;Debates anti Agroteebings in 'parliament. OPENING OF THE SESSION.

The session of Parliament was opened on Tuesday, by the Queen in person. The House of Lords was fitted up in the usual way, excepting a slight change by which the front seats on either side were reserved for the use of Peers; who attended in considerable numbers. By one o'clock the House was full of visiters—Peeresses and other ladies Members of the Diplomatic Corps, the Judges, &c. The scene was rendered uncommonly brilliant by the lighting up of the House; which was rendered necessary by the earliness and darkness of the season. The Queen arrived at a quarter before two o'clock, and shortly afterwards entered the House, accompanied by Prince Albert, and preceded by the Officers of State. Her Majesty having taken her seat on the throne, the Commons were sum- moned, and appeared at the bar with the customary rash and scramble. The QUEEN received the Speech from the Lord Chancellor, and read it as follows: "My Lords and Gentlemen—It is with the deepest concern, that upon your again assembling I have to call your attention to the dearth of provisions which prevails in Ireland, and in parts of Scotland.

"In Ireland, especially, the loss of the usual food of the people has been the cause of severe sufferings, of disease and of greatly increased mortality among the poorer classes. Outrages have become more frequent, chiefly directed against property; and the transit of provisions has been rendered unsafe in some parts of the country.

"With a view to mitigate these evils, very large numbers of men have been employed and have received wages, in pursuance of an act passed in the last melon of Parliament. Some deviations from that act which have been authorized by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in order to promote more useful employment, will, I trust, receive your sanction. Means have been taken to lessen the pressure of want in districts which are most remote from the ordinary sources of supply. Outrages have been repressed, as far as it was possible, by the military and police. It is satisfactory to me to observe, that in many of the most distressed districts the patience and resignation of the people have teen most exemplary.

"The deficiency of the harvest in France and Germany, and other parts of Europe, has added to the difficulty of obtaining adequate supplies of provisions. " It -will be your duty to consider what further measures are required to alle- viate the existing distress. I recommend to you to take into your serious consi- *milk*, whether, by increasing for alimited period the facilities for importing junction with those of the King of the French, w:II be earnestly directed to that end. pensier has given rise to a correspondence between my Government and those of France and Spain.

fest a violation of the treaty of Vienna, that I have commanded that a protest against that act should be delivered to the Courts of Vienna, Petersburg, and Ber- lin, which were parties to it. Copies ofthese several papers will be laid before you. so long interrupted commerce, may soon be terminated; and my efforts, in con- fidence in the maintenance of peace. part of the United Kingdom. Various measures will be laid before you, which, if adopted by Parliament, may tend to raise the great mass of the people in comfort, to promote agriculture, and to lessen the pressure of that competition for the occupation of land which has been the fruitful source of crime and misery.

corn from foreign countries, and by the admission of sugar more freely into breweries and distilleries, the supply of food may be beneficially augmented. opportunity for taking a dispassionate survey of the social evils which afflict that tion of Ireland. You will perceive, in the absence of political excitement, an "The extinction of the free state of Cracow has appeared to me to be so mani- "I entertain confident hopes that the hostilities in the River Plate, which have

"My relations generally with Foreign Powers inspire me with the fullest con- "Gentlemen of the House of Commons--I have directed the Estimates to be "The marriage of the Infanta Luisa Fernanda of Spain to the Duke of Mont-

"1 have likewise to direct your earnest consideration to the permanent condi- prepared with a view to provide for the efficiency of the ptffilic service, with a due regard for economy. "My Lords and Gentlemen—I have ordered every requisite preparation to be made for patting into operation the act of the last session of Parliament for the establishment of Local Courts for the Recovery of Small Debts. It is my hope that the enforcement of civil rights in all parts of the country to which the act relates may by this measure be materially facilitated. "I recommend to your attention measures which will be laid before you for im- proving the health of towns; an object the importance of which you will not fail to appreciate.

"Deeply sensible of the blessings which after a season of calamity have been so often vouchsafed to this nation by a superintending Providence I confide these important matters to your care, in a full conviction that your discussions will be guided by an impartial spirit; and in the hope that the present sufferings of my people may be lightened, and that their future condition may be improved by your deliberative wisdom."

It was observed that the passages relating to Irish distress" were delivered by her Majesty in rather a subdued tone and with an accent of sympathy for the sufferings described; but when her tone, came to the passage relating to the Spanish marriage, and also that which refers to the subject of Cra- cow, her tone became perceptibly changed; and, besides that she spoke more loudly and emphatically, there was a slight abruptness in the de- livery."

The Queen and Prince Albert retired in due order; and both Houses adjourned during pleasure. THE ADDRESS.

The House of Commons resumed at a quarter before four o'clock. After some routine business, several notices were given on the part of Govern- ment,—for Thursday, a Committee of the whole House to consider resolu- tions on the Corn-laws; on the same day, a Committee of the whole House to consider resolutions on the Navigation-laws; on Friday, a motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the Law of Settlement; on Monday next, a statement by Lord John Russell on the condition of Ireland and Government measures; on an early day, a bill to limit enlist- ment in the Army.

The Address in answer to the Queen's Speech, of which it was an echo, was moved by the Honourable CHARLES, HOWARD, with a slight running commentary.

It was seconded by Mr. RICARDO; who dwelt chiefly upon the proposal to abrogate the duty of 4s. on the importation of wheat. He had taken some pains to discover what would be the supply of corn required before the next harvest— It was generally understood that they received into this country annually 2,000,000 quarters of corn from Ireland. This year they would receive none; in all probability they would be obliged to export that amount to Ireland. Their general average from abroad was 1,000,000 quarters; so that there would be a deficiency of '5,000,000 quarters of corn. He would for the sake of argument say, that it would be a deficiency of 4,000,000 quarters, equal to about -850,000 tons; and it was quite clear that they would not have ships enough to import sufficient to supply that deficiency, unless the Navigation-laws were relaxed. He was free to confess, that when he considered that this was an island kingdom, with island colonies, whose shores were washed by every sea • that their fellow subjects were thickly scattered through the four quarters of the globe; that their sailors were working for the cause of humanity in the torrid zone; that their manufacturers were the best customers in all markets; that their industry and ingenuity could not be surpassed; and that their capital and resources were such as to enable them to construct a sufficiency of ships to save the people from starvation,—it was folly to adhere to the miserable remnant of a law made in other times and under other circumstances, which failed when it was made, and was the main cause of separating them from a portion of America, which now formed the source of se much discontent.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN began the debate with an Irish speech. He cited a few particulars to show the appalling and increasing horrors in the state of Ireland: for instance, eight inquests in the county of Mayo reported in one paper with verdicts of "Death by starvation "; people living on carrion, and the like. He held Government responsible for this state of things; imputing it especially to the pledge given by Lord John Russell at the end of last session, that no interference on the part of the Government with food should be allowed— The noble Lord had, no doubt, by this time discovered that the capital of the country could not be immediately employed in obtaining supplies for a population of five millions of persons; the greater portion of which were to be found in places where no trade or commerce had as yet any existence. The Government ought to have been prepared to augment the supply of corn, by ransacking every port in the civilized world, and also to have introduced every description of produce, and by the application of that produce to the most remote parts of the country, have mitigated the evils, and prevented those fearful disasters with which the public were unhappily too well acquainted. He made other complaints against the Government,—for not having called Parliament together months ago and for not having abrogated the duties on corn months ago. Mr. LabOtichere took upon himself the func- tions of the Legislature, and issued a letter couched in unintelligible lan- guage, so that it remained a dead letter. A Minister who set such a pre- cedent deserved impeachment. Mr. O'Brien asked whether the calamity was to be considered local or national? and he wound up by declaring that he must throw on the Government the responsibility of every death that occurred from want—(" Oh, oh/")—if they do not take such measures as might justly and fairly be expected from them. (Cheers and laughter.)

Mr. Poor.Err SatorE insisted upon the necessity of instant measures to provide relief for the infirm and the unprotected, whether orphans or single women; the workhouse system, and voluntary contributions, having proved utterly inadequate for that purpose.

Mr. LABOUCRE/lE made a long statement, to show that Government had done all that was possible, and could not be held responsible for the present condition of Ireland. To illustrate the degree of the pressure, he stated some facts based on official information. In the ordinary condition of Ireland, according to the report of the Commission of Inquiry in 1835, there are 1,131,000 agricultural labourers, whose average earnings do not exceed 2s. or 28. 6d. a week; and there are 2,235,000 persons who are out of work and in distress for thirty weeks in the year : that is the ordinary state of Ireland : to what condition, then, must the present visita- tion have necessarily reduced them? The potato culture in Ireland ex- tends over 1,500,000 acres: the loss has been three-fourths of an or- dinary crop, amounting in money, at 101. an acre, to 11,250,0001. The oat crop extends over 4,000,000 of acres: the loss is one-third, amounting, at 31. 10s., to 4,666,0001.; making with potatoes a total loss of 15,916,000/. The determination of the Government not to interfere with the trade in food had been justified by the result. Sir Robert Peel took a praiseworthy step in the introduction of Indian meal, creating a trade before unknown. But that was an experiment not to be repeated. It had alarmed the mer-

: cantile community; and, without the pledge from Government not to in- . terfere with the retail trader, trade would have been paralyzed. As it is, a retail trade is gradually growing up in Ireland; and it is owing to the

growth of that trade that prices have not risen beyond their present rate. As to the threat of impeachment, he believed that Mr. O'Brien would not End an Irish Member to second the motion. No doubt, there might be abuses in the system of public works; but cin the whole, the public servants have worked with great ability, zeal, and success. At this moment 450,000 persons were employed on public works in Ireland under the superintend- ence of the Board of Works: to govern and control this great body of per- sons, there were 74 inspecting-officers, 36 engineers, 385 surveyors' assist- ants, 2,832 check-clerks, 6,894 overseers, and 495 pay-clerks. He would not anticipate discussion on the measures to be brought forward. England and Scotland would do all they could to assist Ireland; but of this he was certain, that the willingness of the people of England to assist Ireland would be in proportion to the willingness found in the landlords and people of Ireland to come forward and do their duty. He thought he had seen in Ireland, especially of late, a very improved spirit springing up.

It is not surprising that, at a time of famine, the bonds of society should be relaxed: crime has increased; but it has also undergone a remarkable change. The increase is entirely in offences against property: burglaries, for instance, have increased from 80 in December 1845 to 1,339 in De- cember 1846; highway robbery is a new crime in Ireland; on the other hand, agrarian outrages have decreased, from 1,920 to 1,304; and the spirit of combination has altogether disappeared. There is no sympathy with the offender; there is no difficulty in obtaining conviction, or in en- forcing the law.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK declared, in the name of the party which he represents, that it was not their intention to make Ireland the battle-field

of party; that they intended to look upon measures proposed by Govern- ment with an indulgent eye, and to consider them with calm attention. It is impossible, however, to admit that the poor-employment plan has ef- fected any permanent good. The public works have withdrawn the people from useful and productive labour.

As to the supply of food, too rigid an adherence to political economy had prevented Government from doing what they might to mitigate the disaster.

It was not reasonable to expect that merchants and retailers would spring

up in wild and desolate places; and the results have been fatal. There have been 140 deaths in the workhouse of Skibbere,en in a short period.

The barony of Skibbereen contained a population of 10,000, writes a clergy- man, and on the 8th of January the whole of that barony was " desolated ": would a barony of 10,000 thus have perished from famine had Ministers done all they could to supply the people with food? Indian corn is selling in New York at 3s. the bushel, in Liverpool at 9s.; wheat, respectively at 40a. and 808.; the difference going into the pockets of the retailers, traders, and forestallers. There is, however, an opportunity still open: there are . ow ready for sea, eight ships of the line, capable of carrying 2,000 tons of grain apiece, which might be sent to purchase it at New York, New Or- leans, and Odessa. As to the proposal to remove the 4s. duty on corn, it

-would not be opposed by Lord George Bentinck's party. Mr. Ricardo had -alluded to a compact between the Parliament and the agricultural interest- " I repudiate the idea of any such compact between the Parliament or between the late Ministry and the agricultural interests. There was a compact in 1842, which was broken in 1846; but we never consented to any compromise in 1846.

And we therefore release her Majesty's Ministers from any notion that the Go- vernment of the country stands bound to them by any compact whatever—that we are bound to them either by compact or compromise, or even to the Parliament of

England. It is not my intention to oppose any obstacle to the movement of her Majesty's Ministers as regards the repeal of the 4s. duty; but still, we allege that

the repeal of that 4s. duty will not confer any advantage whatever upon the con- sumer. We would also ask, lathe Chancellor of the Exchequer prepared to say that the revenue of the country is in that prosperous state that he can afford to spare 300,0001. or 400,0001.? While it is not for us to interfere, yet it is our opinion that every farthing of that 400,0001. and that every farthing of that 4e. duty will go into the pocket of traders, merchants, and forestallers—persons of which the people of Ireland have just cause to complain."

Touching slightly on the Montpensier marriage, Lord George expressed his regret that the bearing of Lord Palmerston should have brought this Government to bad terms with the King of the French. He did not believe that the English people cared at all about the marriage, or would at all sympathize with Ministers. He deprecated the strong charge in the Queen's Speech levelled at the three Northern Powers, of having violated the treaty of Vienna. He did not see that the charge had been made out- " I do not wish to enter at length into the merits of the case, bat I cannot so deeply sympathize with the people of Cracow; and I think, if the truth were known, the people of Cracow were well disposed with the arrangement of the Three Powers, and that those of them who wish for peace are greatly delighted at this incorporation of Cracow. The announcement of the incorporation was re- ceived with the universal acclamation of the people, and a general illumination took place in the city of Cracow."

Respecting the use of sugar in distilleries and breweries, Lord George announced that his friends would not oppose that measure; though they did not see what good would be derived from it.

He trusted Ministers would propound some large measure, by which en- terprise and the investment of English capital should be encouraged in Ire- land. It is not by grants or gifts, or by additional taxes on the people of this country, that the permanent interests of Ireland can be furthered. The Irish landlords could not be called upon to surrender their properties in order to maintain the population under circiunstances so extraordinary as the present- " But at the same time, let it be clearly understood, that we do think that for the fixture Irish property of one district or another is bound to maintain the Irish poor." " And,' said Lord George, " if her Majesty's Ministers should not bring forward some comprehensive measure of this kind, I give notice to the House that, at the earliest opportunity, I shall, with the advice of my party, bring forward a large, comprehensive measure for this purpose." (Loud cheers.)

Mr. ROEBUCK exhorted Government rigidly to observe the difference between permanent measures and temporary measures; not to suffer a mere temporary expedient to settle into a permanent mischief. He knew that their sympathies would be appealed to, and he knew what it was to come up begging from Ireland. ("Hear, hear! " and a marked Oh, oh!" from Mr. Bernal Osborne.) Yes, he expressed it in those terms, and before he had done be would illustrate the expression by examples. Me admired the foresight of Sir Robert Peel in regard to the coming destitution in Ireland; but there was this evil attending Sir Robert's measures, that they led to the very mischief which he anticipated. Why ?—because no government can by any possibility propose to itself the task of feeding a whole people— It was only the cant of the newspapers in this country and Ireland, to tell them that the people had a right to have labour and provisions found for them. 43e denied both propositions. He said that no government could, as a constant hahitaire- vide labour for a people, and that no government could, as a constant hahit, pretend to pay a people for their labour. They had in history examples of attemgi to do thie. The aristocracy of Rome attempted it, but they all knew the consequence; and it was as certain as that the sun would rise tomorrow, that all the misery, corruption, and depravity which ensued to Rome, would be as nothing compared to the dread- ful calamities which would await this country if an attempt should be made by the Government to feed the Irish people. He knew the tirades that would be made against himself for the expression of these opinions; but to express them was his duty to the people of England, whom he represented on the present occa- sion. He was prepared to meet them, and to say that the people of Ireland shall not be fed at the expense of the people of England and Scotland. Why did he sey this? Because it was a permanency they had to contemplate. Last year they anticipated famine: it had come this year, aggravated by tbe knowledge that Eng- land would have to provide for every brawling demagogue who wanted to exacer- bate the miseries of his country. England came forward then, and she had come forward now: England was prepared to meet a contingency of a temporary nature, but he protested against a permanent provision for the Irish people. And now a word as to the Irish landlords. "For the last three hundred years, the British Parliament has been legislating for them as a body against the people of Ireland—has been maintaining them against the people of Ireland—has been permitting them to work for their own personal purposes the mischief of the people of Ireland. Let me show, in few words, how this has been done. An Irish landlord comes to his estate: he says, if I build cottages here and there, I shall have a good percentage in the shape of rent: he builds these cottages; he builds for paupers, careless of the consequences. Were there a poor-law in Ireland he dare not do so. But the landlord says, I have done as my neighbour has done it; and thus is reared a pauper population. For that population Par- liament has done nothing. For the landlord all sorts of privileges have been created. He has taken full advantage of them; he has pauperized the popula- tion of Ireland by ministering to their desire for land; and now, after centuries of legislation for his benefit, he comes to England to ask her to maintain, not only himself, but the paupers whom he has created. Now, Sir, I say that it is the duty. of England—and I especially address myself to English Representatives —to insist that the land of Ireland shall maintain the people of Ireland. 1 am prepared to vote for and if Government should propose, will certainly support, the fullest equality Of rights and of laws for the Irish people. We are about to review the English Poor-law. I believe that there is a clause in that act which says that its operation shall extend only to as much of Great Britain and Ireland

i

as s contained in England and Wales: now I want to put in' 'and Ireland '—no- thing more. The addition of these two words is all I ask. Let us have that act of El/vabeth which is so much talked about, which is so much praised, extended to Ireland. Whenever that is done, let Ireland have equal laws. Let her have equal representation and equal taxation also; let there be no civil, no political, no religious distinction. But, Sir, I am not prepared to vote for any measure which taxes the hard-working, industrious, peace- loving, law-obeying people of England, for the maintenance of that anarchy which I see prevalent in what is by a most wonderful misapplication of terms, called 'the sister kingdom.'" Should the Minister give in to the cla- mours of his Irish supporters, he would entail fearful consequences not only upon Ireland but upon England. Every pauper in every parish of this country would have a right to say, "You feed the Irish people—feed me." He did not hesitate to avow the consequences which he expected from estab- lishing the English Poor-law in Ireland : it would, in nine cases out of ten, sweep away the nominal landlords; and their place must be taken by the mortgagees, who must do as the English landlords do.

As to the temporary expedient of opening the ports, Mr. Roebuck was ready with his assent; but it should have been done two months earlier. The breweries and distilleries should not now only, but always, have been open to the free use of such raw materials as best suited the manufacturer's purposes.

He amused the House with some satirical strictures on Lord George Ben- duck's appearance as leader of a party—on the use of the phrases "we," "our resolves," and "our intentions"; and his unexplained hint of a "grand comprehensive scheme "— " We were led to look upon the noble Lord as the great forthcoming statesman; but I am greatly mistaken if the people of England will not place ten thousand times more reliance on the present leaders of the two great parties in this country. And I do most sincerely hope that the result of the combination of the two great parties—leaving out the fraction of which the noble Lord, I suppose, is to be con- sidered the head—will not minister to the most mischievous belief that a govern-

ment can by possibility frame measures for the maintenance of the people. The utmost limit of the powers of government is to give security to person and

property. When that is done, everything must be left to private enterprise, at the instigation of private interest. If the Minister deviates from this line, mischief must inevitably result, and Ireland will be for centuries what i

she s now—the curse of this country, by the violence of her party dissensions and by the misery of her people. I believe, Sir, that if we were so to legislate for Ireland as to place her on a strict equality with England, without reference to party, to religion, or to the channel which divides the countries, we should :is a government do all for that country which it is in our power to do, and that we should as statesmen have fulfilled all the duties which our position called on os to perform."

Mr. Roebuck touched briefly but with emphasis on the foreign politics of the Speech. He thought Lord Palmerston had been outwitted by ht. Guizot. He passed over the style of Lord Palmerston's despatches, (a sort of undigested mass of compilation,) simply characterizing it as "very bad "; but joined issue on the protest against the power of inheritance in the Infanta Luisa's children-

" The treaty of Utrecht is appealed to. By that treaty Louis the Fifteenth, the Dukes of Orleans and Berry, renounced for themselves and their descendants all rights to the throne. M. de Torcy told Bolingbroke, who acted for England, that an invalid security was demanded. Party mining high, Bolingbroke said, I don't care a farthing about that? Upon which M. de Torcy observed, 'Well, you must take the security on this understanding, that it can't bind the successors of the present signers.'" Furthermore, the treaty is quite obsolete; the whole sys- tem of Europe which it was meant to maintain having changed. When it was igned, there was an "Emperor of Germany,' but no Emperor of Austria, no ng of Bavaria no King of Belgium, and no "King of the French." All the parties had altered except England. But even the treaty of Utrecht, which forbade the union of crowns interdicted no marriages; and Lord Palmerston's protest seemed to him a mischievous intermeddling with the affairs of another state, and the petty revenge of mortified vanity.

Mr. Motor GnerraN followed Mr. Roebuck, and opened with a fire of sarcasm against him. He declared that the Irish Members did not come to beg, but to demand their rights. He insisted that the landlords had made sacrifices: they had sacrificed their political animosities, diminished their number of horses, and put the rest on a short allowance of food. He affirmed that Buckingham Palace had been built and the English Me- tropolis beautified with Irish money; that the mansions of Hertford, Lans- downe, and Devonshire, were erected out of means drawn from Irish estates.

Mr. Drr,Lort Bnowor complained that Mr. Roebuck had thought proper to point the arrow of his waspish and dyspeptic disposition against the people of Ireland: but he admitted want of energy on the part of the landed gentry, and allowed that their tenants must have an absolute right to relief under an extended system of poor-laws.

Mr. BERNAL Ossoasto likened Mr. Roebuck to the toad at the ear of Eve; averred that the Irish landlords were an improving class,—for proof of which he referred to the statistics of duelling, &c.; and complained that Government had acted on the theories of Mr. Trevelyan, which are inimical to the interests of Ireland.

Sir ROBERT looms warmly vindicated Mr. Trevelyan- who has not only been active in his official duties at the Treasury, but also in promoting in- dividual exertion for the relief of Ireland. Sir Robert expressed a strong opinion that Lord Palmerston would not carry the people of England with him in making the treaty of Utrecht a ground of war or rupture with Prance; and that no illuminations during the military occupation of Cra- cow could prove such degradation in the people as that they acquiesced in the extinction of their independence.

Lord Jona, Mammas objected that Government did not carry their measures further, so as to prevent the exportation of corn. The Count of Montemolin, unhandsomely spoken of by M. Gnizot in the Spanish mar- riage correspondence, was another of his topics.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL began by thanking the House for the considerate spirit which had been displayed in the debate; no blame being cast on Government for the measures adopted in Ireland, except what necessarily arose from total difference of opinion, such as the objections taken by Mr. Smith O'Brien and Lord George Bentinek. He contended, however, that the policy recommended by Lord George would not only have led to fai- lure, but even to a greater number of deaths from famine-

" The opinion of that noble Member was, that the Government ought to have ransacked the world for food; that they should have appeared as buyers in every market of Europe and of America; and that they should have attempted to feed the people of Ireland with the produce thus procured. Now, Sir, in the first place, I think it is evident that no sooner would that intention have been de- elared,—and declared it must have been, for every parson disposed to enter into these concerns asked the Government at the conclusion of last session what was to be their policy,—if, I say, such a pOlicy had been declared, there would at once have been an end to all private enterprise, of all application of the capital of this great country, of the means and the skill our merchants are so well known to possess; and everything would have been abandoned to the care of the Govern- ment which might have been so presumptuous as to undertake such a task. What would have been the effect on the markets of Europe and America, if such a course had been taken by the Government of England, on the limited supply in each of these markets—for, I regret to say it, there is a limited supply ? What would have been the prices asked if it had been known that the English Government were about to become purchasers to a large extent of grain? The noble Lord speaks of a rise from 3.s. to 93. per bushel; hut what would have been the rise if the Government had said it would feed the people of Ireland, had made itself responsible for the execution of that task, and was prepared to pay whatever might be asked? That would have limited and impeded the operation. But supposing this supply had been brought into the country: why, then, they must next have undertaken the whole retail trade of Ireland. The supply of every person in that country who was unable to procure food by the usual means would have been dependent upon Government-officers. We have heard of the staff (and it is an enormous staff) required by the Board of Works for the pre- sent operations; but what would have been the staff for the whole of Ire- land ? And it naturally would be demanded that the price which was asked should be a fair [rice; that it should be somewhat under the market price; that it should be such as to enable the very poorest to procure food. What would have been the consequence as regards the rest of the population of the United Kingdom ? While we were performing these operations, we should have been robbing the other parts of the empire of corn which would otherwise have be- longed to them; we should have been increasing the prices in England and Scot- land. And how could we justify an attempt to supply one part of the empire with food at a certain low price, while the labouring people of other parts of the kingdom were paying a large price in consequence of the enhancement to which the Government had given rise? Why, would they not have turned round, and justly, and would they not have said to us, Why do this by halves? If you are a Government who adopt a policy at variance with principles asserted by Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt—a policy of which the political economists disapprove,—but if you are resolved to supply those who are starving in Ire- land with food in such a way, do not restrict your operations, but let all the la- bouring classes of England also procure food at a fair price, and do you, as a Go- vernment., make yourselves responsible for the whole.' I shall not use any phrase which is uneourteous to characterize the policy urged on the Government for adoption; but these considerations may serve to show how unwise and how im- practicable it would have been for the Government to have used any such ex- pedient. Gentlemen have said, that as regards some parts of Ireland where there IS no trade in provisions, and where the roads are unfrequented, there might be interference. I admit that there are eases—we thought there were cases of ex- vce4y-sine or twenty-two places West of the Shannon, we have estithlistad d e corn can be eold, and have furnished them with supplies nt steamers and other vessels. Some may think that even WI* is a Matter of discretion. • What•we wished to do was to . .

OW: would be most essential, and where its introduction

would interfere as little as possible with private trade. And I will not say that that interference has been without its evils; for I have seen letters from one of those places, showing that immediately the Government depots were established, persons who were about to set up shops for the sale of flour abandoned their in- tention. Therefore' I do not say that the establishment of depots was without its evils. But we did take means to supply these depots; and 200,000 quarters of corn have been purchased from time to time, without disturbing the markets, and without our endeavouring to undertake the task of feeding the people of Ireland."

He was sensible that the system of public works had great imperfections; but he thought the principle of it sound. The question was not, as the Irish country gentlemen seemed to suppose, whether the works were useful in themselves, but whether they were useful as a test of destitution; just as stone-breaking has been used in England, although there was no posi- tive demand for broken stones— "But we have found, where this system has been introduced in England, that there was a disposition on the part of the persons so employed, immediately a de- mand for labour sprung up, to leave that employment in order to take employ- ment from private parties; and thus the demand upon the poor-rates ceased after a time, and things came back to their natural channel. I am obliged to say, that in Ireland we have had to contend with two difficulties: one at the commence, ment, when very extensive numbers employed in effective labour left that labour, and crowded, idle and loitering, about the roads. In order to remedy that evil, task-work was introduced. The greater proportion of those men earned some- thing better and something more worth having than they would have done in the ordinary employments of industry i and thus, instead of being the very worst mar- ket for labour, it seemed in many instances to be the best; and they prefer labour on the public works to any they can get in the employment of landlord or tenant. I have mentioned these as specimens of the difficulties with which we have to con- tend. When we had to employ 300,000 or 400,000 men, it was necessary to em- ploy vast numbers of persons to superintend the operations,. and it is impossible to employ vast numbers of such persons without admitting some not worthy of trust, or not well fitted for their charge. But the object was not so much to produce useful works as to ascertain destitution and afford a mesas of relief. I cannot but think that the employment of 470,000 persons re- presenting a population of not less than 2,000,000, with an expenditure of 158,000/ in one week, (that, I think, being the last weekly account,) is far from affording any proof of indifference, or from showing that the Govern- ment of this country would be anxious—be it in error, or be it how it may—to avoid taking means by the resources of the empire to keep the Irish from suffer- lag the pressure of that calamity to which they are subjected.

"Let us devise better means. Let us most seriously consider these matters. I am most ready to say, with my right honourable friend near me, that I run wil- ling to treat this as a national calamity, and I think the national resources may be fitly employed in endeavouring to meet it. At the same time, I do not think, considering the way in which the people of Ireland are found by this country to have lived—considering that a large proportion of the population are ordinarily for thirty weeks in the year without the means of procuring.food—considering the condition of those who are said to have usually lived upon one meal of potatoes a day,—I cannot think that any =ware which the Government can devise or the Legislature can adopt will prevent very severe suffering, or even mortality in many cases. I must confess that, seeing they have not the ordinary resources which the people of this country possess; seeing that the latter at a time of exigeney'ean consume less food than they usually do, and can deny themselves comforts which they usually enjoy; seeing that the Irish have none of these resources—that they have no comforts to deny themselves—that their food is not sufficient even under the most favourable circumstances—I cannot see any coarse which would cora pletely meet the present crisis." Lord John emphatically avowed that Government was itself responsible for the various arrangements, and held the subordinate officers harmless. It had been said that Parliament ought to have been called together ear- lier—in November: but at that time all persons connected with Ireland were of opinion that such a step would have been very injurious to that country. Then occurred the question, whether the evil was really so urgent as to require such a step. It did not appear so: the duty on corn was no longer, as it was in the previous year, 12s. or 14s., but only 48.; the price fell from 62s. to 588. Still less did it seem desirable to set aside the laws in question by exercising the prerogative of the Crown.

Lord John now approached foreign politics, in reply to Mr. Roebuck. He would not enter much into the discussion until the documents should be before Parliament; and he was willing to leave the defence of his conduct as head of the Government to the despatches of Lord Palmerston: but he maintained that it would have been wrong to witness the Montpensier marriage with silent apathy, lest some future injury should accrue to the influence and position of this country- " I think that the expectations which have been formed by the French Govern- ment will very probably be disappointed; but I cannot but think that the attempt of Louis the Fourteenth and the attempt of Napoleon to govern the destinies of Spain might be repeated over again; and that, if repeated again, the union of France and Spain in one system of foreign policy would be more likely to lead to hostilities in Europe, than if the two countries continued separate and independent, and each regarded only its own interest." The late Government always took great interest in the question. Lord Aberdeen received assurances which were satisfactory, on this understanding—that England should not propose any can- didate for Queen Isabella's hand disagreeable to Spain; that England should not object to her selecting a descendant of Philip the Fifth; but that England would not consent to a marriage with any member of the Royal Family of France. The present Ministry determined to follow out the same policy. "We bad no wish to have any English candidate; and with respect to one Prince in particular, I mean Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, it never entered for one moment into our wishes to put him forward, or to support any pretensions that he might entertain with respect to the throne of Spain. I must also say that, in any advice I gave our So- vereign on the subject, I found a ready willingness on her part to adopt it; and that her Majesty never wished at any time, as I believe, that Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg should be a candidate for the hand of the Queen of Spain supported by England. I do not even know at this moment what Prince Leopold himself would have said if the proposition had been formally made to him by the English Government. I have been told that he was not disposed to interfere: but, how- ever that may be, I know this, that it was our determination not to undertake to recommend to Spain a candidate of our own, or be in any way concerned with the internal government of Spain. But, Sir, when we saw an engagement which had been voluntarily made wantonly departed from, and when there appeared to us to be danger in the alliance which was formed, that it might be prejudicial to the balance of power in Europe, we did not hesitate to say what our opinion was on the subject. We by no means committed any Government of this country with re- speet to future events; but what we said, in substance and in spirit, was, that we see danger arising from what has now been done; and we do think it possible that there may be hereafter a contest with respect to succession in consequence of this marriage; and we will not conceal from you that such is our opinion, and that whenever that case shall arise, England will take that course which she considers most necessary for her position among the powers of Europe, and the most con- formable, at the same time, to the will of Spain; because I perfectly admit, that with respect to all such matters, provided the prince who reigns in Spain is not

one to whom we can object upon clear grounds of treaty, the wishes of Spain should be paramount At the same time, every one will say that with respect to such a principle there must be some limitation. Even those who most dispute the treaty of Utrecht are agreed that one prince cannot be allowed to unite in his person the crowns of France and Spain. Upon that there is no dispute. Upon the other points we mast leave time to develop the consequences of the events which have taken place. For my part, I say that I sincerely regret to find my- self opposed to what was done by the Government of France. I do feel how de- sirable It is that this country and France should be on the closest terms of friend- ship. We have never done anything calculated to disturb that friendship; and I sincerely lament that, as I think by the fault of others, that separation has taken place with respect to the marriages in Spain." Upon Cracow Lord John touched briefly, but emphatically- " With respect to the other part of our foreign affairs, which has been already touched upon, I mean the extinction of the free state of Cracow, there is so little difference of opinion on it in this House, or, indeed, anywhere, that I really feel it unnecessary to say more than that it seems that the fatal policy which originally led to the partition of Poland—that unholy act, which is perhaps the most to be condemned of any act of modern times—seems to have induced the powers who have been parties t the incorporation of Cracow with the dominion of Austria to forget all thew obligations, and to act without, as it appears to me, any justifi- able motive, and without considering the relations they were bound to have ob- served."

On Monday next Lord John should give an outline of the various mea- sures contemplated with respect to Ireland—

"Those measures will afterwards form the subject of separate bills, and will be brought fully under the consideration of the House. If my noble friend the member for Lynn (Lord George Bentinck) has any other plan to propose, let him state it to the House; and let us all endeavour to find those measures which appear most calculated to raise Ireland from her present situation, and to unite her more closely to this country by sympathy and affection; giving to her not only all that bare justice would require, but that help in her necessity which! think any part of the United Kingdom is entitled to demand from us." In spite of bitter language formerly applied in Ireland to this country, the feeling in Eng- land is to do all that may be possible to serve Ireland. He lamented that there had not been in Ireland as much of general combination and exertion to avert destitution as in Scotland; bat he regarded the unity of the great Dublin meet- ing' as a good sign for the future fate of Ireland. "I hope Irishmen will alrow me to say, that what they have often had reason to complain of is not so mach the hostility of England, as the hostility of some parties of Irishmen to other parties in their own country. I trust that when we come to discuss these measures in this House there will be a similar spirit evinced; and then, however great the present calamity may be—however appalling to the imagination— however horrible to dwell upon in detail—still I hope that Ireland may have re- served for her future years of prosperity; and that, in strict union with Eng- land, we shall presets the spectacle of a country where freedom and civilization have made admirable progress."

Mr. Disner.r.t started some new views respecting the treaty of Vi- enna: neither that nor the treaty of Utrecht, he thought, had been vio- lated. The treaty of Utrecht was directed not to prevent marriages, but the union of the French and Spanish crowns on one head. With respect to the treaty of Vienna, it is a maxim of public law that a superior instru- ment cannot merge in an inferior one: hence, the seventeen separate trea- ties referred to in the treaty of Vienna remain distinct treaties, and any abrogation of one does not vitiate that collective act of Congress. Were it otherwise, the treaty of Vienna would already have been violated over and over again. The Provincial States secured to the people of Germany have not been established; the King of Sardinia has not granted stipulated privileges to the University; and if diplomatic representatives were to re- fuse to draw lots for precedence in the manner provided by the treaty, it would, according to Lord Palmerston's principle, have been violated. And what did Lord Palmerston say to the disruption of the Kingdom of the Netherlands?

Colonel CONOLLY defended the Irish landlords, and deprecated the theories of Ministers respecting the supply of food.

Sir Romine PEEL reserved discussion of all the topics of the Speech till fuller information should be before the House; but spoke of the Govern- ment in a tone of friendly support. On the subject of the Montpensier marriage he specially reserved his opinion; merely observing, that the late Government made no attempt to advocate the pretensions of a Prince of the house of Coburg; believing it for the interests of Europe that Spain should be really an independent kingdom. As to Cracow, technically there might be some truth in Mr. Disraeli's view; but there has at least been a virtual departure from engagements- " I think, too, it has been a most impolitic act. I think that for those three great Powers to declare they are unable to protect themselves from the dangers with which they may be threatened within the territory of Cracow, is sufficiently humiliating: but I believe, that had there been given to Cracow, in the greatest plenitude, every right and privilege accorded and secured to it by the treaty of Vienna, and had it abused such rights and privileges, then the three great Powers might have taken effectual security, considering their means of meeting difficulties from so inferior an opponent, against injurious interference. As it now is, I think no declaration of the danger to those Northern Powers, apprehended from Cra- cow, can be accepted as a sufficient justification of the act committed. (Great cheering.) I think that Austria, having consented to that act, shows a disregard, at any rate, of the engagements compelled by the treaty of Vienna; and that, moreover, that act is inconsistent with good policy, and calculated to shake the confidence of Europe in the permanent maintenance of the provisions of that treaty, which was looked upon as the settlement of Europe." (Cheers.) He regretted that no report had been made in the Speech respecting the state of the revenue, as a guide in considering needful expenditure. Sir Robert admitted various imperfections in the working of the Irish measures, but vindicated Government against criticism derived from experience after the event He announced that the measures mentioned in the Speech would receive his cordial support. As events have turned out, Sir Robert regretted that those measures had not been proposed earlier; but he could not but feel, that though no compact was actually entered into on the sub- ject, still that after the recent arrangement made with respect to the Corn- laws, Ministers would be unwilling to disturb the arrangement which had been so recently come to. He recommended a well-considered plan of emigration as an auxiliary to the other measures for Ireland. Lord Paineesecne briefly combated Mr. Disraeli's views respecting treaties. The argument of that gentleman would tend to show that the treaty of Vienna no longer exists. As to the dismemberment of the Netherlands, that occurred, not in Lord Palmerston's time, but in Lord Aberdeen's: moreover, it was effected by a long negociation and a regular treaty, to which all the Powers interested were parties. Respecting the Montpeusier marriage, Lord Palmerston wished it distinctly to be understood, that the ground taken by Government was not that there was anything in the treaty of Utrecht that forbade marriages between the Royal Families of France and Spain, but that the renunciations of the treaty of Utrecht, and the laws by which they were sanctioned, prevented the succession to the crown of Spain of any of the descendants of the Duke of Orleans.

Finally, the motion for an Address passed by Unanimous assent ; a Com- mittee was appointed to put it in form ; and the House adjourned at a quarter past one o'clock on Wednesday morning.

When the report on the Address was brought up on Wednesday, several Members took the opportunity to make speeches which had remained un- spoken on Tuesday.

Mr. HUME avowed himself the author of the " fatal pledge " by which Government had undertaken not to interfere with retail trade in provisions. He touched upon some omissions in the Speech—such as education, and prosecution of free trade; presuming, however, that they would not be ne- glected by Ministers. He advocated laws to facilitate the transfer of pro- perty in Ireland, especially of entailed property. He called upon Govern- ment to designate in stronger terms that act of atrocity the annexation of Cracow, and to suspend the hush-money paid annually to the Emperor of Russia, about 100,0001., for the redemption of the debt of that potentate. Colonel SIBTHORP guarded himself against being supposed to approve of various points in the Speech; and declared that he should regard Min- isters worthy of impeachment if they were not ready to suggest measures for the speedy restoration of Ireland.

Mr. PouLaerr Sateen reiterated his exhortation that relief should be allowed to the infirm and helpless in Ireland. He believed that there was sufficient food in that country to meet the calamity, or at least that the scarcity was aggravated by the farmers, who held back their stocks for higher prices.

Several Irish Members followed up the appeal for assistance: Lord BERNARD, MY. CALLAGHAN, MI. SHARMAN CRAWFORD,—who declared that the property of the country should be made responsible for the sup- port of the poor,—Mr. FRENCH, and Mr. LEPROY.

Sir CHARLES WOOD (Chancellor of the Exchequer) replied, that Relief Committees and Workhouses had been authorized to make gratuitous dis- tribution of food to the people. Sir GEORGE GREY stated more specific- ally, that instructions had been issued for the establishment of soup- kitchens in all districts where distress was severely felt He explained that Government had not advanced money upon uncollected arrears of rates due in Poor-law Unions, because a disposition had been observed in Irish Boards of Guardians to shrink from the onerous duties of collecting the rates; and in some places applicants for relief had been refused admis- sion to the workhouse: at Castlebar, although the House would contain 600 persons and it had but 130 inmates, the doors were closed. In Scot- land, the exertions of the landowners have been such that there have been only two deaths from want: those two occurred on the land of a person who was at first an exception to the general rule, but remained so no longer. There is no doubt that by the praiseworthy exertions of the pro- prietors, Scotland will struggle successfully through the crisis. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK explained, that the rate-payers of Castlebar had de- clined to levy a rate, and that the Earl of Lucan maintained all the poor who happened to be in the workhouse out of his own pocket.

Mr. BORTHWICIC [dubbed by Lord George Bentinck, "Lord High Tres sury to King Charles the Fifth,"] lectured Ministers on the subject of the Montpensier marriage, and the claims of the Count de Montemolin.

Mr. PLEXPTRE suggested some farther act of humiliation, besides those already adopted, to implore from the Almighty the withdrawal of that great affliction with which the Divine displeasure has visited the land.

Mr. EWART expressed a hope that the subject of education, although not mentioned in the Speech, would not be neglected in the session; and de- dared the wish of the English people that the friendly intercourse with France should not be interrupted.

The Address was adopted, and ordered to be presented by each Members of the House as belong to the Privy Council.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, the discussion on the Address began at five o'clock. It went over nearly the same ground with the debate in the other House, and it is therefore necessary only to note peculiarities.

The Address was moved by Lord HATHERTON; who made a plain and connected review of the necessities of Ireland, and the remedial measures contemplated by Government He added the statement, that one of the learned Lords who presided over a Court of Law had consented to pre- side over a Commission on the means of facilitating the transfer of landed property. In the course of his speech, Lord Hatberton hoped that Parlia- ment would concur in expressing abhorrence at the annexation of Cracow; an act which he thought a crime and a folly of the basest description.

Lord CAREW seconded the Address, with a pleading for the misfortunes of Ireland. He also contributed a statement, that the reports about the purchase of arms have been exaggerated: for instance, at an advertised sale of 600 stand, only 30 pieces were sold.

Lord STANLEY, like Lord George Bentinck, promised that Ministers should meet with no factious opposition; many of them having entered office reluctantly, and having incurred responsibility under the most serious diffi- culties. There was nothing in the Speech from the Throne that of ne- cessity called for amendment. He regretted that it contained no allusion to the financial state of the country; and he feared that, although in the last quarter's accounts the revenue appeared to prosper, whilst there have been large importations, the produce of our own industry has not been to the same extent encouraged. That would account for another anomalous indication—the fall of the premium on Exchequer Bills from 358. or 40s. last year to 5s. or 6s. at present There is every reason to expect, that before long the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be obliged to raise the interest on Exchequer Bills, lest their price fall below par. Lord Stanley concurred in the expectation that the peace of Europe would not be disturbed ; but he founded it more on the growing con- viction of Europe against war and in favour of peace than on the satisfactory state of our foreign relations. He regretted to observe that the cordial understanding with France has been materially impaired within the last five months- " Up to the period of the change of Government, it appears that the communi- cations between the representatives of the two Crowns were founded upon an en- tire appretiation of the frankness and openness of the course pursued by both par- ties; the actuating feeling was one of mutual confidence in the relations of each

power with the other; and though this particular event had led to much discus- sion, there was every expectation of a conclusion being arrived at barm?niously, and with a continuance of good feeling between the two countries. But it IS Me-

lancholy to behold the representatives of the two Foreign Departments of the two greatest states in Europe bandying mutual recriminations, and charges of under- hand proceedings, of the suppression or mutilation of public documents, and of a secret intention of executing an act from which the party was debarred in good faith. I have read this with pain, not only on account of the statesmen them- selves, but with more pain because I see in our mutual relations an alteration of tone which tells ill for a cordial understanding, however consistent it may be with amicable relations between the two countries."

Lord Stanley differed from both Lord Palmerston and M. Guizot on the construction of the treaty of Utrecht- "I do not deem the marriage itself as detrimentally affecting the interests of this country; yet I think that the mode in which that marriage was carried was objectionable, and that in this mode the country received a slight and a discourtesy, which I do not think would have been passed on this country if my noble friend (Lord Aberdeen) had been at the head of Foreign Affairs." The annexation of Cracow seemed to be a consequence of that altered relation between France and England. Lord Stanley reserved his opinion on the merits of the affair, but could not help regarding the violation of the treaty without any communication to England a slight and a discour- tesy, which would not have been inflicted on this country had the cordial understanding with France been maintained.

On the subject of Ireland and the measures heretofore taken, Lord Stan- ley expressed himself much to the same effect as Lord George Bentinok; deprecating the too rigid observance of political economy. The temporary suspension of the prohibition against the use of sugar and molasses in breweries and distilleries he should not oppose; but it would have the effect of raising the price of sugar, which Ministers had thought it so necessary to cheapen last session, and would inflict an injury on malt-growers, to which any benefit derivable from it would be scarcely commensurate. He was not the eulogist of the Irish landlords; of whom, however, it may be said " delicta majornm immeriti liinnt "; and he described the difficulties which they incur from the impossibility of ousting their tenants, however much those tenants may refuse to improve. Still, he distinctly recognized the principle that the pauperism of Ireland must be provided for out of the property of Ireland. He hoped that the landowners of Ireland would be consulted, and that other sources of assistance would be called into action; especially the devotion of capital to reproductive public works.

The Marquis of LansnowNE vindicated the conduct of Government, and furnished some further explanation respecting the contemplated mea- sures. In proposing to suspend the duty on corn, Government had no in- tention to interfere with the last settlement of the Corn question; the measure was quite temporary. The use of sugar in breweries and distil- leries was proposed as a permanent measure. The suspension of the Na- vigation-laws is indubitably to be but a temporary measure, in order that every vessel shall be permitted to bring foreign corn into our ports for the consumption of the country.

Glancing slightly at foreign policy, Lord Lansdowne expressed a strong desire for better understanding with France-

" When we talk of abandoning the good understanding between the two coun- tries, let us rather hope that it will continue on both sides, and that they will not maintain any feeling of opposition to each other, but, on the contrary, main- tain that course of friendly policy which it ought to be the object of both to pus- sue. I wish, my Lords, to go no further into this subject at present; and I would suggest to your Lordships, that the less there is of angry debate upon this mat,- ter, the more speedily may we hope that friendly feelings will be resumed. All I will say is, that not only from year to year, but from day to day, I shall be glad to see all the means in our power employed to replace, as rapidly as possible, our mutual relations upon a satisfactory and permanent basis. But even after what has happened,-though your Lordships will not be in a condition to judge of the consequences till you see the documents,-even after what has taken place, I am not prepared to say that there is any impediment to a good understanding with the tsovernment of France as to any one point in which the interests of the two countries are concerned; and, with those feelings of respect towards France which I have always cherished, it will be the happiest moment of my life when I seethe opportunity arise which will enable us to lay the foundation of a greater degree of confidence between the two countries than, I admit, can exist at pre- sent."

Lord Bnottonsat insisted upon the vast importance of preserving the "entente cordiale," not simply between the two sovereigns, but between the two peoples of France and England; whose strong wishes, he believed, would prevent any long interruption of it. He deprecated the strong language used by Lord Elatherton respecting Cracow; though he also con- demned the conduct of the Three Powers-

He objected to their taking the law into their own hands. The guarantees, England and France, were parties as well as the three Northern Powers: and he should like to know what Russia, Austria, and Prussia, would answer if the French were to say there was now an end of the treaty of Vienna; for, observe, the treaty of Vienna was made to control France, and that country might say, since they had done away with a part of the treaty--since they were loose, France had a right to be loose too. He agreed, therefore, with the words used in the Speech and the Address; but he would avoid using harsh recrimination, and language that was not absolutely necessary. He particularly condemned the Government of Prussia for not turning Austria from so dangerous a policy by timely remonstrance. Adverting to home measures, Lord Brougham suggested that the Peers should have an opportunity of expressing their opinion on any measure for the relief of Ireland; by its being brought before them in the shape of a re- solution, and not of a money-bill, which they could not alter. Ele:also suggested, that a strong line of demarcation should be drawn between per- manent and temporary measures--

He held it to be impossible that when the cry of hunger prevailed over the land-when there was the melancholy substance as well as the cry-when the country was distracted from day to day by accounts of the most heartrending spectacles he had ever seen, heard, or read of,-that at a time when there was deep misery and distress prevailing in and pervading Ireland, rendered only the more heartrending, because the more touching, by the admirable and almost inimi- table patience with which it seemed to be borne,-that at a time when this grievous calamity existed-when there were scenes enacting all over those unfortunate districts which they could find nothing exceeding in the page of history, disease and death and pestilence ever following in the train of famine-to which nothing exceeding was to be found in the page of Josephus, or on the canvass of Poussin, or in the dismal chant of Dante-that at this very time, and under the pressure arising from these sights, from which, with an instinctive horror, they averted their eye, but which they were compelled by a more reasonable humanity to make an effort to relieve,-while they were labouring under such feelings, and those feelings partaken of by millions in both countries,-while there was all over Ireland and England an agitation deeply rooted in men's minds, and pervading all ranks of the people on this subject,-that they should be in circumstances like these, and yet be able calmly and deliberately to take up questions of a per- manent policy, he held to be absolutely and necessarily impossible.

Lord Brougham vindicated the Irish absentee landlords, and declared that they had conferred great good upon Ireland. He warned the Go- vernment against hoping to supply the wants of the Irish people by free grants out of the Treasury-

Let the Treasury make advances if they pleased to the people of Ireland by way of loan; insisting, however, that both interest and principal should be paid back by the parties locally interested in the expenditure of the money-paid by those who were to profit by the loan. But to advance money without the pros- pwt of repayment, would shake the strongest Government that England had seen for very many years. No Government that pursued such a policy could stand against the force of public opinion. Not that the people of England were cold or indifferent to the sufferings of their fellow-subjects in Ireland: the large subscrip- tions entered into in this country negatived any such supposition: but they would not allow sums to he paidover to the Irish which were to be reckoned by hundreds of thousands, nay, by millions, unless there were to be a repayment of the whole amount-principal and interest. Let the idea once get abroad that there was to. be any grant of the sort-let it once be advertised that two or three millions of money were to be spent in Ireland and given away to the Irish-and immediately there would be an amount of abuse and jobbing and fraud of which history could afford no parallel. Even now, Archbishop Wale said, that the people of this country owed the Irish millions of money. The Archbishop told his confiding countrymen, that since the Union the English people carried away from them vast quantities of beef, pork, and grain. Now his late right honourable friend Sir John Newport sought for and obtained, as a favour, the right for the Irish of free export to England; and Dr. APHale described this free expert as a taking away of all their provisions: but the most reverend doctor seemed to forget that all those provisions had been paid for. (A laugh.) He said that the people of England owed the Irish 40,000,0001.; another authority said 60,000,000/. It was vain to attempt to talk reason to such people.

Earl Firzwu,taan argued that they could not legislate for rural Ireland as they could for rural England, and that therefore a poor-law cannot be introduced into Ireland. In spite of political economy, he rather favoured the project of establishing food-depots.

The Earl of WESTMEATH and the Earl of RODEN said a few words in fit- your of Ireland; and the Earl of HARDWICKE suggested that eleven disen- gaged ships of the line should be employed in conveying corn from. one port to another in this country. The Earl of AUCKLAND replied, that thirty or forty steamers, and four- teen or fifteen sailing-vessels, are so employed; every requisition to Govern- ment having met with compliance. As to the conveyance of corn from abroad, it had been found that private enterprise would be quite sufficient for the purpose. In reply to Lord STANLEY, the Marquis of LANBDOWNE stated that he should explain the Irish measures of Government on Monday. The Address was adopted unanimously, and the adjournment of the House took place at a quarter before eleven o'clock.

THE QUEEN'S ANSWER.

Her Majesty's reply was delivered to the Peers, by the Lord High Stew- ard, on Thursday- " I thank you for your expression of loyalty and affection to my crown and person; and you may rely with the most perfect confidence on my most anxious desire to aid you in promoting at all times the prosperity and happiness of my people."

SUSPENSION OF RESTRICTIONS ON THE CORN-TRADE.

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Lord Joan RUSSELL moved a Committee of the whole House on the Corn-importation Act; stating that he should follow that motion with another on the Navigation-laws; but he should discuss both the subjects together. The House went into Committee at once.

Lord Joust RUSSELL explained the nature and object of the measures; beginning with the Corn-duties, and taking his data from official returns-

In many parts of the United Kingdom there has been a failure of the oat and rye crops; there was a partial failure also of the potato crop in England, a greater extent of failure in Scotland, and in Ireland it amounts-to two-thirds or at least one half of the potato crop. On the other hand, there was last year a very

importation of foreign corn and flour, equal to 4,800,000 quarters; and as the wheat crop was abundant, great part of the foreign corn admitted at the lc duty did not come immediately into consumption, nor did the prices in October and November last indicate any considerable apprehension of a rise. In the first week of October the price was 44s.; it steadily increased to 628. 24. in the first week of November, and as steadily declined to 59s. in the fourth week. From that time, however, there has been a considerable rise, which is still more striking as compared with the prices at harvest-time: in August the price of wheat was 478., in September 490., on the 16th instant 73s. 3d. The rise in the price of barley has been still more remarkable: for the first week of January in each of the following years it stood thus-in 1842, 29s. 7d.i in 1843, 26s. 5d.; in 1844, 32*. 7d.; in 1845, 34s. 2d.; in 1846, 31s. 11d.; in 1847, first week 44s. gd., second week 468. 5d., third week 508.; while for malting-barley the prices have ranged from 66s. to 70s. or even higher. In France also the harvest was de- ficient, and especially the potato crop; but in November the Minister of Agricul- ture and Commerce made a statement which evinced no serious apprehension of a rise of prices in Paris. The money value of the loss in potatoes in Ireland and Scotland is estimated at 12,000,0001.; and it is calculated that 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 quarters of wheat will be required to replace the deficiency. Last year, 4,800,000 quarters were imported into this country; but for the future, be- fore next harvest, the prospect of supplies is much more precarious. The coun- tries of Western Europe, instead of furnishing supplies are competing with us. France and the countries on the Rhine have suspended 'their laws prohibiting the admission of grain in foreign ships. There are, however, two quarters whence considerable supplies might be expected,- Odessa, whence large amounts have been sent to France, and more will be available in the spring; and America, where the harvest has been most abundant-that of Indian corn unprecedented, while but small portion of the harvest of 1846 has yet been exported. Under such circumstances, it seems proper to remove all restrictions on the importation of corn. It might appear that the 48. duty was too small to have much effect; but with the present nice balancing of prices its effect may be con- siderable: with wheat at 63s. in London and 62s. in Havre, the 4*. duty would operate in diverting cargoes from London to Havre. Following the precedent, therefore, of 1756, 1766, 1791, and 1800, he proposed to suspend all duties on foreign corn until the let of September next. he present state of things leads to considerable difficulty with respect to the importation of corn, owing to the very high rate of freights demanded. In some instances these rates have been enhanced by particular circumstances. In the United States, for instance, they have been enhanced by the demand of the American Government for shipping to take guns and stores to the coast of Mexico; but the demand for shipping tor the importation of foreign corn has of itself raised the rate of freights. I will state to the House what is the ordinary freight for a quarter of corn from various places to this country, and what is at present paid-

From the Danube, the ordinary rate is 10s. ; the present Is 168.6d. to 178. Odessa 138. to 13s. 6d.

the United States 58. 12s. 6d. to 138.

the Baltic 3s. 9d. to 41.6d 6s. to 68. 6d.

London (to Cork) is. to I. 3d 3s. to 3t. 64.

Ig

Now, it is obvious that if we should permit corn to be imported in the ships of all foreign countries, thereby suspending the Navigation-laws, we should to a cer- tain degree lower the rates of freight, and likewise allow of some more vessels to be employed in the trade between England and Ireland, from which the shipping is at present diverted by the high rates to be obtained for carrying from foreign ports. At this time of pressure these impediments ought not to exist; and I therefore propose the suspension of the Navigation-laws as regards the importation of grain from foreign countries till the 1st of September next.

grain respect to the existing law relating to the importation of grain, I do not propose to make any comment either for or against it. All I maintain now is, that whether that law be politic or impolitic, the present occasion is one when its operation ought to be suspended."

Lord John moved that the Chairman be directed to move the House for leave to bring in a bill to suspend, for a time to be limited, the duties on the importation of corn.

Mr. BANKES seconded the motion. He averred that the Protectionists had all along been in favour of such a measure on such occasions; and he rather blamed Lard John for not having called Parliament together at an earlier day, in order to suspend the Navigation-laws. The advocates of protective duties never stood in the way of relief for Ireland. Sir HENRY Bassos reiterated complaints that Parliament had not met sooner, and demands of further relief for Ireland.

Mr. Gouususs gave his entire assent to the proposition, and expected some good from it; and he forbore to interrupt the unanimity by showing how mach more effectual the measure would have been had it been adopted earlier.

Mr. EWART called, not for suspension, but for total repeal of the re- maining duties on corn.

Sir CHARLES WOOD gave some further explanation as to the reasons for past delay and for the present measure— In October last, the prices of corn had risen to a speculative height; as soon as the determination of the Government not to open the ports was known prices immediately fell. At the end of October, intelligence came from the United States of very large supplies having come down to the ports ready for shipment, and which were likely to come to this country at no great distance of time. In- quiries were made of the merchants at Liverpool and elsewhere; and the Govern- ment were told that a considerable number of vessels had gone out, attracted by the high freight from America, and that in all probability very large arrivals would take place shortly. Much more recently, the number of vessels loading in America, which had gone out from this country for the purpose of bringing home corn, was very considerable. He had in his hand a letter from Liverpool, dated January the 14th, stating that at that time there were at New York, loading for Great Britain and Ireland, no fewer than 37 vessels, of a tonnage of 25,000 tons and at New Orleans 33 vessels, of 19,000 tons; and that, in addition, 29 vessels, of 17,000 tons, had sailed from Liverpool for America within the preceding week, and it was extremely probable that the cargoes with which they would return would be corn. That would be seventy vessels, at least, which in all probability would bring home corn from America. There did not seem, there- fore, to be any likelihood that large supplies would not be brought into this country, or that, so far as corn could be brought thence before the na- vigation closed, there would be any want of supplies. But hitherto the anticipation of imports had not been fulfilled. This is the dead season of the year; the navigation is closed for the winter in America and the Baltic; but many foreign ports, especially those in the Black Sea will soon be open; and it is desirable to open every facility for the admission of corn. He was very confident that the time was approaching when this country would receive large importa- tions of corn. Up to the present time they had not received any Indian corn of the crop of 1846, which was described as the largest crop ever known in the United States. He believed that nearly the whole disposable crop of 1845 had been brought to this country; but it was stated that the crop of 1846 would not be available for exportation till December or January. The supply from New Orleans would arrive before many weeks had elapsed; but that which was ex- pected from the Northern parts of the United States could not be brought to the seaboard till the internal navigation was opened. These considerations showed the great advantages which might be anticipated from the adoption, at this time, of the measure now proposed, and which could not have been gained by any earlier suspension of the Navigation-laws and of the Corn-law.

His noble friend had stated that the quantity of corn, consisting of wheat, In- dian corn, &c., which had been imported by private merchants:into this country in the last seven months of last year was 3,728,000 quarters. The average con- sumption for that period was about 802,000 quarters; and if that were deducted from the quantity brought in, and assuming that whatever quantity there was of potatoes could serve only for two months and a half, the quantity actually im- ported into the country would be sufficient fcr the support of 8,500.000 of the people for four months and a half. The quantity actually imported was more than could have been expected, more than any one seemed to have imagined.

Sir Charles entered into a very long and detailed statement to show that Government had done the utmost to meet the wants of Ireland—

They had not imported corn; but they had bought it when imported, following but not leading the market. In that way they had bought all the Indian corn that was to be had. Depots were established; though not always without ill effects: from Castletown, for instance, came this report—" The destitution was greatly aggravated by the arrival of a Commissariat-officer; rumours having gone abroad that the Government was about to open a food-depot, which has pre-

vented commercial people from i sending in supplies of food as heretofore. The consequence has been, that the supplies n the town are exhausted, and the whole district is now without food."

Gentlemen had spoken in terms most unwisely chosen of forestalling and re- grating. In many cases it was impossible, except at high prices, to obtain a large supply of corn; and if that was about to take place which he anticipated, namely, that the Irish people would not maintain themselves to the same extent as hitherto on food grown by themselves, it was absolutely necessary, for the existence of that people, that there should be those who would supply them with food. The greatest benefit which could, indeed, be conferred on the population ef Ireland, was to encourage the establishment of small dealers and shops in every village to supply food; and the propriety not only of abstaining from interference with efforts to establish these, but of encouraging their establishment where they did not exist, had been pressed upon the Belief Committees. When it was as- serted that no measures had been taken to supply food, gentlemen should recollect that at this moment half a million of able-bodied men were supported on the relief-works. Their wages supported themselves and their families. Upwards of a thousand men were required to perform the functions of retail-dealers' • but without local agency, without the cooperation of those who were acquainted with the people, it was utterly impossible that the task of affording them relief could be adequately performed.

It was found that a sufficiency of food would be obtained by the people till De- cember: the depots were then opened. He related how a Commissanat-officer was sent to Skibbereen, and soup- kitchens were established. The misfortune in Ireland is observed Sir Charles, that nobody seems inclined to move until a Government-officer makes his appear- ance. However, food was now issued in large quantities—in one week 54 sacks of Indian meal (about seven tons) and 97 hundredweight of biscuit—in all about 26,544 pounds, or enough to support 3,792 persons at a pounds day. The mor- tality at Skibbereen was mentioned in an official report dated on the 23d of De- cember; but with an important qualification—" Yoa mast recollect that this mor- tality is confined to a certain class of persons, who are always to be found in and about all towns in Ireland, such as the labouring people and beggars. The country- people generally, never looked more healthy, and, I am told, will have provisions till sant May next." Steps were taken to extend to all remote places the same arrangements as those at Skibbereen.

Mr. Hums urged the Government to sweep from the statute-book for ever the dregs of an odious system ; and objected that the removal of the Navigation-laws ought to be accompanied by removal of the Timber-duties, as the cost of construction prevents our ships from competing with foreign vessels. Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that, after mature consideration, he had resolved to suspend rather than abrogate the Corn-duties and Naviga- tion-laws; because the temporary measure could be easily carried, while the other would provoke opposition; and the removal of the Timber-duties would not only provoke opposition, but would require the substitution of , another tax for the sake of the revenue.

Colonel CONOLLY denied that food had been issued from the depots in Donegal, so that the people had been obliged to succumb to the exorbitant demand of the regrater and retailer. Sir CHARLES WOOD insisted that his information was correct; which Mr. GRATTAN again denied. Another question was raised by Mr. BRIGHT; who obtained the explana- tion, that a foreign vessel carrying a mixed cargo would only be able to land corn under the suspension of the Navigation-laws--not, for instance, cotton. Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained, that a more sweeping measure would have provoked serious opposition: which Mr. THOMAS BARING con- firmed.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said that he should resist any attempt to re- peal the Navigation-laws. He attacked the existing Corn-law, for not . having given the people cheap bread, or any benefit to the consumer— Look to what had happened yesterday in the city of London, on the announce- ment of its being the intention of the Government to repeal this duty. He held in his hand that day's Cotton Circular of one of the most eminent brokers in the City, Messrs. Osborne and Son, and the information it gave spoke volumes. It is stated, that the effect on that day's market was to depress barley and malt, in which scarcely a transaction had taken place; that bonded corn had advanced in value to an extent which would be equal to the reduction in the duty; that there had been a fair business in all kinds of corn, at fall previous averages; and that floating cargoes of wheat near at hand rose 28. to 38. a quarter. Now, this was indisputable evidence that every fraction of the remitted duty would go into the coffers of those very corn-merchants and factors—those engrossers, and regraters, and forestallers, of whom they already had so much reason to complain. He asserted, that under the old law there would now have been in bond 3,000,000 q.uarters of corn, on which Government might have seized; paying the 10s. duty with one hand, and with the other supplying food to the people of Ire- land to keep down prices. He recommended to Lord John Russell the example of Nadir Shah; of whom he told a story— On an occasion when a great pestilence and a great famine raged throughout Persia—when the men, women, and children, destroyed by the plague and by hanger, were dying .in the streets and by the road-side—complaints were made to the Shah that the rich corn-merchants refused to sell; that, though the grana- ries were full, and the people starving, they still held back food under the belief that the maximum of prices had not yet arrived. On this being told to him' the Shah answered and said, "These men have done well; they have providedfood for my people; they shall be rewarded: make proclamation that 10,000 tomanns shall be the reward of that good man who shall produce the largest stock of food." The merchants were delighted; claimants for the bounty on benevolence poured in: but an Armenian was the best man—he had stored the most corn; for, though he lived in the midst of death, he had kept the seal on the doors of his granary, and had still said, "Prices will yet be higher." The Shah smiled on the Armenian, and ordered his Vizier to go to his treasury and to bring the pro- mised reward of 10,000 tomauns; and when the gold was brought, he said to the Armenian, "Sit down, my friend, and count the pieces." The merchant obeyed, and having reckoned the gold, made answer, "They are all right, 0 King!" But it was told in the same history, that thereupon the Shah frowned upon the Ar- menian, and, turning to his Minister, or chief executioner, he said, urn hands upon the wretch; take him forth: tie the 10,000 tomauns to his feet, and thus hang him to the loftiest gate of the highest mosque in Bokhara." (Laughter.) In this way did the Shah avenge men on those who trafficked on the decrees of God; and this was the course, in a milder form which, had he [Lord George] been one of her Majesty's Government—(Laughler)—he would have adopted to- wards the forestallers and regraters, the political economists of Ireland, who had let the people starve that:their profits might increase. (Cheers and laughter.) He would have had recourse to the lenient expedient, by forwarding large an

of competing with those dealers in corn, in order that the people might have had the opportunity of purchasing provisions at something nearer to a just price.

Mr. Wimaiit Bsosvst answered this with two more Eastern tales— During the reign of the Emperor Julian, Antioch happened to be in the same position as, unfortunately, Ireland was this year; and then the policy now recom- mended by the noble Lord was adopted by the Emperor. Large contributions were levied from the public parse; private interests were interfered with; the Go- vernment became a dealer; and it was found that the Imperial Government had attempted much more than an Emperor could possibly manage. Instead of making things better, the meddling made them much worse; merchants finding, that if they brought corn to feed the Antiochans, they could sell it only at the Government price, which was much below the price in the surrounding country; and the consequence was, that they could not resist the profits to be made else- where. The hamers shunned the city for the same reason; the Emperor kept to the price; and so the inhabitants were starved through his kindness. (Cheers and laughter.) There was another Eastern story, quite as good as that of the noble Lord, and with a better moral: it was in reference to what had occurred in Bombay some years ago. There was there a stock of rice for fifteen months in store, when it was learned that Guzerat, a neighbouring province, was in a state of starvation. The Council at Bombay deliberated whether they should take those steps now urged on the Ministry by the noble Lord—whether they should keep all the corn at home, or open the markets and relieve the distresses of the starving Hindoos. After much consideration the policy of the noble Lord was decided to be objec- tionable. They concurred that it was best for Bombay to have free trade, and to let the corn go wherever it was wanted; resting satisfied that as they were, like our island, in the highway of nations, every ship i sailing to India would look in to see if there was a good market at Bombay, and that n this manner they would not want a sufficient supply at all times. (Cheers.) And, of course, it was soon known along the coast what was going on. Not a day passed without a ship dropping her anchor at Bombay; and, if the port was found fall, they reserved their cargoes of grain for those who were in want. Several of the speeches that followed, though not ineffective as a whole, may be briefly described. Sir CHARLES NAPIER descanted on the opera- tion of the Navigation-laws in making our ships bad, and sending our-

seamen into foreign service. Mr. ROEBUCK. exposed some of Lord George Bentinck's iirionsistencies; and recommended the Premier, like the Prin- cess in the Arabian Nights who gained the singing tree, the dancing water, and the talking bird, by closing her ears with cotton against the fatal fascinations of the enchanted vituperation, to pursue his course regardless of the abuse with which he was assailed. Mr. DISRAELI delivered an essay, difficult to define as to its purpose, unless it was meant to show that he knew better than to revive laws against regraters. He parried Mr. Roe- buck's sarcasm with such retorts as the remark that he was a critic less like Aristarchus than Thersites. Mr. Bicirmast Ewer'. called to mind that Mr. Goulburn, who complained of delay in opening the ports, was the very person who prevented Sir Robert Peel from adopting that measure. And Lord JOHN RUSSELL expressed some surprise at Lord George Bentinck's backwardness in commercial knowledge, and at his language about " regraters ": he had before seemed to be making some pro- gress by the help of his commercial acquaintances. Eventually, Lord John's motion was carried, neraine dissentienie. Lord Join( RUSSELL next moved that the Chairman be directed to move for leave to bring in a bill to allow, for a time to be limited, the importation of corn from any country in foreign ships. This also was carried without contradiction or comment.

Bills founded on both resolutions were brought in, and read a first time.

THE SESSIONAL ORDERS were adopted in the House of Commons, as usual, on Wednesday. Mr. EWART moved as an addition, "That Committees on all Private Bills, as well as on Railway Bills, consist of five Members, neither per- sonally nor indirectly interested in the question submitted to their consideration "; the system having answered most satisfactorily for Railway Committees. After a short discussion, the motion was negatived, by 103 to 36.

New Wnrrs were issued, on Tuesday, for Salisbury and for West Sussex; on Wednesday, for Middlesex.

SHORT TIME. Mr. FIELDER has given notice of a bill for limiting the time of labour in factories to ten hours a day.

AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS. In reply to Mr. STAFFORD OTRIILI, Mr. MILNER GInsoN stated that he had a measure in progress to provide for the collection of agricultural statistics.

lasso POOR-LAWS. Mr. PoutErr SCROPE is to move the following resolution as the 4th of February—" That the lives of the people of Ireland ought to be as valuable, in point of law, as those of the people of England; consequently, it is exedient to extend to Ireland the main principle of the English Poor-law the right of the poor to relief, and the right of the destitute tote saved from perishing."

CRACOW. Mr. RUNE has given notice, that on Thursday week he will call the attention of the House to the violation of the treaty of Vienna by the seizure of Cracow, with the view of proposing to urge the suspension of the payment of 100,0001. which this country had been paying to the Emperor of RUSSia ever since the treaty of Vienna was entered into, on condition of his fulfilling its obli- gations.

MEXICAN LETTERS OF MARQUE. In reply to Mr. ROEBUCK, on Thursday' Lord PALMERSTON made a statement respecting Mexican letters of marque. Government had no knowledge of any agent in this country authorized on the part of the Mexican Government to issue letters of marque or acts of naturaliza- tion. He only knew that Mr. Barnes, a gun-maker on Tower Hill, had advertised his wares by announcing that a copy ef the original Mexican decree was lying in his shop. In a verbal communication on the subject with the American Minister, however, Lord Palmerston had given an assurance that the position of the British Government, which was one of strict and impartial neutrality, would be main- tained; and the question how far they could interfere to restrain British subjects had been referred to the Law-officers. It is perfectly true, that some time ago notice was issued by the Government of the United States that they would treat as pirates any foreigners found serving on board Mexican privateers: and Lord Palmerston had considered it his duty to instruct the British representative at Washington to express the expectation that this threat would not be carried into execution upon any British subject. The Americans themselves admit the prin- ciple that the subjects of one country may, by a short process, be naturalized in another: it was an universal practice, during the last war, to employ the subjects of other nations.