our existing engagements, we have the past authority of Parliament for all we do.

"Such a proceeding might besides create serious differences among our- selves, as it might certainly be represented as contrary to the clear spirit of your instructions, if not to the letter of them, and unwarranted by any pressing necessity which could preclude your transmitting such a document for the opinion of Government at home. '

"Bathurst's despatch and letter of Tuesday, and my letter of today, will put you entirely in possession of our sentiments upon the present state of the negotiations. The Russians must be made to feel that we have a Par- liament and a public to which we are responsible, and that we cannot per- mit ourselves to be drawn into views of policy which are wholly incompatible with the spirit of our Government.

"Ever sincerely yours, LIVERPOOL."

The march of the Allied Armies upon Paris in 1814 has been ascribed to Castlereagh's firmness : and such was probably the fact at the precise moment when the actual advance was made. But our present Premier originated the idea at an earlier period, in a let- ter to Castlereagh, in December 1813, when the Allies were about to enter France ; although it has been pretended lately that Lord Aberdeen wished in conjunction with Austria to make peace with Bonaparte. In a letter from Freiburg he says-

" We are persuaded that the only road to Paris is from this quarter ; and I hope vou do not think me too sanguine or too bold, if, after all that has been said, 1 venture to talk of Paris. It appears to me that, if we once enter France, it would be ridiculous to play for anything but the highest stake. If we held together, I do not see how he can oppose us with effect; and I confidently hope that the attempt will be pursued with all the energy and vigour which it demands."

A point that is brought out very strongly is the distrust felt to- wards Russia. The Emperor Alexander throughout shows full of personal vanity, and anxious to coquet with popular ideas to establish his own popularity and self-importance, without much regard to the objects or interest of his allies. Sometimes he ap- pears as what Napoleon called him, "a Greek of the Lower Em- pire." Here is an example of his tricks in favour of Bernadotte.

Lord Aberdeen to Lord Castlereagh.

'Freiburg, December 31, 1813.

"My dear Castlereagh—I hope the affair of Denmark is already arranged. Considering Metternich's indignation, he hp acted moderately and wisely. Ile has been completely taken in by the Emperor Alexander and Lowenhjelru —the Emperor having engaged him to make his first overture, and correct- ing the instructions of Bombelles with his own hand, Lowenhjelm pretended to have powers to approve of everything. When Denmark had agreed and committed herself, he then said that the letter of the Prince Royal to the Emperor of Austria was written during other times, and was not applicable to the present state of things.

"I never saw Metternich really furious before ; and this is all I fear. The affairs of Denmark and Sweden are of minor importance, when the question is the possibility of a coolness existing between these two great Powers. I trust Metternich will be wise enough to avert it."

And again, on an opposite quarter—Switzerland.

Lord Aberdeen to Lord Castlereagh.

" Freiburg, December 31, 181Z.

"Dear Castlereagh—I must give you an account of a circumstance which has recently occurred, and which cannot produce good humour among the parties concerned.

"The other day, a letter was intercepted from the Emperor Alexander, to the governess of one of his sisters in the Pays de Vaud, in which he de- sires her not to be under any apprehension ; for, come what may, he is de- termined that the Pays de Vaud shall never return to its ancient govern- ment, and he will take care to secure them. If you have any information at all about Switzerland, you must certainly know that the Pays de Vaud as perhaps the only Frenchified part of the whole country-. Bubna has found the public spirit there much better than he expected ; but it is still infinite- ly the worst part of all Switzerland. "What makes this affair of the letter more unpleasant is, that it was found on a French spy, together with other papers relative to the condition, &c, of the Austrian army in Switzerland. Schwarzenberg ordered the man to be shot, and sent the letter to Metternich ; who transmitted it immediately to the Emperor, with a request that he would in future make a better choice of a bearer."

Something similar is continually peeping out respecting Russian diplomacy in all quarters. This coquetting with the Poles is de- scribed by Mr. Frederick Lamb, in a letter from -Vienna just aft, the battle of Waterloo. "The Russian Minister, the Comte be Stackelberg, has ta all the Pt1c.1

here under his protection, and Madame de Etackelberg p ted sev Polish ladies at the last Court. He makes no secret, I belie by the orders of his Court ; and he pays the most marked

the inhabitants of the old Galicia. The Poles, in general, are pleased at the idea of becoming a kingdom attached to Russia, for the present, in the idea that it will lead to their future independence. Some of the more reasonable look upon this as illusory, and flatter themselves that the day will some when Austria will espouse their cause, in order to wrest Poland from Russia : but it is remarkable that, among all the Poles whom I see' and I see a great many, there is not one individual who is attached either to Russia or to any other Power, but as they think that that Power may ultimately favour their views for the independence of Poland. This is as true with respect to the inhabitants of Galhcia, which has belonged to Austria for thirty years, as it is with respect to the rest of the Polish nation."

Here they are in Spain. It is Sir Henry Wellesley, now Lord Cowley, who writes.

"I am not quite easy at the frequent conferences which pass between the Duke of San Carlos and M. de Tatischeff. Your Lordship is probably aware of the talent of the latter gentleman for political intrigue, and of his pro- pensity to intermeddle in affairs in which his court has no concern ; and the Duke of San Carlos is exactly the kind of person to be dazzled by his ex- aggerated representations of the power and resources of the Russian empire, and of the favourable disposition of the Emperor towards Spain. His prin- cipal object is to effect a marriage between one of the Emperor's sisters and the King of Spain. This was originally proposed by M. de Bardocli, even before the King's return from France, and the subject has since been re- newed by M. Labrador ; and I am assured that M. de Tatiacheff was sent from Paris in great haste for the purpose of negotiating the affair on the spot. I have great doubts, however, of his succeeding, although he has the Duke of San Carlos and some of the other Ministers 4,1 his aide. The Em- peror, it seems, has offered that his sister should a,•ompany the King to mass, and should to all outward appearance conform herself to the cere- monies of the Catholic religion ; but he has stipulated that she should be allowed a private chapel in the palace for the performance of her devotions according to the tenets of the Greek Church. If this should be insisted up- on, it is not likely that the marriage will take place; and even if the Empe- ror should give way upon this suit, there are persons about the King who will make every effort to prevent a connexion which would be injurious to their interests and probably unpopular throughout the country."

And again in Sicily, A'Court writes from Palermo.

"The King and his Miniaters continue to make a great parade of their Constitutional sentiments; but not a day passes without some flagrant 'viola- tion of the very fundamental articles of the Constitution. In all this they are aided and abetted by the Count Mocenigo, the Russian Minister, an in- triguant of the first class, and a decided enemy of Great Britain. This gen- tleman has already received an order from his Sovereign to abstain from all interference in the affairs of Sicily ; and it would not be amiss if your Lord- ship could procure a repetition of this order."

And yet again in Berlin—in reference to Prussia's claims upon Saxony.

"The language of the Russians is not of a nature to lessen this state of uneasiness ; they are the first to condole with the Saxons, to cry out against the atrocity of the act., and to throw the odium of it on this country ; while, on the other hand, one of their leading generals, speaking of the probable difficulties which might occur at the approaching Congress, replied, 'Oh! pour eels, avec 600,000 hommes, on ne negocie beaueoup.' "

Even the Opposition at home do not appear to have been left to their own resources.

"How the subject of the Dutch loan has reached Lord Grey's ears, except through the Russian Chancery, I cannot guess ; but sure I am, that, so little has this Emperor kept faith with us in aiding us in the concluding negotia- tions here, that he seems to me to have forfeited all claim to our future as- sistance.

"Farewell, my dear Lord, yours most affectionately,

" CLAwcenry."

Intriguers too are found at Paris looking to the East, and em- ployed, after the fashion of Russia, apart from their Embassy.

"Sir Charles Stuart to Lord Castlereagh.

"Paris. August 8, 1816.

"My dear Lord—It is necessary to state to your Lordship, that several Russian officers, who, I have reason to think, are not connected with the Legation accredited to this Court, have lately arrived at Paris, and are em- ployed in obtaining and copying all the maps placed in the Depet de la Guerre by the late Government, which relate to the countries between the Russian frontier and India.

"I remain, &c. CHARLES STUART."

Indications appear that Alexander and some of his family were not altogether exempt from that affliction which lowered the cha- racter, and finally, in the opinion of the Russian magnates, rendered it necessary to take the life of Paul ; while a strange obscurity hangs over the fate of Alexander himself. This is from Lord Walpole, Ambassador at St. Petersburg.

"The intimacy which has so long subsisted between the Emperor and the celebrated Madame Narychkin is about to be broken off, and she will leave this country for some years. I believe her true reason is the fear of what she foresees likely to happen, from the great oddness of the Emperor. This was suspected in very early age, and medical men now here were brought over ou that account. Upon her expressing an intention of settling for some time in France, he earnestly begged her not to make acquaintance with any part of the Royal Family, mais de la fronder autant qu'elle pourroit' ; but if the Queen of Holland showed her any attention, to cultivate her acquaint- ance and that of her friends. She excused her resolution to the Emperor, by remarking the strong feeling of affection manifested by the public for the young Empress upon her leaving St. Petersburg ; her dread of being at some time the victim of that sentiment; and that, by going away, she would at least show that she was not the obstacle to a reconciliation, which she advised, between them. Should any change ever take place, the Empress would be the popular choice."

His brother, if not more'reasonable, was more brutal: the writer is the same.

"The Grand Duke Constantine is playing the devil at Warsaw. He carried from hence the whole of his establishment; among which a Madame Fredericka, the former mistress of a Russian feld-jager, who brought her some years [ago] from Paris. She has ever since lived with Constantine, and has a son. This chere amie he pretended to introduce into the best Polish society : the ladies left the room, and their husbands were all arrested the next morning by Constantine's order."

Whether from the "oddness," or other cause, Alexander appears to have given the Prince Regent some umbrage while in England; according to this letter from Castlereagh to Liverpool, dated Paris, July 24, 1814. " The Emperor of Russia, in expressing his wish to act in concert with the Prince Regent in consolidating the peace of Europe, asked me in confi- dence, whether anything had passed when he was in England, on his pea, which had given umbrage to his Royal Highness ; expressing himself at the same time in very proper terms on the subjeot. I told him that, if any min. interpretation of his Imperial Majesty's sentiments had taken place, I was convinced that the wish on his Imperial Majesty's part to remove them would at once be effectual to the object. I beg you will mention this con- ciliatory overture to the Prince ; and as any personal coolness between two such personages can be productive of no advantage, perhaps his Royal High- ness will authorize me to say something civil on his part to the Emperor, who takes great pains to show attention to the Duke of Wellington and to the British army here."

This overture was politely responded to.

Lord Liverpool to Lord Castlereagh.

" Fife House, July 28, 1815.

"My dear Castlereagh—I read to the Prince Regent that part of your letter which relates to the conversation his Imperial Majesty had with you, relative to what passed on his visit to this country last year. The Prince wishes you to express to the Emperor of Russia, that his Royal Highness is perfectly satisfied that, if there was any misconception it was perfectly un- intentional, and that he can never entertain any sentiments but those of cordiality and friendship towards his Imperial Majesty."

The attacks of the present Emperor Napoleon on the press in Belgium were the subject of much comment not long ago. It was an equally sore topic after the Restoration. French Jaoobins and Imperialists combined together, and established at Brussels what were called, and possibly were, scandalous and libellous journabi. The King of Holland was rather unwilling to render the laws re- lating to the press more stringent; but Castlereagh advised him to give way, because he had not our prescriptive title, nor the sea be- tween him and the Great Powers. The subject was not unfrequent- ly mooted, and it inclined the Premier to write thus upon the press to Lord Castlereagh, when the latter was in Paris in the autumn after the battle of Waterloo. Possibly "to be shown " ; probably in reply to some scheme of" 'rigour" which the Foreign Secretary had suggested.

Lord Liverpool to Lord Castlereagh.

"Fife House, September 15, 1815.

"My dear Castlereagh—I can assure you that I am fully sensible of the injurious effect which must result from the general line of present politics taken by our daily papers, and particularly by those which are supposed to be Government papers. You know, however, full well, that there are papers- which are vulgarly called Government papers, in consequel-re of the support which they give to the Government rather than to the Opposition of the day : there are no papers over which we have any authority, or even any influence on which we can depend. "it is supposed by many at home, and, I have no doubt, generally believed on the Continent, that these papers are in the pay of Government : whereas no paper that has any character, and consequently an established sale, will accept money from Government; and indeed their profits are so enormous in all critical times, when their support is the most necessary, that no pe- cuniary assistance that Government could offer would really be worth their acceptance. The only indirect means we possess of havingany influence over the editors is by supplying them occasionally with foreign intelligence, and by advertisements : but with respect to the former, it is notorious that some of the papers which are not connected with Government have always had the earliest foreign intelligence; • and with regard to the latter, they know full well that the public offices will necessarily be obliged, sooner or later, to insert their advertisements in the papers which have the greatest sale, and they hold in consequence very cheap any menace to deprive them of this advantage. "It may be difficult to make foreign. governments understand many of these circumstances; but a very little inquiry ought to satisfy them, that, even as to our domestic politics, we never can rely on what are called the Government papers, on those points where their assistance would be most necessary. The Courier, at that time, as now, a Government paper, took, as you will recollect, a most decided and mischievous part against the Duke of you in the year 1809; and we could not get any public print to support us last year either upon the question of the Property-tax or the Corn Bill. The truth is, they look only to their sale. They make their way like syco- phants with the public, by finding out the prejudices and preposseasions of the moment, and then flattering them."