THE "ENTENTE CORDIALE" IN DANGER.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.
THE profound indifference with which the English people usually regard the events of foreign nations, has been somewhat less passive in reference to the re- cent warfare of press and pen between the French and English Governments and their organs. The " epicier," no less than the country gentleman we find, is curious to know what all this hubbub means, and whether "anything is to come of it"- either in the shape of a "rupture," or some practical result or another — the form in which alone European politics can be made to interest the bulk of our fellow citizens here.
For once, and I feel a consolation in saying it, the existing quarrel between the two Cabinets is none of our own seeking; nay, more, it is one in which we really have adhered to a sound general line of conduct, and can show "clean hands." The endeavours of the French Cabinet to inculpate our Foreign Minister in respect of his management of the affair of the Spanish Queen's marriage, are, I think' un- successful. I do not see any colour of justice in the argument by which they seek to insinuate that Lord Palmerston, on resuming office, showed an active de- termination to obstruct the designs of Louis Philippe, and that, consequently, the French influence was free to operate at Madrid. I believe that the senti- ments of Lord John Russell's Government were fully understood to be the same as those entertained by their predecessors: but notwithstanding this, the scheme of marrying Queen Isabella to the Infant Don Francisco, rather than with any other candidate, was pushed on by the French Cabinet, and solely bent upon securing his sanction to the union of a French Prince with the Infanta, the next in order of succession to the throne of Spain. But, it may be asked, if the French Government knew the dispositions of the English Ministry on this subject, how came it that they disregarded them, and pursued their designs as it were in the teeth of their good friend and ally The answer to this question is, that Louis Philippe was aware of the wide difference between the weight of Lord Palmerston s displeasure and that of Lord Aberdeen. He knew that the esteem and respect in which the political character and ability of the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs was held among the general body of European rulers, invested his opinions and representations with an importance which rendered it hazardous to offend him. Lord Aberdeen exercised, if ever Minister did, what is understood by a moral influence, over the diplomatic world; and, secure as he was of a cordial support at home, as well from a powerful Premier as from the solid respectable portion of the English people, he might be said to hold the reins with a strong hand. Whilst he was at his post, therefore, neither Louis Philippe nor M. Gmzot would have ventured upon their Spanish enterprise. When Lord Palmerston succeeded to the same office, it is needless to say that the whole prestige of moral influence vanished; whilst the substantial source of power, namely, the confidence of his countrymen, was equally wanting. He had, in fact, been forced to renounce the hope of regaining office in December 1845, because of the distrust of his discretion and fitness entertained by the out- of-doors public; and although the necessities of the Whig party corn lied them, in June 1846, to intrust him once more with the office he holds, no y denied that it was an infelicitous appointment. The event has justified this widely- shared repugnance to Lord Palmerston as Foreign Minister. His conduct 'since, unobjectionable though it has apparently been, has not availed, as Opposed to hie bad reputation, and his want of influence over other Powers, whose dispositions in regard to the common interests of Europe, Great Britain inclusive, it is so important to watch and control. The value of character, in fact, never trifling in this country, has been singularly illustrated by the public life of Lord Palmerston. Whilst I, for one, acquit him of any deep designs, or of any long-drawn manoeuvres in order to bring about a measure here or to compose a purpose there, as alleged by his enemies, I cann bu share the prevalent mistrust of a man who obviously acts upon impulses, some- times with gross levity and imprudence; who indulges personal enmities; and who, in fine, lacks the earnestness and sobriety of mind so essential to the dignity of a statesman intrusted with momentous duties. I consider, then, that the affair of the Duke de Montpensier's marriage would never have been prosecuted but for the retirement of Lord Aberdeen. Then arises the inquiry, how far this trans- action is really entitled to be made so grave a subject of complaint? The pro- minent features in the case are soon sketched. We are taught to connect the peace of Europe with the prevention of an undue ascendancy on the port of any one sovereign state. The treaty of Vienna was framed mainly in that view ; and it is undeniable that the principle is a sound one. Novr, this marriage of a son of LOWS Philippe adds a link to the connexion between the crowns of France and Spain, not only by establishing a collateral claim to the throne, (in the event of Queen Isabella dying childless,) but also by securing a mode of acquiring a share in the direction of Spanish affairs calculated to strengthen French influence, and weaken that of the Patriotic or Moderado section; which section enjoys the sym- pathies and support of the English nation. We are entitled to infer, therefore, that France will fortify herself in the Peninsula at our expense; and we have a right to complain of this, as fraught with inconvenient consequences in general, and especially in connexion with the ports, commerce, navigation, and general re- lations of the Mediterranean Sea. We have, in short, to own the truth, been oat. geueralled, (not to use a coarser expression,) and are very uneasy under the con- sciousness of this fact- The duplicity of the French Monarch was never em- ployed with better effect; and, what renders the feeling here more galling, his subjects appear to enjoy the success of his intrigues, whilst in regard to the Mem- bers of the Chamber, I verily believe that this capital trick will set up M. Guizot's credit in Paris as much as it has lowered it on this side the Channel, and secure his majority against all chances. One would have fancied, nevertheless, that the rapid effects of a coolness be- tween us and our neighbours, as exhibited in the absorption of Cracow, would have afforded a lesson to French citizens of the danger to free principles from losing a stout partner in the upholding of them. The loosening of the bonds which united France and England is the opportunity of the Xerxes of the North; who unhappily, meets no resistance from the disabled and fettered Austria, or from the irresolute ruler of Prussia. But here lies the fatal and incurable sore. The French cultivate nothing so highly as their national vanity. Weighed against this, even the English friendship is as a bauble in the scala ro have dealt a blow to British pride whilst exalting the influence of " la grande nation," flatters and de- lights our mercurial neighbours to a degree which renders them blind to the many evils which may follow this unholy triumph. It is vain to lament over this; still more vain to preach or chide. All we can do is to follow the example of the goodnatured man, who said to his offended friend, "I saw you intended to cut me the other day but I don't mean to be cut, for I know you could not live long without me." We must not be offended by France, beyond reconciliation; awl to that end we must repress our anger, and keep a good conscience, in the hope that what is at bottom for the interest of both parties will finally prevail over temporary irritation. There is nothing, in fact, worth going to war about; and therefore, under this view of the case, the less we bandy insulting language the better. This peaceable course is all the more incumbent upon us, inasmuch as the despatches put forward in defence of our position, on the part of the Foreign Secretary, display little or no ability either in respect of arrangement, argument, or expression; a deficiency which the perusal of former papers from his hand cer- tainly had not led us to expect.
As for any inferences disparaging to our strength or valorous dispositions, to which such a temperate demeanour might be supposed to lead, I apprehend they may safely be encountered. A truly brave and puissant nation is not easily pro- voked to justify anew a well-earned reputation. Let but a similar equanimity animate our friends across the water, and all will yet be well. They can afford
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