NEWS OF THE WEEK.

ASTATEMENT was published on Monday on Renter's authority about the health of the Czar. According to the telegram Dr. Bergmann, of Berlin, a great operator, had been summoned to St. Petersburg to advise upon an "osseous 'excrescence" which had developed itself on the Emperor's skull, as a result of the wound inflicted by a Japanese -assassin five years ago, and had, when exasperated by over. work, begun to produce attacks of vertigo. As this state- ment meant in the eyes of every medical man in Europe that the Czar must speedily be attacked by epilepsy, it attracted -world-wide attention, and in many quarters dismay. It was, however, promptly denied, and as Dr. Bergmann has not been summoned, it may be one of those exaggerations so

✓ ommon when the subject of rumour is an autocrat. It may also have some foundation, for courtiers lie about a King's health with a sense of being loyal. The truth seems to be that the Czar is ill from overwork and excitement, and the Czarina from other causes, and that both are seeking the fine air of Livadia in the hope of speedy recuperation. It is a grave trouble for Europe that the three greatest of Continental thrones are occupied by men who are not in fall health, and that none of the three are willing to -devolve responsible power upon Chancellors equal to their great work. The Russian Emperor suffers from nervous overstrain, the German Emperor from that and a serious disease of the ear, the Austrian Emperor from his many overtaxed years.

The well-informed correspondent of the Times at Vienna -evidently believes that the visit of Count Goluchowski to Berlin is intended to draw much closer the bonds between Austria and Germany. Austria is alarmed at the situation of Germany and by the weakness of Italy, and Germany is alarmed by the failure to detach Russia from France, and by the aloofness of Great Britain. The two Powers of Central Europe feel, therefore, the necessity not only of complete but of cordial accord, and the Austrian Chancellor is endeavouring, with some success, to secure one. The difficulty is that -Germany does not care about Russian activity in Turkey, .and Austria does. This account seems to us much more sensible and important than the usual contradictory rumours, and certainly explains many visible facts.

The news from India is rather worse. The Famine is deepening over the whole area which it affects, the people are getting weaker, and we fear, if the truth were known, that the number of deaths in Bengal, the North-West, the Central Provinces, part of the Punjab, and the native States in Bombay is already very large. The number of persons on the relief works rises by one hundred thousand or more a week, and though the works are described by all witnesses as admirably managed, a new difficulty begins to embarrass the superintending officers. The people have sold their clothes before they go on the works, and are living in many places (vide Miss Clifford's letter in our correspondence columns) practically in nakedness in a climate which to them seems at this season unbearably cold. The distributors of charity might give blankets, bat to do it effectually they must get a much larger sum than £120,000, an amount most dis- creditable to English millionaires. The Plague still rages at Bombay, Poona, Kurrachee, Belgaum, Bhandra, and numberless smaller places, and Dr. Cleghories Report on it is said to be "very serious." There is danger that Bombay may be totally and finally ruined. The Government of Bom- bay has at last threatened to deprive all native officials who fly of their pensions ; "trains have ceased to run," which means, we suppose, some trains; and Bombay can no longer be the great transit port between India and England. The Mediterranean States will not allow luggage from the infected city. We do most earnestly beg Members of Parliament when they discuss the Famine not to forget the Plague, which in some respects is as formidable a visitation.

The French Government is said to be greatly worried over a question of eriquette. M. Faure is very anxious to return the visit of the Emperor of Russia, and the Emperor is willing to receive him, but the Court cannot decide how he is to be treated. Is a President a Sovereign, or a welcome private person, or something between the two ? The Royalties who have no crowns—especially the Grand Dukes—are watching the secret discussions with amused interest ; but poor M. Faure, though interested, does not see the fun. He wants to go, but does not want to be told that he has "humiliated France." It will be clear to most Englishmen that a Presi- dent while in office ought to be treated as a Sovereign; but there are some very little Presidents, and the members of "the European Family," the ladies especially, are as jealous of rank as great actresses or great dancers. We wish M. Faure safely through.

The usual bad news from South Africa is this week a little uncertain. It is stated with some positiveness that the Griquas and Basutos are both "rising," but though some experts think the fact important, other experts believe that the risings are outbreaks of small and turbulent sub-tribes. Any general rising south of Rhodesia would seem to be dependent upon the spread of rinderpest, about which intelligence is obscure and conflicting. Cape Colony is evidently uneasy ; but the Volunteers assemble readily, and there is the usual profound belief that when it comes to blows the white man will win. He will; but the dark man has not yet quite realised the truth, and till he does will occasionally try to shake off the yoke. The Red Indians did so for seventy years.

Intelligence has arrived from Benin as to the details of the recent massacre. The officials were lured into the march by friendly messages from the "King," and though aware of his savage character, proceeded to his capital unarmed and accom- panied only by two hundred porters. They divided into two bodies, of which the first was, on approaching the city, attacked from the forest and massacred to a man. The second body, warned by the sight of the dead bodies, tried to retreat, but was also massacred, with the exception of Captain Boisragon, Mr. Locke, Mr. Campbell, and a native porter. The first-named two and the ICrooman got away, and after a horrible march of six days were rescued by kindly natives ; bat Mr. Campbell, who was taken alive, was executed by order of the " King " Mr. Goschen has wisely increased the force of Marines and sailors in the punitive expedition to eight hundred men, and its total strength will, with the Houssas and other native soldiers, reach fourteen hundred men. That is sufficient, but there should be reserves. We have elsewhere pointed out reasons for thinking that the fighting may be unusually murderous.

• Parliament was opened by commission on Tuesday, and the Queen's Speech was unusually long and gram- matical. It was mainly occupied with foreign affairs. Her Majesty declares that the appalling massacres in Turkey have "balled for the attention" of the Powers which signed the Treaty of Paris, and that their Ambassadors are still in con- ference at Constantinople. The operations against the IChalifa undertaken by Egypt "with my advice and assistance" have been so far successful, and the fertile province of Dongola has been "won back to civilisation," while a "way has been opened for a further advance" at a suitable time. The Venezuelan question has been settled, and a Treaty for General Arbitration has been concluded with the President of the United States, which may not only avert disputes with that Power, but "commend to other Powers a principle by which the danger of war may be notably abated." There is a rather meaningless reference to the revolts in Rhodesia, and a most sympathetic paragraph about the Plague and Famine in India, "which my Government are making every effort to mitigate." The Estimates are to be free of extravagance, but "the present condition of the world will not permit you to depart from the spirit of prudent foresight in which you have during recent years provided for the defence of my Empire." Then follow a number of promises of domestic legislation, of which a measure to improve voluntary education, an undescribed Bill for im- proving national defences, a water Bill for London, and a Bill for admitting accused persons to give evidence are the most important. Nothing, it will be seen, is said or promised which should exasperate party differences ; but there will, of course, be much debating, especially on the omitted subject, the right of taxpayers to be taxed less because they live in Ireland.

In the Lords, after the mover and seconder of the answer to the Address had ended very bright but not otherwise notable speeches, Lord Kimberley, the new leader of the Opposition in the Lords, made a lengthy criticism of the Queen's Message, distinguished by its moderation. His main points were that as regarded the massacres, while he would not provoke war in Europe, he should like to know how the negotiations stood,—whether the Treaty under which we hold Cyprus was wholly dead, and why the Queen's Message referred to the Treaty of Paris and not the Treaty of Berlin ; but on the whole he was satisfied that in the Armenian matter Lord Salisbury, like himself previously, had done all he could. He condemned the mystery which shrouded our policy in the Soudan, asking who was to pay the money for a further advance, and feared that the conquest of that region would weaken England, because it could be held only by a large armed force. We could not conquer and then retire. He thought the Famine in India unusually extensive, but trusted the Government there ; and passing with a leap to South Africa, was urgent that the inquiry into the Raid should be reopened and should be exhaustive. He then passed on to domestic measures, but only seemed very serious when he hoped that the Education Bill would be "simple," and would help voluntary schools without upsetting the present system. Lord Kimberley evidently thought that as yet there was no ground for acrid opposition.

The reply of Lord Salisbury was a remarkable, indeed a. historical, one. It was, in fact, a clear confession that both the British parties had been mistaken in their policy as to the Turkish Empire, that both had "staked their money on the wrong horse," and that it would have been wiser in 1853 to accept the proposals of the Emperor Nicholas than to adopt the course which led to the Crimean War. At present the Government of Great Britain finds that Russia, lull*. enced perhaps in part by recollections of that war, is un. willing to go with this country, and therefore isolated action became impossible. All it can do is to urge the Powers to act lest Turkey should perish, and this it has done, as he could prove were it not that the moment you admit the necessity for a Concert of Europe you lose the right and the power of frankly defending yourself. Lord Salisbury was clearly not hopeful, but he was also not in despair that the pressure to be employed by Europe on the Sultan, whom throughout he held to be personally responsible, might in the end secure reforms sufficient to avert the ruin which other- wise he considered inevitable. With regard to Egypt, the Premier also was reticent, but he entirely admitted that he intended to go to Khartoum, partly to wipe out the failure of ten years ago, and partly to cleanse the earth of one of the foullest and most cruel of its despotisms, compare& with which even the despotism of Yildiz Kiosk is "bright and saintly." As regards the Treaty of Arbitration with America, he did not expect Millennial results from it, but he- did expect that it would enable each Government to control its own Jingoes by pointing out that a Court existed com- petent to try questions at issue. And then, bursting for the first time into eloquence, Lord Salisbury spoke of the change- which has passed over Europe, of the burden of preparation for war growing ever heavier, and of the necessity for trying some system which shall change arbitration by battle into arbitration by judicial decisions. He was hopeful upon this point, and although we cannot share his hope, we can appreciate his noble optimism about it. In that there is no. rashness or contempt of facts.

The Address in the House of Commons was moved by Lore Folkestone and seconded by Mr. Alfred Lyttelton. After them Sir William Harcourt, as leader of the Opposition, dusted the Queen's Speech with the usual salt and pepper. Before, however, making his points against the Government, Sir William had something of real importance to say in regard to the South African Committee. The Committee would address itself to two main objects,—the restoring of good feeling between the two races in South Africa, and the vindicating in the face of the world of the nation's good faith. That is sound sense. Especially is it necessary to convince the Cape Dutch that we are not taking sides against them, and this can only be done by making the investigation absolutely thorough. Sir William then turned to the Egyptian question, and made a strong evacuation speech. Its force, however, was fatally weakened by the question it at once suggested. 'If all you say is true, how could you have endured to remain for two, years in a Cabinet which did not move even the millionth part of an inch in the direction of evacuation ?' After stating his belief that there are now "only two men in the country who- have any regard to economy,—namely, the present and the late Chancellors of the Exchequer," Sir William proceeded to make some excellent sport over the Financial Relations Report_ The First Lord had said that in the matter of indirect taxation the element of free-will existed. "Truly a Pelagian senti- ment—then direct taxation is of the nature of predestinational doctrine." This, added Sir William, was not a fortunate essay. "I have known the right hon. gentleman do better even on the subject of bimetallism." That is, of course, excellent fooling.

In regard to education Sir William Harcourt was con- ciliatory, but, like the Solicitor's love-letters, all his re- marks were ticketed, "Without prejudice." He desired, he said, nothing more than peace ; and if there was no rate-aid, if the new scheme was national and not denominational, if the fundamental principles of the settlement of 1870 were respected, and if the aid given to voluntary schools was given on fair terms to all schools which volunteer, and also "given fairly as between voluntary and Board schools," the Opposi- tion would meet the Government in a favourable spirit. That is very amiable of Sir William, and we believe he will act up to his professions,—chiefly because the country is not only willing but anxious to see a measure of the kind contemplated by the Government passed into law. The Opposition dare not oppose a moderate Bill intended only to help the voluntary schools.

Mr. Balfour's reply to Sir William Harcourt was compara- tively brigf, and in relation to foreign affairs disclose& nothing new. As regarded the Report of the Financial Relations Commission, he desired to separate it from the Debate on the Address, and as the Government thought that whatever the merits of that Report, its authors had been guilty of sins of omission, he proposed to institute a ftirth,r investigation, and would soon move for such a further investigation in terms which in a few days should be stated to the House. Moreover, he would then give time for a full debate on the subject so long as that subject were not dealt with in amendments on the Address. Why this -course has been taken we do not yet know, but it looks like a dilatory move, whereas we should have preferred to see the Government taking up the Irish challenge at once, and accepting battle upon it. Hesitation never yet won a battle, and this course seems to us one of hesitation. The Government, like an unready boy who cannot construe his Latin, seems to shift uneasily from one leg to the other.

On Thursday it was announced that the Government have determined as soon as the Address is voted to ask for the whole time of the House as it is necessary to dispose of im- portant financial business before the end of March, as well as to carry the Voluntary Schools Bill and the Military Works Bill. This is a wise decision, and shows that the Ministry are determined not to have an ineffective Session. It is hardly necessary to add that the country will regard with perfect equanimity—nay, with positive pleasure—the suppression of the futile palaverings of the private Member.

On Wednesday Mr. P O'Brien moved an amendment to the Address in favoor of the release of the dynamiters still in prison. He woula not, he said, try to prove that they were political offenders, ,aecause that was now practically admitted. That is hardly correct, considering that Mr. P. O'Brien's political allies, when they were in office two years ago, refused to make that admission ml the strongest way possible,— namely, by refusing to grant an amnesty. The late Cabinet certainly had no desire to keep men in prison for political acts. Several other Irish speakers supported the amend- ment, and Mr. T M. Healy declared that "no one could know better than the late Home Secretary [Mr. Asquithl, who was counsel for the Irish Members before the Parnell Commission, that a taint of police fraud effected the conviction of every one of these men." yhat is a most serious accusation to bring against Mr. Asquith. It amounts to this,—Mr. Asquith, knowing the prisoners to have been fraudulently convicted, yet refused to liberate them, and instead stood up in the House of Commons and declared that it would not be consistent with his duty to let them out of prison. It seems strange that Mr. Asquith did not repudiate this charge, or indeed can continue to keep political company with men who make accusations so damaging to his honour. Of course Mr. Asquith knew nothing of this alleged taint of police fraud, and kept the dynamite convicts in prison simply because he was convinced of their guilt. Sir Matthew White- Ridley made an excellent speech in reply. He had not deviated in any way from the action of his predecessor, and he entirely endorsed his conduct. The prisoners had been properly convicted of crimes abhorred by the civilised world, and he could not alter their just punishment unless upon medical advice that health sanity, or life was being destroyed. On a division the amendment was lost by 72 votes (204-132).

Mr. John Morley made a dashing and lashing sort of speech at Broughty Ferry this day week on behalf of the Radical candidate for ForfarshiXe, Captain Sinclair. He was told that with his party in so small a minority he ought not to be cheerful, and accordingly he had tried to compose his countenance to a decorous melancholy, but since he had read the account of the Cleveland election he could not restrain his hilarity. He assured his audience that the First Act of the Unionist Government,—namely, last Session,—had been so bad and ridiculous that he fully expected that all the remaining Acts would follow suit, and that the whole performance would prove bad and ridiculous. He declared that an Irish Unionist had assured him that he wished now they could have him (Mr. Morley) back again, and that the compliment went home to his heart. And not only was. he regretted, but the Conservative Educationists were finding out that they might even gain by having Mr. Acland back again. And then of course Mr. Morley danced his triumphal dance over the withdrawn Education Bill and

the Agricultural Rating Act, and proceeded to dilate on the overtaxation of Ireland and the absolute obligation to fulfil all the promises of treating Ireland as a separate financial entity made at the time of the Union (and now for eighty years ignored, as Mr. Morley forgot to remark). Then after explaining that he would not lower the Irish taxes, but would compensate Ireland in some other way, he paid a com- pliment to Lord Salisbury's Arbitration Treaty, and con- cluded by declaring the Radical party to be the party "of great principles and great causes" (such, we presume, as the cause of the Khalifa in Dongola and the Soudan, and the principle of secular education).

At the Central Criminal Court on Wednesday, Edward Bell, otherwise called Ivory, who was under trial for con- spiring with Tynan and others to cause an explosion in the United Kingdom, was discharged, the Solicitor-General with- drawing the charge on behalf of the Crown, on the ground that the explosives were delivered at the house at Antwerp after Bell had left Antwerp, and not before, as the prosecution had at first believed. Though the rest of the evidence, including the correspondence and the movements and actions of the prisoner, gave room for the gravest suspicion, yet in view of the failure of the Antwerp evidence the Solicitor-General declared that he could not feel justified in asking for a conviction on the charges made in the indictment. Mr. Taylor, the very able Irish barrister who defended Bell, at once expressed his "exceedingly great obligation to the Solicitor-General for the judicial fair- ness with which he had considered this most serious case," and Mr. Justice Hawkins thereupon discharged the prisoner. He entirely agreed, he said, with the humane action of the Solicitor-General, but "it would be unwise to state my reasons for absolutely concurring in the case. I have them."

Mr. Fitzgerald, a wealthy Irish-Canadian we believe, has accomplished a grand feat of mountaineering. He has ascended, or rather he has nearly ascended, the last morsel of the task having been accomplished by a Swiss guide with him named Zarbriggen, the highest of the Andes, Aconcagua, near Valparaiso, on the frontier between Chili and the Argen- tine Republic. This mountain is 24,000 ft. high, and was scaled on January 14th, Mr. Fitzgerald being only turned back by illness; while Zarbriggen, though his feet had previously been frost-bitten, actually reached the summit, and looked down on the world from an elevation of four miles and a half plus eighty yards, a point in the air nearly two miles higher than Mount Blanc. The perseverance of the climbers appears to have been extraordinary, and their evidence as to the effect of these high altitudes upon perfectly healthy men will be studied by men of science with rare interest and attention. It does not appear impossible that they might scale Mount Everest, though it is 29,000 ft. high, or even the yet grander hill which, it is rumoured, lifts itself into ether a few miles beyond. The account of the ascent was published in London on Monday, four days after the ascent, exclusively in the Daily Chronicle. Will the conductors of that spirited, though sometimes hysterical, journal excuse comrades of unusual experience, if we remind them that the public never makes miatakee about journalistic enterprise, and that their reward and their fame, if they care about anything so useless, will come without fail even if they exhibit less vanity, however well justified in this instance, and leas sensitiveness about neglect by provincial newspapers F

The Royal Commission on Agriculture has issued a very interesting statement showing the fall in the rent of rural land since the depression set in. This statement, illustrated by a map, is based upon the best evidence obtainable,--i.e., that of the Income-tax assessments under Schedule A. The assessments of the year 1879-80, the last year before the effects of the depression began to be felt, are compared with the assessments of 1894-95. The result of the comparison is that in one county only—namely, Carmarthenshire—is there an increase, the extent of that increase being £6,232. In each of the remaining fifty counties of England and Wales there was a decrease amounting in all to £12,124,830. In ten only of these counties the decrease was under 10 per cent. In fifteen it ranged from 10 to 20 per cent , in fifteen it was from 20 to 30 per cent., and in ten it exceeded 30 per cent.

Bank Rate, 31 per cent.

New Consols (4) were on Friday, 112',.