1:9tbate% ant( iprorcOings in Varliaincnt.

TIIE CORN-LAWS.

The early part of Monday evening iv as occupied by the Lords in the presentation and reception of petitions in favour of and against the Corn-laws. In number of separate petitions the former appeared greatly to predominate, bat the latter flit surpassed in multitudinous signatures. The Earl of WARWICK presented 155 petitions from parishes in War- wickshire, and said others would be forwarded to him ; Lord Smut. noire, 15 from parishes in Suffolk ; the Duke of BUCKINGHAM 85 from pieces in Buckinghamshire, Somerset, Essex, Lincolnshire, and Wilt- shire: the Earl of WitxeraLsea, 85 from places in Lincolnshire. The ntunber of signatures was in no instance mentioned ; but it was stated that one petition from Chichester and the neighbourhood was signed by owners of 22,228 acres and the occupiers of 66,709 acres ; and another, also from Sussex, by the owners of 25,000 acres. The first was pre- sented by the Duke of RICHMOND, the second by Lord GAGE.

The Earl of DURHAM presented several petitions against the Corn- laws, including one from Leicester with 12,389 signatures ; Lord VER- NON, one from Stockport signed by 7,000 of the inhabitants ; Lord BROUGHAM, 0110 from Liverpool with 26,000 signatures, and another from Birmingham with 16,000. Petitions to the same effect were pre- sented from Elgin, Dunbar, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Helper, Derby, West Bromwich, and Stourbridge.

Lord BROUGHAM addressed the House in a speech of nearly three hours length. The best mode of dealing with it, in the limits of a weekly paper, will be to state the course of' his argument and the points he chiefly dwelt upon, and then quote some of the more effective pas- sages. He commenced by calling attention to the vast importance of the subject, and the extraordinary interest it excited throughout the country. The House was not asked in the first instance to decide for or against the continuance of the existing laws, but merely to consider and examine the case which the opponents of those laws were anxious to lay before them. He addressed them especially as the highest court ofjudicature in the realm. As grave; calm, and deliberate men, they were entreated to " hear "—only to hear—before rejecting the prayers of numerous, wealthy, and intelligent classes of their fellow subjects. He appeared as advocate for the country—for all classes and all inte- rests ; and no word against any one class or condition of men should escape his lips. He proceeded to state the case which, if permitted, he was prepared to prove by evidence on oath at their Lordships' bar. The Corn-laws of 1804 were objected to because by them the prohi- bition on the importation of foreign grain was too absolute : when prices were high, there was free importation—when low, absolute prohibition. This plan was considered injurious and objectionable, and was therefore altered. Now he could prove that every objection urged against the bill of 1804, commonly called Mr. Western's Bill, was applicable to the present system. When the average is 73s. there is, in fact, no prohi- bition; but when the price thils to 455:. then the duty is 45s., and of coarse importation is prohibited. Then there were freight and other expenses to be added to the amount of the duty ; and Lord :13rungliam was ready to prove that 46s. Gd. was the average price at which foreign grain could be brought into the British markets. He had a right to assume that the Legislature, when it substituted the existing scale of ditties fiw the bill of 1804, intended to encourage the corn-trade to a certain extent; but he could show that the present laws were fatal to all trade in corn, except what was in a high degree gambling, specula- tive, and unsafe. He instanced the case of a Newcastle house which purchased foreign grain to the amount of 100,000!., but their cargo ar- riving after the duty bad risen, they were compelled to put it in bond ; where it lay for several years, till the interest and expenses swallowed up the capital. No prudent man could engage in a trade liable to such dis- asters as this. By an elaborate induction of particulars he showed that there was no danger of wheat heing introduced at a very low price into this country. He did not expect that there would be a very great re- duction in the average price of bread : in this respect he believed that the landlords and the manufacturers both exaggerated the consequences likely to result from a free trade in corn. Ile had never joined in the clamour about cheap bread. He had a higher object than the cheapen- ing of bread,—though he did not underrate the effects of the present laws.upon the comforts of the people. Hilt he should object to a shil- ling duty as much as to a larger stun. What was that duty ? It was in fitet the most odious of all taxes—a poll-tax—a capitation-tax; which nothing but the largest and most immediate advantages could justify. He considered the present laws also highly impolitic as warring against the provision by which the deficiency of harvest in one part of the world was compensated by ',plenty in another. They struck other countries out of the calculation, and in a time of scarcity left this country to the certainty of famine. Dearth there might be, but man's luckless hand converted dearth into famine. Steadiness of' price, not dearness, was the declared object of the present law; but filets and figures proved that it gave no security against immense fluctuations. He denied that the changes in the currency had produced any sensible effect on the price of corn. In the year that Peel's Bill came into operation, there was no fluctuation iu the price of wheat ; and there never had been a sufficient contraction or expansion of issues by the .flank of England to create the enormous difference in prices which had taken place. The Corn-laws caused the fluctuation. Another evil of making bread dear in England, was to make it unnaturally cheap in other countries, where English- men trade. The folly of expecting to sell to those whose onls- means of payment we refused, was manifest ;and he could prove that while the trade to those countries which possessed other means of payment than corn was increasing, commerce with corn-growing nations was rapidly on the decline. To the latter were exported machinery and skilled artisans ; and it could be shown that they were making rapid progress in manufacturing for themselves, articles tinenerly purchased in England. Lord Brougham then applied himself to the task of per- suading the landed interest that their property would not he depreciated by abolishing the Corn-laws. In this opinion he was fortified by Earl Eitzwilliam and the Earl of Leicester. He felt assured, that if steadi- ness of profit could be secured by investment of capital in land, they who now pat millions into the Finds at very low interest, and embarked in all sorts of speculations, would come into the market. as purchasers of land, He enlarged upon the advantageous connexion which might be formed between manufacturers and agriculturists, whose true in- terests were closely knit together aml concluded his speoeh with an earnest appeal to the House, for God'e sake not to decide against the Petitioners till they bad heard the evidence lie tendered to tftent. his fia-mal motion was, that the petitions on the subject Of the Corn-laws be referred to a Committee of the whole House, and that evidence be heard at the bar.

We proyeed to extract a few passages from the speech, of which the outline has been given. The speculation of the Xerreastle merchant.—" A merchant imported 100,000/. worth of grain from the Baltic in 1831. The price allowed him to do so. He hoped to be able to land it, and he expected to make a reasonable profit. The ports were open; the duty being as low as a shilling, when he shipped the corn in the Baltic; the ports were closed when the vessel arrived in the river. He had recourse to a bonded warehouse. He was told in his distress, as I have been told in my argument this evening, Oh, there are bonded warehouses.' Yes, and into these bonded warehouses went this 100,000/. worth of grain, and 100,000/. of the merchant's capital might as well have gone into the river upon whose banks those bonded warehouses stood. Seven long years was this merchant kept out of possession of his money ; for seven ion,: years prices kept so /ow that not one ounce of this grain was sold in the markets of _Lon- don; during these seven years, as I am fully prepared to prove, not only the profits, but the corpus of the adventurer's capital were consumed in charges. The house failed. It was a Newcastle house ; and that is another reason why I said the petition was most justly presented from that place, for no place has suffered so much; but, as I said, this house, a most respectable mw, tidied, be- came bankrupt, has not paid a shilling in the pound ; and if evidence is allowed to be produced at the bar of the Ifieute, I will prove upon oath that the com- mission agent, who was neither a merchant law speculator, lost 21,000L by being such commission agent, in consequence of the fitilure. 'That which lias happened to this most respectable man may he-ppen to ally one min any one day on which he enters into a speculation of ties sort. 'They will neant find that the ports which were opened when the !,-rain was ordered will he shot when it arrives here, and consequently they vill have to share the ruin or this un- fortunate individual. The trade in corn is one which no prudent man enters into—a trade which is not tit for discreet merchauts to embark in—a trade which is not tit to receive capital, from the nature of its channels, precarious, tortuous, endangered by shallows, and impetbal with rocks and quicksand: which no soundimrs will unable to fitthom, which Lunt never been laid down in map or chart, Ivhich cannot he depended !Ton for an instant, mill which shifts like a raphi river's course with the winds and weather of the twenty-four preceding hours : let tine w,ather come, let the harvest leek well, let the ear of corn appear full, down goes the price, and the ports :ire closed and the mer- chant finds that he has embarked in a trade the channels of which are the mo,t unsafe and unfit for the reception of capit d that he could select. As .a gam- bling trade, a speculation for needy and hungry adventurers, to pet-sons with- out capital, it is well adapted; but for a regular trade, a wholesome species of commerce, it is utterly unfit." - Thesto//-fise.—"I ask your Lordships to pause and reflect for a moment what that shilling means. It means a tas—it means a poll-tax—it means a capitation-tax, known by that hated, and jusoly-hal 01 and execrated name, a poll-tax, which this country in civilized times never consented to, and whirl, was never viewed with other sentiments than those of abhorrence, anil which was the natural and fitting resource of trhitrary governme»ts—a. tax from which there is no escape, fbr fhl eat awti deink—a tax which tall upou all classes, the -poor equally with the rich—upon men who can hardly sapport lire with the sweat of their brows, and men wallowing in wealth with 10.1.(1.10/. year—the family of the one p„ying 5s a year, at the rate of Is. cavil to this tax, which is as much as the man of 50,110,g, 04/. a, year pays. havin;„-:; the same number of children. B ta. t len: ;

„ .:a ..;-,-;-‘11- deal more than that to he

said. .Bread mach the larger proportiaa of the 1;.od of the lower classes

Shut of your Lordships. You have yorr hits mira, I. Ii mist the poor 11011 is taxed

for every particle of flod he consumes. (.1 O./ tiO, OrpositiOit belleneS "So lie UT 1.) I am aware of that. 1 that there is a ditty upon (..piecs and wines as well as upon hit-ad, but on bread the poor man pays in his hunthle sphere, and out of his scanty means, as lunch as any one of the NiTaltilieSt Of pifir I e rhmmhiiiw I think that feet enon:(11 to disincline any man permitting any lull- the most immediate and largest advaotages to justify so odions a sort of taxation," Opinions qf lando:eners ayainst corn-burs.—" I can bring testimony to show that this opinion lnas been held in the 1,"ghest goarters ; and indeed, if I were IU name among all your Lordships any one who bunt a great stake in the country more than another—who had no posslide interest in throwi:Ig ments in the way of agricalture—who ong-ht to be more wedded than another to that interest—who:se Ineans of subsistence and w,allh were lore especially derived from agriculture, 1 should name tny rliOale anit much-lovemi friend who is bringing flirward this mution;11,r I ama tmly endea vowing to lay a foundation for the ease hy evidence. The noble earl I mean, who is connected with Yorkshire, With Irel.old, and with Northamptonshire ; with districts of this coantry vvhere manufict ores are wholly uttknown, and with Irish districts where there is scarcely a manutiteturer, and where a strong prejudice prevails against any alteration in the Corn-laws ; yet that rmble & trl has a most unhesitating, a most unflinching opinion, that he is the worse for the Corn-laws. $o likewise is it the opinion of a great, the greatest agriculturist connected with Nor- folk, ((lie Each of Leicester,) that the present system of Corn-laws is no benefit to the farmers. It is no inciter what his peculiar opinions might he. I do not inquire at present respecting the kind of alteration which should he made. A fixed duty is epposed to the present system, and these who are tbr the present system are against a fixed duty. Another, who was opposed to these laws, was one whose loss I must ahvays doeidy deplore—one of the dearest friends I ever had in life---a man whom to name is ta lioh‘mr--tha latc Earl of 'Ilianet—a man whose opinion olt this sn'aject onght to have the

weight doe to a vigorous erst tohug. ,ind to exp.:rim-lice of very large ag;-:- cultural operations of various dest-riptiom% It was his conviction, that the

maintenance of the Corn-laws ices harm ti,an good. But perchance he did not knom how to fiontan opinion--perlav his 1.1.(-11.- of farming— perhaps he was ignorant of political and economic mat ter ? No, 1E- was :nth :lately connected with land, and skilful in fanning; and he was an cmany to the Corn- laws on the ground of interest, both as a farmer and as a Lindh ord. A nis nig Lords, I can also produce to yoar Lordships farmers—with deep interest as far- mers—who will give exactly the same testimony. One (bet I may mention by way of blunting the edge of that feeling which I see overflowing in same quarters at the bare supposition that a repeal of the Cm-th-laws, or the openiar,

of the ports, would he no detriment to the intertst. The periad of the closest and most complete monopoly of the home market to the home

growers WaS frOUI 1.812 to Now, what was the pries of wheat at thr.t thins ? During the wholc of these years. till the ports NC,u. i mm, the average price of grain was 3fis. and a fraction. (('ries (ft' "NO, ,.,:" P,, ob- served that 11 _W. was the hoe. st price.) I am ping into a comparative state- ment, and it is mm matter of indiftimenec whether I take the highest or 11,,- lowest average. It would signify if I spoke of the absolute price. but m h. n take a period when the ports were shut to compare with a period win the ports were open, it is (pito indifferent-2(1s. 1. w.t; tlio lowest prime; ii the average a December IS:35. (Cries of " One :nontlt!") No doubt it 13 one nioimthi I take the month of Deceniber I17'.2,5. I have co average of a time when the ports were open excepting the month of Dere; al-er, :Ind there- fore I take the same month when they were shut. The aver.g- of the same month of December iii 1838, when the ports were shut. lie:, ;:s. That is a decisive fiat to blunt the edge of the appetite 'for my tdstructi.ei which saw in noble friends around me."

Appeal to the House to how e;,7ence.—" I carm -thy implore you will not reject my request ; for believe me, my Lords, if yen do rr • ject it, the thy will come when you will say, Better had it been tor U if we had thought twice.' The day will come when this reflection will be too late, and when your repentance will not supply the place of a wise compliance now. When I say this, I am quite conscious that your Lord- ships are a body of men the last in the world likely to be influenced by any thing bearing the most remote setnblance of menace, and I am the last man to advance any thing which could have that construction ; but at the same tune, I know that advice is not lost on your Lordships, but that you are ever disposed candidly to take it into your best and most serious consideration. I shall add but one word more to induce your Lordships to listen to the prayer of the pe- titioners, who earnestly implore to be heard, not by counsel, but by evidence at your Lordships' bar. Whatever resolution you ultimately come to, sup- posing even that it be to do nothing a.srainst the present Cont-laws—stick to them, if you will, in the minutest detail, riffinact them as often as you will, re- solve not to hear a word against them—but for God's sake do not form this resolution till after you have heard the evidence I tender you. I protest to you, that if I were the most strenuous advocate of these laws, if I were the most unalterably fixed in my resolution that nothing should make me judge against them, if I were determined beforehand—though this would hardly be a rational determination, though this would hardly be a proceeding worthy of a Judge whose business it is to hear before he decides—but even were I thus pre- determined that nothing whatever should induce me to give up the Corn-laws, I should deem this predetermination on my part, not as an argument for re- fusing to go into the inquire, but, on the contrary, as the strongest induce- ment I could have for permitting the investigation before I published my final resolution to the country. My Lords, let me put it most seriously to you, what will be the consequences of such a fact going forth to the manufacturers, as that when evidence was offered at the bar of your House in proof of eight propositions, every one of them vitally affecting the interests of the trade, the manufitetures, the commerce, the wellbeing of the country—the deep import- ance of which no man denies, the possibility of proving which no man can reasonably call in question, the truth of which is an solemnly asserted, the proof of which is tendered on oath—what will be said, I ask, it those proposi- tions are arbitrarily thrown to the winds, are put down bv the mute eloquence of numbers, by the niece force of an overwhelming Poliamentary majority; and the people of England are told, Parliament has made up its mind about fhe matter: go your way, return to your empty shops repair to your ruined manu- factures ; or, hie away to foreign countries ; do what you like, we vant none of your evidence, we care not for your testimony, we despise your facts, we have made up our minds to this foregone conclusion ; and, lest your evidence might shake our determination, we won't run the risk of listening to it all.' Rely upon it, my Lords, that a refusal on your parts would be accompanied by the most unwelcome suspicions and comments on the part of the country. It is a much more pleasing task to contemplate the ham effects of the opposite case, ()rpotir acceding to my request that you hear this evidence. I can C011.- CC/VC 110 earthly cv4.-nt which would tend more to reconcile—if there has ever been a falling out—the people of this country to the established order of things, to the order to which your Lordships belong, than your candid consideration of, your paternal listening to the application of those petitioners—your open- ing wide your doors to the People's prayers—your not shutting out the prof- fered evid:nce as to their distresses, and the remedy which. they propose for them."

The Duke of Bttexixii ilk 31 announced his firm resolution to oppose the motion. It contemplated the entire abolition of the Corn-laws, which was equivalent to the ruin of the farmer. The agriculturists had gone through much suffering and hardship, and all they now asked was to be let alone.

Earl STANHOPE also opposed the motion. He contended that Lord Brougham ltul in several instances itiistated the question. Especially he had underrated the effect of alterations in the currency on the price of corn, lie considered that other countries would manufacture for themselves as well as Enaland ; and that foreign governments would not allow Englhil manufactures to conic in and ruin their own sub- jects, even were the Corn-laws repealed. They would not, in mere compliment to the political economy of England, or to gratify the inor- dinate grasping titter gain -which distinguished the English mantifitc- turers, deprive their own manufacturers of necessary protection. The advantages anticipated from a repeal of the Corn-laws, even to the ma- nuilicturers, could not be realized.

The Dube of l tc oleos]) said, that the competition which the English manufiteturers tneottutered, Nr;R: owing to the permission given to the exportation of the raw materhtl to those countries, an(1 the long conti-

nuance peac.,‘, whkh had eatibled them to manufacture for them- selves. But lo_s was surprised to hear that the manuflicturing interest was at a low ebb; for it appeared that they had abundance of money for the construction of railroads, docks, and other purposes. He felt it his duty, though it was an unpopular course, to meet the motion to hear evidence by a direct iteptive.

Lord MElmoruNe's principal argument against the motion for in- quiry was, that it would only puzzle the matter-

" I entirely agree and concur in the opi nk u that this house never would docile in a tincstif at of tlfis kintl--4,f suds get-at importance—of such moment to rdl classes of society—a tineation in which auch deep interest is felt by the whole connomity, as so I keply affecting them, without hearing all parties on the sulijivt, awl giviog the ino.t. ample omaideration to all the arguments which multi It 4,111!“--.1 to influence our opinions. The noble and karned lord usks us to hear certain parties ; hut then we have to regard the manner he proposes to so. 1 say, do net let us hay, a useless ;inquiry at the bar of the /louse of Itord4. If it were my wish and desire to avoid the question—il it were my wish to perplex MO 101V7.144 it—if I wkiost to procrasthotto I liii oidetation or it—it I w;.to•4 to iovolvi: the subject in a conflicting congrega- tion of Lid., tool opinions, I do not Itnow any course that I would lather pur- sue for thtit 1.11:01 the inquiry at the bar of the 'louse. What was does: that II, ico.le and learned bail stated in the way of titers ,,Itich Istts not perfi•effyii, ind obvious at put- it ? And with respect tout her matters, it would It:: an 1:111511 10 proillre 84iti-dtctoe:,' evidence, that we ahould get in- volved in an entlle-s inquiry if we adopted the course proposed Ity the noble and le:m.1. lord. In point of fact, the agreeing tO 'n118 10441011 WORM be no- thing mor.: nor kas than goiltg into tin inquiry of the N1 hole House into the State of the nation, liii it could uot be (Indium! to (tile SlthiCet, hut the House must necesaarily go into all invystigation or the state of tile commerce, the manufactures, and the agriculture of the country, and it would also involve them in many political For, if evitlyuce was produced on one side, they would be obliged to Lay tivIrkilev to the other she ; 11111116y would thus be led into im inquiry which mold be 'amino :cc of no good, nod which most produce a great waste of time, which would give no satisfaction to the country. Ihrrefore, if the House did not content to go into the inquiry that night, it would not be thought that it art. front tiny indisposition to hear evidence, or from a desire to avoid the snblYet, but from an intimate conviction that the present motion has mistakenly bet-n recommended. and that the object which the promoters or this tootioil Lire might In: better obtained in another manner than that proposed, and therefore I for one shall resist the proposition of hear- ing evidence at the bar of the House."

Lord Melbourne declined going into discussion on the general question of the Corn-laws; but he considered that Lord Brougham had assumed much which experience alone could prove to be true or false, especially with reference to the price at which wheat could be raised abroad, and brought to the English market. He defended the conduct of Government in making the Corn-law "an open question ;" and thought Lord Brougham premature in the declaration he lately made, that all open questions were prejudicial and discreditable to the govern. ment of the country.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that the real object of the motion was not, as Lord Melbourne supposed, to create delay, but to accelerate the attainment of the repeal of the Corn-laws; an object to be gained rather by clamour than by fair reasoning and inquiry,. To prove tint this was the object, the Duke read the passage from Lord Broughain's account of the proceedings by which the repeal of the Orders in Coun- cil was accomplished in 1812 ; and said, nobody could doubt that the same course was intended to be followed now, to obtain the abolition of the Corn-laws. He contended that the simple fact of the agricultural interest having enjoyed protection for thirty-five years, ought to weigh strongly e a measure for depriving it of that protection. Agri.- culture could not yet do without protection, and therefore the law must be kept up-

" My Lords, I think this questilm should be considered with reference to the benefit of all classes, and not of a particular class. The existing law, tots cannot be repealed without the repeal of many of the duties and charges now imposeil on the land ; and even if that were done, agriculture must be defeated in its progress. I must strongly recommend your Lordships not to withdraw the encouragement you have heretofore given to that branch of the industry of the country. Let it never be forgotten, that in the course of the last thirty. five years, during which the agriculture of the country has been encouraged, we not only have brought that ,great and unparalleled war to a conclusion to which the noble viscount referred, but have found our way out of the misfor- tunes occasioned by one effect of that war—the alteration of the currency. We have paid off one hundred millions of debt, and repealed an CI101'1110118 amount of taxes; and if we now persevere, we shall find ourselves out of the difficulties by which we at the moment may be surrounded."

Lord BaououAm rose to reply. Several Lords leaving their seats on the Opposition benches, he exclaimed-

" I perceive that you have alreadv made up your minds, and that you think it unnecessary to hear both sides. -The noble ant learned lord opposite, I see, is allow; ll g his old judicial habit of hearing before he decides to prevail over hint. (" Rear .'" from Lord Wynford.) You -tlon't wish to bear the reply, don't you ? Ay, but you shall, whether yotu like it or not ("Hear!" and laugh(er.) Why, I have been accustomed to this all my life—it is nothing to the House of Commons. (LovOter.) This is mere child's play to the noise in the House of Commons. (Renewed laughter.) 'But there we were always heard. (Here the noise somewhat abated.) Ay, now you have gained your judicial dignity, and show more willingness to hour."

He referred to Lord Melbourne's remarks on " open questions"— He had beard a gnat deal more, and had seen a great deal more of keeping a Government together, since he ceased to have the honour of being a member of the Administration than he had either heart or seen during the time he had tilled any otlice; ana he must say, it appeared to him that it was quite u new art. Ile did not say that he meant to apply his observation to this country, because, that would be irregular ; but in a country, which he would not more particu- larly refer to, he found that there were two arts—the one of keeping the mem- bers or a government together, the other of turtling one of its metribers out- (Lallyhte7)—and so falsifying the flible of the ohl man and the bundle of' rolls. The way now 5(I5 to leave out one of the Government—one unhappy brother was to be left out—while the others were made the stronger in their position by the very tie which haul kept them together and had turned their coadjutor adrift. That W118 the mode by which the Government was now managed; but, for his own part, he would rather lie the man who hail gone old under such circumstances, than one of those who continued in the possession of office. (cheers (ta(1 !atwitter.)

After alluding very briefly to the patient and grave manner in whichi the discussion hail been conducted, he said that the decision now rested with the House, 'whether he should prove those statements which had been controverted.

The question was put. The Loan CHANCELLOR decided that the " Non-contents bad it ; " and no division took place.

The House rose at eleven o'clock.

The discussion in the Commons took place on Tuesday. It was pre- ceded by the presentation of a great number of petitions ; the Speaker having taken the chair at three o'clock in order to afford Members an opportunity of bringing them up before the debate began. As in the Lords, the petitions in favour of the Corn-laws were most numerous ; but the signatures they bore were few in comparison with the names attached to the free trade petliions, and the places they came from, with few exceptions, were oli:erte in a rent:ratable degree. Mr. HANDLE), Mr. Pm: al MR I:, ti r ( .11.110. as VElt E, Ir. DAnny, Sir WILLIAM Yousc, Lord Nottimvs, Mr. 1)i.“ 1.:!, l'ustmEs Ilunnimf., Mr. Taiontsnr.i., Mr. W. J. DENISON, Mr. Ai.!,.% (:mt, Mr. G. HEAT HCOTE, and Mr. FEL- LowEs, presented lie: t I u, elliegv from rural districts, in support of the existing laws ; Lord SA N tilus ime-of the same purport from Liverpool— number of signatures not stated. His colleague Mr. CRESSWELI, charge of the Liverpool petition for total repeal, bearing 2n,o00 signa- tures. Mr. MARK 1? II i LLI is presented twenty-five petitions, signed by 27,:t66 inhabitants of Manchester and Salford ; and another from hand-loon, weavers, complaining that, ill consequence of the high price of bread, they were compelled to work fifteen hours a day, and could not obtain the necessaries of life. The other numerously-signed peti- tions were front the Tower Ilandets, Marylebone, St. Pancras, Green- wich, Norwich, Warrington, Carlisle, Leith, and Perth.

Mr. VILLIERS laid 1111011 the table a heap of petitions, including Iii one on which he founded his motion ; and then proceeded to addre!-s the !louse on the motion- " That .1. B. Smith, Itolrert I ljdc Greg, and others, be heard at the Bar of this IIouse, by their witnesses, agents, or counsel, in support of the ellegations of I heir petition, presented to the House oil the 1 5th day of this instant February, complaining or the operation of the Coin-lawn''

Mr. Villiers's speech, which opened with an appeal to Members as " men of business," on a question of " business,' was chiefly devoted to statements illustrative of' the injurious operation of the Corn-laws au

the commerce and manufactures of the country, and to arguments in favour of the mode of proving their ease which the petitioners had se- lected. He began by describing the petitioners. They represented Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Nottingham, Derby, Birming- ham, Wolverhampton, and the Tower Hamlets—places the sum of whose population exceeded two millions, and which would be at once recognized as the seats of the great staple manufactures of the country. He dwelt upon the importance of the cotton, woollen, linen, and hard- vare manufactures ; the immense capital invested, and the large num- ber of persons employed, in their production. He called the attention of the House to the striking change in the character of English dealings with foreigners which had lately been observed. Customers were be- coming rivals. The process was constantly going on. The petitioners wished to apprize the Legislature of the indications of approaching evils, which, though they would feel them first, must finally be shared by millions of the people. He was prepared to prove that these evils might yet be in a great measure averted; that it was not until they had lost hope of the English market for their raw produce that the Conti- nental nations submitted to the retaliatory tariffs imposed by their Go- vernments ; that even now, in Germany and France, where rivalry was most formidable, the people and their Governments were ready to ne- gotiate on the basis of exchanging their corn for our manufactures; that to the Corn-laws, therefore—to the mischief and selfishness which induced the British Government to refuse taking their food, on the as- sumption that they could not manufacture for themselves—must be at- tributed the successful rivalry of forbigners. There was evidence ready to prove that the export trade of England had not kept pace with the increased demand of the world; and that while British exports had either remained stationary or retrograded, the exports of France had increased 50 per cent,, and. those of the United States 75 per cent, since the peace. Mr. Villiers cited the progress of the cotton trade io illus- tration of this position ; reading extracts from the evidence given by Mr, Kempton, a Massachusetts manufiteturer, Mr. Timothy Wiggin, a merchant in extensive business, Mr. Joshua Bates, a partner in the concern of Baring Brothers and Company, Mr. William Graham, Mr, Kirkman Finlay, and Mr. Gemmell of Glasgow. All these witnesses bore testimony to the rapid increase of American manufactures, and to the difficulty of competing with them ill foreign markets. Turning to the European Continent, he found that the Swiss, the Saxons, the inha- bitants of the I ions Towns. the Prussiaus, and the French, were rapidly excluding English manufactures, especially woollens, not only from their own, but from neutral markets. In support of this statement. 3.tr. Villiers read an account of exports at different periods, furnished by a person of competent knowledge, whose facts and figures showed that he had paid minute attention to the subject. These filets witnesses were ready to verifyat the bar. The hard-ware manufacture was suffer- ing from the same causes as the cotton and woollen. Mr. Villiers read a letter from a factor, having exteusive dealings in different parts of the world, which proved that foreign orders, which formerly came to Eng- land as a matter of course, were now executed in Westphalia and Saxony. On these articles the names of British makers were stamped; but they were sold at a price much below what they could he supplied for in Englaad. In another letter from a Birmingham merchant, numerous articles of hard-ware were mentioned, which were now manufactured at a cheaper rate on the Continent than in England.

Having given an outline of the first and largest part of Mr. Villiers's speech, we proceed to quote some passages in detail.

Importance (g` the cotton, woollen, linen, and hard-ware manufarturcs.—Ile found tint I,500,000 people depended upon the cotton-trade thr their daily bread ; that the value of that trade to the country was :14000,000/. yearly ; that the capital employed in that trade, fixed and floating, was 20.000.0004 ; that 17,01.11yata annually was employed in wages ; and ti it of that tare two-thirds in value and three-fourths in quantity were yearly exported from this country. The next trade to which he should tefer was the wstollen- trade ; and he found from the same authentic sources, that the annual value to the country of that trade was 27,000,0001. ; that one-fourth was exported to other countries; that the number of persons employed in that manutheture was 400,000 ; anti that the manufacturers consumed of English wool up- wards of 108,090,000 pounds. Of the linen trade the animal value was 8,000,000/., and in it there was 3,500,0001. spent in wages. With respect to the hard-ware and cutlery trade, ITO:100,000i. wit, the estimated annual value ; the number of persons employed in it was 300,0411, and of that number thou- sands depended entirely upon foreign trade. Now, in each and all of these places in which those great branches of industry were conducted, large and public meetings had assembled for the purpose of affirming and proving the allegations of the petition in question ; and, hardly without an except no, a most decided desire had been manifested and expressed that more attention should be paid by the Legislature to the allegations of that petition than was usually awarded to petitions, lie had though it right to allude to the im- portance of these interests in order to show to the llouse that it was no insig- nificant party that was now seeking its consideration.

Eweiyn competition created and Astered by Corn-laws.—The petitioners said they haul been obliged to observe and experience a decided ehange in the cha- racter of their dealings with those nations on whom they lint been accustomed to depend fin. custom ; that time who were once their valued friends loud now become their alarming rivals ; and that this change had been most prejudicial to the industry of this country. They further urged, that which he thought gave them a claim on the attention of the Ilouse—namely, that the Le:,islature haul caused this change, by denying them the liberty of toldng in exelsange for their manutitctures that which other countries hod in excesr, ; that other tui- tions had thus been diverted from the production of human find and induced to supply their own demand Iiir matt us lit ii res. This was the charge which they brought against the Corn-laws of this cotintry ; and they ,ai■L further, that not only had those laws turned away their customers, hut hail converted them htto competitors, and if continued, those laws would disable them from mini sitting the struggle. Those parties now bethre the House as petitioners were pmnired to prove 'that they met with this active competition in all the countries in the world, and that it was now assuming an alarming. aspect : they repeated, that this competition was produced and greatly fitvoured by the operatioa of the Corn-laws, and that if the competition should extend itself in a ratio propor- tionate to that it had reached in a given time within the last few years, it would be extremely prejudicial to the interests of the community at large, but pecu- liarly so to the working and industrious classes, whose condition nmst suffer deterioration, ending in ultimate destitution.

The prayer of the petitioiwrs correctly stated.—The petitioners, in this stage of their proceedings, did not ask the I louse at once to repeal those laws ; but they stated that these important consequences of the laws, so deeply affecting their interests, were not fully within the notice of the majority of the House ; and that the truth of these allegations not being admitted, they sought the House to allow them to place beyond question, to submit to the severest teat of credit, those facts whirls would prove them to be correct. There was nothing which they stated that did not lion within the range of specific and distinct proof; there was nothing in the completion of their case that required more than a limited period of time; and they only repeated that which experience had forced on them, which experience, when known to the House, might influ- ence its judgment in discussing the general policy of maintaining those laws. They did not come there to detail to the House a sad story of general distress; they (lid not come there to excite pity for theirlosses ; they did not come there to inflame the passions of the people; they only came to the House to apprise honourable 7.t.lembers, as reasonable men, having a sense of the obligation of the trust reposed in them, of the coming evil, which could only arrive to be shared by them with millions of their fellow. countrymen.

Fads which inbred the relative decline of English manufactures.—To descend from generalities to particulars, he must lie permitted to take one trade as an instance to illustrate the position, that other countries had engaged in trades of which England had otter possessed the monopoly, had successfully entered into competition with her, and Were 110W increasing their trade in a greater ratio than she was. it.' would take the instance of the cotton-trade: when all that (It:pendia on that gigantic business in this country was considered, every thiug 1:61111Ct.tud. W 1111 It...11111SC be of the deepest importance. In the first place, he aiigtit sta)e, that England had st monopoly of that trade from the year 1770 to the year I s14.; that in that year our manufactuers had no reason to apprehend any thing front any other country itt the world, the only rivalship which we had at all rea,tin to dread being with the United States ; ;tad tthlialtoistit Clint country, in the year 1814, the most which English manutlieturers in the consumption of the l'flW material by Americsio manuilteturors was 100 bags. In America the consumption of the raw material was slow :320,000 bags; that Of France via 350,1ata; that of Switzerland, ::;t),000; that of other COUntrie, J rakOttu—making altogether, S70,000 bags, qual to nearly the entire consumption of this country. This clearly shouted, at least, that we no longer possessed a nuotopoly of that trade ; that we were no longer able to hold it ; and that other noon ries of the world bad entered into a competition with us, against which it would require all our most strenuous efforts to contend.

Facts which pmrill the growth if the German woollen manufactures.— "I. Until is few years ago the English wool buyers at the great German' wool fairs predominated Si) notch in number and in the extent of their purchases over the buyers of other countries as to rule the priets; but within the last few rears the Ctawin and Belgian buyers have exec.:do' them in their pnr- cliss-es, being able, from the flourishing state of their man:no ores, to afford a higher price for the ertiele ; and the English borers sure now regarded as of small comparative importance. 2. The exceedingly rapid growth of the woollen manulltet is in Prussia, and the ittlar countries of the German COM. mercial League, is shown by the flict, that tiVe or six ysars since the quantity of German woollen clot Its exhibited for sale at the Leipsie fair WaS only 50,000 ends (an end beingti. If a piece), whereas hist year the quantity exhibited was 350,010 ends : heitt,5 on increase of 600 per cent. 3. That, independent cf the duty laid on EtTlisit A•lot LS in Gernumy, Pett.-ian cloths are sold much cheaper Onto English. Et:;:,1;-:i tine woollens are already excluded from Germany, and from several neutral markets; and as soon as the Prussians can sufficiently extensl their mannii.et ;ire—which they are doing with astonishing rapidity— they will beat tl Euglish in ;ill neutral markets, anti probably in the home market of Ee.,..1.itid t...If, notwithstanding the import-duty on foreign woollens it) this count ry. 4. That the increase in the Continental manuiheture of wool is shown by the thet that fioreigners purchase a very increasing quantity of the wools of Eitgland and Ireland, of which formerly the hone. manufactures had Chic exclusive use. The export of British wool in 1S3,:ii was of the declared value of 432,0004, win -eats the average of the four years preceding was only 274,000/. This, tine:el:1re, shows an increase of 57 per cent. in the exportation from Great Britain of the raw material of the woollen manufacture."

Foreign competi::,,n ill hard-ware.—"Tbe United States now import from the Cominent of Lerepo large quantities of the following articles, 'Which they formerly ;insulin:I solely front Birmingham. Metal buttons, of all descriptions, gilt, plated, &uf. tin meoly a staple article in the Birmingham trade ; DOW 01:1■ tailltql. almost ,•ntiroly foom the Continent, at a lower price. Spectacles, of all kinds ; formerly very extensive demand, now superseded by the cheaper Ger- man aril the. Needles and tish-hooks, inerluea with, the names of the most celebrated English makers, sire now imported extensively front Germany. Lucks of usli descriptions, bot especially the liner qualit ies, are importesi from from St. Etienno, ecer 1.yons : there is much more fmish bestowed upon the locks and keys thail the English manufacturer ean afford at the astute price : Chic present &motel fcten this coantry is chiefly for the cot onion "qualities. row ling-pitees ti ii 1i 1-, of i ii.i t finish, are now principally imp ‘..tauloyl excel : :Lc t of the Continent untlteife us in tho-o guns fulasse it v.dce consists ni the work:muss:hip. Pins are impurt,d from Germany in much larger tptatitities than litrtnerly. Brass battery kettles art' made much cheaper on the Continent than in England; and the imports are chiefly from the former. Seithes, straw-knives, sit kles- formerly imported only flout England—are now node cheaper, and as good, in Germany ; militant suiles of foese articles are much diminished."

The above sire only seka.: ions from the mass of thets which Mr. Villiers quoted from documents in his hand, and which he said wit- nesses at the bar Ngr ere ready ;0 verify. He proceeded to argue in iltvour of a public examination of witnesses at the [tar— "Ii:' reason, in my opinion. why SO many are anxious for this mode of in- quiry, is that they believe tint the subject is most deeply important to every Hos: of the community, and the putt it loners tiolLIut be fully aide' to stablish their case: and 1 think it caonot be denied, that bet ween two nettles of this 11.011,,t. can instil ttio—nomeb., by a Select Cellos:tic: and a Com- mittee of the whole llonse—hile the latter is caleulated to sit tract and excite the ;midi,: attention, the other is only ;it tel I tiny or divert it, that while the one is bound to sati,fy Ilitt,e who have stleglo its judgment, the other i sure to satisfy none from the 11:1111te ii is Colltpt.,111011. In S1101t, While one is the fullest ;Ind fairest 11:e vonstitotioa :ollo:17, of, the other is open Cu suspicion. And I do think. that the people could conic here Witll :1 good greee to ask of Chit' grand inquest of tin country to give a full mid fair inquiry into their grievances. Considering the interest it involves, and the time it ins endured, they cannot he said to Is: affording a datterous or inconvenient precedent—for where is the case like it They cannel be told that they are deairous of changing a law of whieli there has not 1;:en sufficient experience, or that they ever smproved of. They come here to prove, that all they predicted of its con- sequenet'S licarly a quarter of a century 111.; 1 't.e11 N'crified, alIti Iliat they have at litres), all they expected from it ; and now, alien tiny are hourly feeling its effects in is stronger &greet., they ask you only to hear the evidence of the feets which would show it, l'pon what po,silde ground can yon refuse them this request I This rally it no trilling mat ter; alai 1 haat it

your supposed opinions. It is the same Parliament that refused to alter the km last year ; and they do not come now to you at once and hastily to ask you to repeal the law ; but they request you to hear the grounds on which they made the demand, and on which they think that you ought to reconsider your decision. Let me ask, what does any reflecting man imagine will be the advantage of refusing the inquiry? Do you think that the numbers of men who have shaped out of their usual ivalks, and have left their bosiness—can it be supposed that those who for now three months have been actively devoting' their attention to this subject, will at once abandon their opinions, because you reject their petition for inquire, and refuse to alter the law ? Dues anybody believe that those who have not' the patience of the persons who only seek the repeal of the Corn-laws, and who, despairing of justwe, say that there is no hope of redress from this House as it is consti- tuted at present, at once abandon that opinion because you refuse to hear evidence, while you dispute the fats's"

There was no lack of precedents in favour of the course he pro- posed— "Former Parliaments have always deemed it a sufficient reason to institute a fall and open inquiry, when those ;rho have represented the manufactures and commercial interests have alleged that particular laws have been injurious to them, and have sought to prove their grievances before the House. In such eases the House has always granted the specific inquiry. 1 need only refer to the Gatos in Council in 1812 : and there ia this analogy to that case, that there was then a preponderating party in the llotew, who, before the inquiry, mfused to attend to the statements of the merchants and manufacturers—who alleged the inconvenience of the mode of bomiry, and by every pretext sought to avoid the investigation. Every objection was urged against the proposal ; it was specifically alleged that no result would arise ; and yet I have heard from those who took part in that inquiry, that numbers prejudiced against an alteration admitted after the evidence 13:331 been heard, that such was the effect of the statement of the witnesses that their previous opinions had been altered by the evidence, and. they had iully admitted and urged upon alinisters the propriety of rescinding those Orders. And having granted in that case an in- quiry on the allegations of the ineren utile, the commercial, and the manufac- thrillg interests, will you now refloc all tender of evidence en the present p:th ion ? If you do mat deny the fiteh3, but admit them to be true, how can you refuse the consideration of the question ? It' you deny the facts, how can you refuse the offer of Jima? The petitioners in this case, moreover, do not observe that those inquiries have been always resisted how a careful economy of the public time ; for tllt.). find that you vere engaged, within the memory of many present, for thirteen days in examining into the corruption and maleprac- tices of a kept mistress and her royal protector ; and that, nut sickened with th 2 profligate details of that inquiry, you were occupied for ten days more in the discussion of the evidence and the charges. Grant, then, but t wenty-three days to these persons, who in the interest Of the manuliu tures and commerce of the country now approach you, and lam satisfied that before you will have completed t hat inquiry you trill regret that it hat not been instituted betbre; vou nill not I epent having granted it, and you will not be satisfied till you have learnt the truth."

If, however, the application was to be refused on the ground of there being no precedent tbr it, he at once met the objection by referring to one which occurred in 1783. It was the case of certain persons inte- rested in the fustian trade of Manchester and the neighbourhood, who on their letition were heard at the bar against an act imposing duties on cotton stuffs, and licences for bleaching and dyeing the same. He could oot !...lieve that the grievances of the parties whose cause he ad- voca:ed were less serious than those of the fustian-traders sixty years ego. In conclusion, Mr. Villiers said- " Unkss you admi, the facts sfated by the petitioners—unless you deny that they have already lust sonic trade, and that they will soon lose more-1 cannot tell how you can refuse this inquiry. Fortified, then, by precedent, by justice, awl by all that is wise and reasonable in the course they are pursuing, t!%;.t t.,n1 will not reject their prayer ; for I cannot doubt but that the im-

:33on which will be produced upon the petitioners and the public, thousands of v.

it au iire paying the utmost attention to the inquiry, if this application be 3,:fie::.31 is, that there is a flay or an unwillingness in this House that the truth ,boabl he made known, and that the, fitets should be published to this country. -Ne other infereiwe is to be drawn, or will be drawn, from your refusal, except tIe a majority of this I louse is unwilliv to chin; IC! the law, and that they will d nweive evidence because such evidence ni net lend to um alteration in the 1:3). But, not beiw.:- willing to ahtieipak the commis-hem of so much error injo-tice, 1 avia mos in e.t■fidebee tent you will concede this inquiry. I let ems:folly abstsin al from ehtering into any general consideration as to the t fleet of the Corn-hes s. 1 have confined mvseff strictl% to Os particular effects lainted. out hy the lititioners ;and I wish' to satisfy ;your minds of the injury mtlirt ell on them by these laws."

Mr. Srarrr seconded the motion. Ifs? particularly directed the at- tentioa of the House to the fact, that of the present exports a large irt consisted of fuel, machinery, and materials for ffireign wres. Ile also beed that Members would keep in view that of the petitiom on which the motion was founded, that " at/ A:fitt.m. on trade mot commerce are abjured by the petitioners, as i!.jrrions to tft,e ii react' of wealth and capital in this and all other ,!caries." 1 le was aware that he addressed an assembly, a large piir- ii it derived if incomes from hind; but he called upon them .zo do, not that which might be most agreeable to their own feeli:.;:s, but what would be just to the public, acceptable to the peti- t:o!:, r,, and bec.naing to the }louse; mid that they would not refuse of grieithees, or oppose inquiry in a matter in which they were Sir FttAsicts ilt7itorrt did not see any reason why the House should uudergo the process of hearing dint proved which nti:21a be easily taken for gsanted. The statements which had been made, with great

Nt'ere to his mind perfectly choir. There might be it question as to the eelirl to i.e afford4:41. When that question came before the I louse, it

shoald his hest attention ; and he gave it as his own conviction, ti t'si fir ss the bolded interests, with which he was more immediately were C,“ teethed, they entertained very erroneous opinions on 01,2 matter. Tik, Ilouse could not concur in the motion unless more evidyi,::: was to be produced ; and as Mr. Villiers's statements might, . he ,iiought, be taken as mideniably true, their time ought not to be wasted in proving facts which were not disputed.

Mr. MARK PHILLIPS 'Was surprised that Sir Francis Burdett should complain that the time of the House would he wasted on a question,

which materially affected every individual in the community. Mr. Phillips proceeded to mention some facts in confirmation of the state- ment of Mr. Villiers. For

instance— lie could state as a flit, that some of the machine-manufacturers in the borough which he repro,entcd had infinite difficulty in retainiog the services of some of the best mechanics who had worked for them many years notwith- standing the payment of large wages, amounting in some instances to as macs as 5/. a week, and preventing their being taken by foreigners for the construe. tion of machinery to be brought into competition with us.

He reminded the House of the sufferings of the hand-loom weavers

lie had often had cause to regret, and he hail often regretted, the condition of our-hand-loom weavers ; but if their condition haul been bad, and it was bad, he apprehended that it would be worse ; and that the expression made use of by his honourable friend's correspondent with respect to the hard-ware manufacturers would apply to the hand-loom weavers, " they must get the profit out of the blood and sinews of the labourers."

Lord Howlett rose to state his reasons for opposing the motion. He did not oppose it as an advocate of the Corn-laws, for he had always entertained a strong opinion of the impoliey of those laws, and had voted in 1828 with Mr. Hume in a very small minority against the principle of the Corn-laws. Further reflection had confirmed his opi- nion, that they were injurious to all classes, but especially to the age!. culturists. He resisted the present motion because he was an opponent of those laws. He fully admitted that the precedents quoted by Mr. 'Villiers were in point, and that the House was quite at liberty to adopt the course that gentleman proposed; but Lord Howick maintained, that the worst method in the world of making arguments impressive, was to put them in the form of question and answer. An inquiry even by a Select Committee was most inconvenient. Members had different views, and examined witnesses to elicit answers favourable to those views ; so that there was great difficulty in following out a connected line of argument. The evidence became desultory and irregular—a mass Of repetitions and contradictions, which few had patience to read. If the inconvenience was felt to be so great in a Committee of a small number of persons, what would be the effect of an examination before the whole House? The great variety of subjects bearing on the (mess tion, would render it impossible to put limits to an examination con- ducted by thirty or forty Members, each anxious to cross-examine wit- nesses in support of his own opinions. Let Members figure to them- selves the picture which the House would present at half-past seven o'clock— There would he their unhappy Chairman in his seat: whether he would be listening to the evidence, or whether he would be writing verses, or whether he

might occasionally indulge in a little repose, it was not for him to say. The great majority of Members would be scattered in different places; and it would be a very good evening on which Members might be able to limn engagemeuts to dine out, which it was not much in their power to do usually. The honour- able Menffier for Manchester had presented a petition, praying lhat this inquiry might take place; he would, therefore, feel it to be Ins duty to attend in his

place on such occasions; but he would be pecupying the bench on which Ile usually sat nearly alone, and he would be rather Inclined to follow the example of the worthy Chairman than to attend to the business which was going on.

Lord Howick proceeded to argue that there *as no analogy between the inquiry into the Orders in Council and the proposed investigation of the Corn-law question ; because the former was a new subject, on which most Members needed information, whereas the latter had been continually before Parliament, and the House was quite familiar with it. He protested against the motion IT another reason—it would divide the votes of the opponents of the Corn-laws. To himself it was particularly painful, that his Sense of duty to his country and his con- stituents would compel hint to give a vote to swell a majority, whick he knew would be regarded in popular estimation as a niajority in favour of the existing laws.

Mr. PRY= here withdrew an amendment .which he had framed in the expectation that the general question of Corn-laws would have been brought before the House by Mr. Villiers.

Mr. Want) entirely concurred in the course taken by Mr. Villiers, and regretted Lord Howick's opposition to the motion— The noble lord contended that the course taken by the honourable Member for Wolverhampton was indlivourable to the object be bad in view—the arrival at the truth ; and that all the filets on which the House would be guided in their decision were already before them. That there were official returns he affinitted—bahl, naked, isolated facts ; but facts the tendency of which was disputed—the very origin of which was denied. This was the case. Honourable gentlemen opposite would say, "even admitting that there is a depression in the nnundlictures of the country—adinitting that you are driveu from all the markets you ever possessed—admittin,g that there is an increase of competition on flit! part of Contineotal nations—admitting all these facts, we tihh denv that the results in question are. attributable to the Corn-laws." What did the supporters of this motion ask ? To combat such arguments and statements as these, they askeil permission to bring forward the best evidence that could be produced—the practical experience of men who had closely watched every step by which the profits of their manufacturing industry were

affected. place those men at the bar—to give the facts of the case their proper colour—to prove clearly, distinctly, and surces!.fully the intimate con- nexion between the. depression of trade and manuffictures and the Corn-laws. These were what they asked fin.; and if the House refused to comply with their request, Hwy would allow a determination to act on a ffiregone conclusion of their own, without a full knowledge of the huts which ought to guide them. Ile could not think that any consideration fininded on a supposed waste of the time of the House ought to interfere with a subject of such im- portance.

Mr. Tionrsoav said, that he had very little personal interest in commerce, Mid 11011C in manufactures ; but on his honour and conscience, he did think the prospects of the 'manufacturers most appalling. Un- less the free trade principle were adopted to its full extent, the commer- cial superiority of this country was gone for ever.

Lord Wonsixy was satisfied that the object of the motion was to obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws ; and his mind being made up on that point, he naturally. thought it n ould be unwise to spend considerable time in inquiring Into the facts.

Mr. HousmAs confessed that, in supporting the motion, he aimed at repealing the Corn-laws. Though Lord Worsley declared that he was fully inflamed on the subject, other Members might not know so much, and it was unfair to refuse them the opportunity of ascertaining the facts.

Mr. HEATIICOTli had presented one hundred and seventy petitions from one county against the repeal of the Corn-laws ; and he would oppose the motion on principle—he was averse to all change of the present laws, and therefore to all inquiry.

Mr. WARBURTON, taking up Lord Howick, who had censured Mr. Villiers's mode of introducing the subject as "injudicious," said that Mt Villiers's motion would at least in one respect be eminently useful— it would put the supporters of the Corn-laws in the wrong. The pre- sent motion was but the prelude to the great question of abolition— lie agreed in the course pursued by his honourable friend. At the same time, he did not think it much mattered what motion was made in that lIonse ou the subject of the Corn-laws. Until the manufacturers and the working people pulled together on this great question, and until the fears of honourable gentlemen opposite were operated upon as strongly as they were oil the occasion of the passing of the Reform Bill, by the manufacturers and thepeople working together, the Corn-laws would not he repealed. But a day would come, and then there would. be a very different story to tell.

Mr. CAYLEY could assure the House, that it was a mistake to sup- pose that the manufacturers had so far deluded the operatives that the latter would pull together with them on this question. The operatives bad had bitter experience of the "sympathy" of their masters for the last twenty years— No; they too well remembered the often-expressed sympathy of their masters for the condition of the poor children in the factories. He remem- bered full well the motion of his honourable friend the 'Member flu Lanark- shire ill behalf of these poor children, and the tone that the masters then adopted, as well as sonic of the 'Alinisters to whom the lna,ters were allowed to dictate, at a proposition for something like an efficient interffirenee ; and on this occasion they resorted to a similar tone. They then, as now, seemed full of svmpathy for the operatives ; hut the House was told that the power-looms end the factories must still have a monopoly, and that under those circum- stances the situation of the labourer must he allowed to sink without com- miseration.

Mr. Poutsrrr THOMSON said, that as it was the opinion of the House that the general question of the Corn-laws should be discussed on a future occasion, he would not then enter into it. Ile regretted that more gentlemen on the opposite side of the House had not spoken on this qttestion. It was rather strange that only three Members, all sitting on his side of the House, had declared their opposition to the motion. He called upon the House to consider who were the petitioners, craving to be heard at their bar ?— They were the representatives of the wealth and intelligence of a great por- tion of"this country. They- were the representatives of that eht,s to whom you owe your wealth, and power, and station amoor the natioo: of the world. Honourable gentlemen opposite might be proud of their 1 1 1 .ata. t•t. pw,sessions and boast of their long Ii iiO! of ancestors ; but what would now be their rielte. or their possessions, or their station, had it not been tiw the rapid advances made in industry, intelligence, and wealth, by the manufacturing and commercial clasies, who hail pressed at the doors of the House and ltei•ged that they viiiitl hear their statement. And who were now the petitioners to be beard at the bar: Why, the representatives of the Arkwrights, the Peels, and the Watts, of this country—the representatives of those men to whim a yen owed the means by which you fought the battles of this country, and contended against the united world in arms fin. upwards of fifteen years. And when these Men only demanded a hearing, and an opportunity of laying their statement before the House, were they to be met with a denial like that made by the noble lord and the honourable gentleman, that you will not hear them because you have made up your minds on the subject ? What they asked was all opportunity of stat- ing their case, and of adducing facts, supported by evidence, leaving it to their opponents to disprove them if they could.

There were numerous statements, highly important, the truth of which was denied, but which the petitioners offered to prove if the opportunity were allowed them ; and he considered that the fact of the other House having denied them this opportunity, was a strong addi- tional reason why it should be granted in the House of Commons. Mr. Thomson confirmed the statements of previous speakers relative to the nature of British exports—tat they consisted in a great measure of raw materials, and that articles which required much manual labour were now supplied by foreign competitors at a cheaper rate than they could be produced in England. He maintained, that to refuse the prayer of the petitioners, would only cause discontent ; and called upon Members, as candid judges, to hear the evidenee offered.

Sir PETER FLEETwoori complained that Lord Stanley, on a former occasion, had made use of sonic statements which fell from him in the course of casual conversation relative to the increase of ibetories in Lancashire. Sir Peter said he had ascertained that he had been mis- taken ; and he put it to the House whether there could be much force in the arguments of geutlemen opposite, when Lord Stanley made a speech for the Corn-laws which had no other basis than an incorrect statement of facts.

Lord STANLEY regretted that he had spoken on such authority as Sir Peter Fleetwood's, and assured the House that he never would commit a similar indiscretion again. The arguments used by the manufac- turers rendaded him of a ludicrous comparison, which he should not mention had not Sir Peter Fleetwood thrown some ridicule on the quits- tion— lie had heard the manufitcturers compared. by a gentleman of his acquaint- ance, 10 a match-girl, who solieited his charity in the ,treet, and who, having obtained it, remarked, " Bless you, Sir, 1 1.:e on every nIntell I sell; but, God be prai-,ed, I sell a great ntan'y of them.- And so'eei the maniatiteturers. :` We lose ou every article we sell ; but, God be praised our matuatitet nres have Increased amazingly, nail the only mischief is that other mitt jot's are increasing theirs too." (.Jiodt hotyhter.) BROTITERTON said, that Lord Stanley's statements, it' true, did not make out his case. It wmts well known that many mills were ear- ned on without profit. All that the manufacturers asked Wa,. a cioar stage mina no favour. The landbmrds pretended that an alteration or the Corn-laws would ruin the farmer ; but there was evidence to prove that the fanners had no interest imi the matter, and m bat the sole end and anti ni flit: Corn-laws was to keep up the landlords' rents.

Lord J011N RUSSELL agreed with Lord Howick. that to examine wit- nesses at the bar would he a most inconvenient mode of proceeding: but he protested against a statement which he titres:1w would be made, that the I louse of Commons hail resolved to shut out all information on the Coru-laws because it rejected Mr. Villiers's motion. He thought the evidence would be much better taken before a Select Committee ; but if that mode were disapproved of, let there be a regular notice given, that those in favour of a revision of the ('orn-laws may vote for going into a Committee of the whole House. To such a motion he would assent; but to the present motion he would give a decided negative. Sir ROBERT PEEL felt a deep conviction of the importance of the question before the House, but was most unwilling to argue it on the narrow grounds on which it had been presented. It was a question -which affected every class of time community. With it was intimately connected the taxation of the country. Could he, in arguing it, put out of view the Land-tax, the County-rates, the Malt-tax, and other bur- dens which, pressed so heavily upon land? In considering the general question, all these matters must be weighed: but since it was the wish of the House to exclude the real points at issue, he was content to argue within the narrower limits on \dile') the present modem) stood. Sir Robert proceeded to contend, that it was unreasonable to attribute to the operation of the Corn-laws, the natural increns of manuthetures on the Continent and in the United States, The people of those countries were stimulated, like Englishmen, by the love of gain ; and it was most reasonable to expect that as their population increased they should resort, as Englishmen had resorted, to mantifitettires as a means of' sup- port. But he denied that English manufactures Intel suffered to the extent and in the manner stated, by foreign competition. He would maintain, that not only had the exports of raw materials, such as cotton twist, inel, and machinery increased, but there had also been an in- creased exportation of articles in which manual labour formed a prin- cipal part of the cost of production. To prove this, Sir Robert referred to time exports of cotton goods— compare the average of the last with that of the seven preceding; years ; and I ask you whether that is not a fair test, no nuttier whether or not you agree with toy conclusions? Of the total amount of cotton exported mit the Seven years preceding 1838, the average tvas •.2Y.14) 0,u(+01 declared value. 'Well, what was the state of this deenyino mottOil t•Ire of cotton during- the last year? NV hy, that the expm-ts were 2-1,01141,410../.: thus exhibiting on the total amount of mu tat gothis aim inerea.se of 4,1)461.11.1.1. tin the !Ict.lured. value. But the hotiouraltle !wntlentail may say that ia t tat; mo..itut. I include the ex- port of cotton twist. I certainly de. I gave ■ oil de total antouat of cotton exported ; I give now that portion of it ichiclt in the inerca,2 of the exp;;rt of cotton twist and yarn. The ayer;ye of the seven years am 11 Ii respect I,) the:e5„140,1100/. declared value. By the !mods mx ported during IF-3,9, the average rose from what I have stated to 7,4341,110W. : t aCeounting for two millions of the whole increase. 1 have m iv to account for the rem.;Ming two millions. I take, first, an article with re;-pect to which ti. honour:tide gentle- man made strong complaint,. The honourable ,iyeaticintoi rtad an aeconnt of the increase of the manufacture of hosiery in Saxony, and of our diminished exports of that article to Calla. I, ow, he ought not to select Saxony, which may have iwculiar advatttares, nor oar ev,myt: to Cola ; Mit in order to determine whether this inattutileture is in that st Ate of hopeless decre- pitude which he would repre:ent, hi mdiv.ml,1 have of our ex- ports to all harts of the world for the previous ma: compared it with that of 1535. Well. then, if he did. he wou1.1 :mm ; average of the seven years previous to liz38 sibured that exports in hosiery Wit8 5117,0U0/. What u-as the proof that Ibis 1...,.1.- Iier'doil.? That in the List year the export increased to t.152,0o0/. Now, lake those articles which of all others the price of manual labour may be supoesel to affect most deeply. I allude to calico, muslins, dimity, shawls, hantl!,--r-hi •fs. ;Se. AP:these fite aver- age of tl e S,m yen years preceding I SS was 1:1,:a,4.; value, while in the last year it was I5,300,000/. I have already sho.1-1. :hat tile export of cot- ton twist and .varn has increased. than :5,3.10,i Si, if to ;.-1:;.1,1A611, ; aVII:It was the aggregate increase on manulltetured :mods AVIty. fr;un I4,700.1100/. to

16,71.0,00.4. ; thus showing a positive iner.ne tw.. inillionsiii re,pect to

thou articleS, the 21,:ina1aettire Whleh wa, ,a1,1 1,, 0,i tia' Now I ask, how it can ii, gravely cont. 1.:led that our hi:mut:let ming prosperity is cut up by the Corn-laws, the operation of which is said to be s i tittal and destruc- tive ? The honourable gentleman next referred to the import of cotton into the various states of Europe ; and he maintained that front it he had grotobl tar the belief that the manufactures of this country, as etunpared with other states, were decayiog. As to the first paper which 1 u I 1,..lieve there can hi' no questi;e:. This table to which I now refer em- iomv. bands to-day. and 1 cameo: ludmi myself equally resp.u.sible for ; Mu it i as printed at Liver- rad, and circulated. there as worthy of all credit. It pr.f•sses to be the amount of eotion imported and consumed hi the different ceam ries in Europe in the years IS:37 and 111 England, the amount in 1.-17 it a: 1,059,0 to hags; in ISM. it was 1,.23:,,(.100 bags. Now, let us Inke the other cumitries : in France the cotton imported in 18:I; was vddle in it was 313,c.,a) 'hags, The result is, tint in the other c It' Europo, comparing the quantity of cotton consumed in the year thar of IS:17, there is a dtercase of two per eel:T. Caleithit en ,1,111;,•,•,. 1 the whole of the countries on tile Continent are taken together: Mr though there is a dimuni- tion ;In the ii the. ia Eranee there is ao hicr....se of Lim. and a I; !If per cent.

What is the increase on the import of em(m; into I ireat Britain for same Vent ? Why, seventeen and a half per ecnt."

lie was arguing the question on the narrilv: ground to which Mr. Villiers outlined it ; but lie should be prei•.ired to show, when the whole question was brought forward. that ..he interests of all classes, and especially of time inantiffieturing LIL•cply con- eerned in the prosperity of ogrieniture. Ile was prepso-kil to negative the motion before the House. though entertaieing l't:Sivct for the petitioners. 'because he was aVcrse to 1:OStr011011,:::t of a decision on the real question at issue.

Mr. l'imaims repliol. He had not been in tlm,. House vilmoi Lord Howiek spoke ; but. front it hat he had heard. lie mansm thiak the noble Lord's observations much out of place. Sir ifilaee, Peet hail treated the question in 0 bold. straightforward inaniter. timI 111,t ‘.■ imb lialintle, imi which he understood Lord I loa ink 11;;;.1 (( ;:;!t.

front Lord Thurich.) But Sir Robert Peel Ita.l entirely misconceived his argument ; which was tbis- 'f hat there Were Certain 11,licatie::: Or evil to this coantry in the existing state of foreign Illant!factlires, a ltich it lalotved melt to take notice of; and he tAitressly guarded Itim,lf :ign,.11,4 a hat mimiglir Ia. invited 10 the It was clear from what had been stated that evening, that there was a difference of opinion with respect to the operation of these laws; and whilst that difference existed, it was equally clear that there was a ground for inquiry. Throughout the whole Of the debate he haul heard no argument opposed to his motion, except that of convenience : he should, therefore, feel bound to take the sense of the House upon it.

Sir ROBERT PEEL, in explanation, said, that if he had understood Mr. Villiers's first speech in the same sense as his reply, he would not have spoken at all. Sir Robert was proceeding to explain the sense in which he understood Mr. Villiers's first speech, when he was inter- rupted by loud cries of " Spoke!" and sat down amidst cries of 44 Divide."

The division took place with the following result—

For the motion to hear evidence at the bar 179 Against it 3G1 Majority 189

The House adjaawned at twelve o'clock.

Mn. TURTON'S APPOINT3IENT.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, the Earl of Wrxrnitsist moved for copies of any official correspondence between her Majesty's Minis- ters and the Earl of Durham, when Governor-General of Canada, rela- tive to the appointment of Mr. Turton as Legal Adviser to the Gover- nor-General— There were circumstances connected it ithi this appointment which teem in- consistent with a due regard far the character mid dignity of the Crown, and inconsistent also, lie would add, with the best interests of the noble Earl's Go- vernment. For he held the opinion, in common with a great portion of the people of this country, that the only sure bond of authority and obedience he- tweet% the governors and the governed, was the respect and esteem to which the moral diameters of all persons holding the functions of government entitled 'them in the minds of the public. For his own.part, having mice Leen ac- quainted with this gentleman, it was with great pant thtut he now came thrward to make a motion of this kind ; but if he had kali his nearest and dearest rela- tive, his duty would have imperatively compelled him to net as he did.

Lord Wiuchilsea referred to trhat had passed in the House last ses- sion respecting this appointment ; especially to Lord, Melbourne's de- claration that he had heard of the appointment with much " surprise and concern," and had not had " the slightest idea" that it would he made. He wished to ascertain in what way Lord Melbourne had testi- fied his "surprise and concern ;" and if the papers he moved were not granted, he should press his motion to a division.

Lord 311;t(nOrosa: gave Lord Winehilsea credit for being actuated by pure motives ; but be regretted the present discussion ; not on his own account, or on Lord Durham's, but on Mr. Turton's, whose feelings and interests must be deeply injured by it. He had said with perfect sin- cerity, that 1Mr. Turton's appointment occasioned him surprise and con- cern. He had no idea that it would have been made ; and wrote to Lord Durham, expressing his disapprobation of the appointment, and urging his Lordship to rescind it. Lord Durham replied, that his ho- nour was pledged to the appointment ; and he distinctly declined to rescind it. The papers moved for by Lord Winehilsea would throw no further light on the transaction ; which was soon lost sight of amidst matters of more pressing importance. Ile hoped that the motion would not be pressed.

Lord WINCHILSEA understood that the communications with Lord Durham were of a private nature ; which lie much regretted.

Lord 'MELBOURNE said, they were certainly not of a public character, as they related to the course he had personally taken with regard to the appointment.

Lord WiNcnn.sEA maintained, that Lord Melbourne ought to have acted in the matter in his public capacity as head of the Government. It might be most inconvenient, if any noble or other individual were guilty of something like a dereliction of .duty, that the House should be denied information because the commit:I:cations between that indivi- dual and the Government had been of a private nature.

Lord BROUGHAM said. that after the explanation given, no public purpose could be answsred by pressing the motion.

Lord WRscamsna said, he had resolved to withdraw it.

Lord BROrGIIAM was glad of it. But he fit bound to add a few words respecting Mr. Turton 'vi 11>111 he had know Li long, though never very in- timately. In every miler transaction of his life, 3Ir. Turton had main- tained an excellent reputation. There was uot a man in the profession of the law, or out of it, of higher honour, purer spirit, or of greater attainnient];. He would not defend an net of adultery ; but he would mention, that the late Lord Tenterden, who might be called as much the Censor 3Iagister Morton as any man, directed his (Lord Brougham's) especial attention to Mr. Turton's case, when he had to try it, judicially, in the House- " Ik re is the case of so and so coming before you next month," said Lord Tentetden f "there is a strong prejudice against tin. pa rte, Nvinan you and I know in the profession and esteem in the profcssion. 1.lonietiiim; tell upon my car goieg the circuit in the part of the country in wInch I was, which leads no; to 'relieve that that case is not so bad as is getter:1'1y reilresented ; therefore keep your attentiim awake to the ellT101,,titOees of the ease." ‘‘ I re- plied, that I would ino•t willingly do so, hat that I must have Inv noble and learned friend's a :Ince. I asked hint ti co:e and hear the case, -and to give me the comfort of his a,,istance in so &Neat,: a questiou. Well, on nobls ;old learned friend came, and heard the case for two days ; at the end Of which he said, he thought I would pretty well allow that tbeec were some ground :I for his remark, and that I must see very clearly how the ease stood. It was not by any means such a bad case as was supposed—indeed it wits very little out of the ordinary run of cases. 1 told my noble Ala learned friend, that I was so satisfied, that I thought he had better go back to Guildhall and relieve Mr. Justice Littledale, as I could deal with the ease sufficiently. I am, my Lords, the last man to say a word in favour or exteltuat ion of such conduct as seduc- tion, and much more adultery ; but do not let us run into the opposite excess of exaggerating every criminality or outrage upon justice, and visiting with the same disapprobation, and the same severity of reprobation, cases which, although they happen to be called by the same name, present every possible shade of variety. These are all the remarks with which I shall trouble your Lordships."

The Earl of WICKLOW considered that Lord Brongbam's statement tended to impeach the manner in which justice was administered in their Lordships' House ; for, he admitted that his mind had

been prejudiced by a previous conversation on a ease which he was bound judicially to try. He was convinced that the statement would not raise the character of the House.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that if such was the impression on Lord Wicklow's mind, generally so acute, it was a most astounding impres- sion. All that he had really stated was, that Lord Tenterden said " Attend to this case :" and if it were wrong in any one to make such an observation— Lord WICKLOW—" It ought not to be made in judicial cases." Lord Bn000rtass." Not in judicial eases I why it is an every-day Fuse, for Peers to ask one another to come down to particular discussions: mid for the noble lord to run away with the idea that our minds are prejudiced—".

Lord WICKLOW—" Hear, hear !"

Lord Baouanast—" Yes, you cry Hear, hear ! but you don't understand. (Loud laughter.) Now, I wish you to understand as well as hear, and to com- prehend as well as understand, and to digest as well as comprehend—to exer- cise your excellent understanding as well as your good ears ; and then, who, you lave done that, to decide justly. But let not the country be told that justice was malt:administered in their Lordships' House ; that they examined many witnesses, and entered into every subject with great rigour, no doubt, hut, although they sifted out the evideuce under the obligation of an oath, yet that their judgment had been predetermined."

Lord WicisLow said, that Lord Brougham's insulting language, taken from his usual vocabulary, would not remove the impression his state- ment must make on the public mind.

Lord BitouGuAat rejoined, that the public had understandings, and would not run away with false impressions. He denied that he had used insulting language. On the contrary, it as-as Lord Wicklow who had said the most uncourteous thing one man could say to another,—namely, that he had conspired with Lord Tenterden to defeat the ends ofjustice by deciding matters before hearing them.

Lord Mmitounsrl, speaking in reply to some remarks from Lord ABINEEII, not heard by the reporters, said that his own correspondence with Lord Durham was private, but that Lord Glenelg, in a despatch, laud intimated his approbation of all Lord Durham's appointments except Mr. Turton's.

The Earl of DrItlIAM then addressed the House. He said that he had appointed Mr. Turton on his own responsibility, and in the full belief that his powers were equal to those of all other Governors in respect to the creation of honorary Executive Councillors. He acted iii aeeordance with the opinion of the Attorney-General and Solicitor- General, ()arrow and Sheppard, given to Lord Bathurst- " Whatever impression inay exist on the mind of the noble viscount, I do most distinctly assert, and I hope, whatever prejudice them may be against my public career or character, that at least your Lordships will give credence to my words, when I assert most distinctly mid solemnly, that I consider, after all that has passed, that I was justified in siring any appointment to that learned gentleman, provided it did not affect the Government ; that I had a right to make such appointment upon my own authority and responsibility; and that it was made strictly and honourably according to an understanding that existed between us before we went out. I will not, my Lords, shelter myself under the recommendations Of any individuals in this country with regard to that appolo itment. lf ally such recommendations were given from any quarter, it was done solely in the hope of benefiting me; and I think it would be very base amk unworthy in me to shelter myself under those recommendations, or to shrink from any responsibility I hate incurred. I therefore say distinctly, and I openly avow, that on my own responsibility I gave that appointment. I con- sidered that 1 was acting according to the pledge and understanding that 1 had given to the noble viscount before 1 left this country ; which understanding, nei- ther at that time 1011' since did I con,ider to render ueeessary that the noble viscount shook! be made cognisant of this t tansact Mil. The noble viscount has entered into a nanntive of that transaction, mid hits said that it private letter and a public despatch were written on this subject, and that in answer to his pri- vats statement of opinion, I declared that my honour was pledgedoind that I could not retract the appointment. Now first of all, with regard to this private let- ter. It is perfectly true that the noble viscount did propese to Inc to rescind the appointment, and I declared that, haviiig made the appointment, and having, refused to receive the resignation of that ;Olive. I could not in honour then ac- cept such resignation; and the only HI was to tender my own resiglin- GUM 1 refused to be an aceessery to the iF,ceitee and discredit of the learned gentleman who went out trusting to me. to the puldie despl t dies, must evy tint after what lots pa:sed, I do think that 1 have a right to ask for the haul ■:■• t 4,11 of these despa!ehes. I am not ashamed of them. I wish those despatches to be read and published; or, it' the noble visemant will permit me to ?cad them, I have got a copy in my pileki,l; fir I 1611 not submit to have it supposed tiir a it that there ill5 iv thiug it those despatches that 1 wish to conceal, or any thing but a statenteot or the ea.,. similar to that which limt been egivated, namely, it tdatement as to the mot ; ves that induced me to make' that appointment whim I ii rived in Canada. Therefore, to me, whatever your Lordships may decide, it trill he on infinite satisStetion if every word that has been wr;tten, 10 private OT ill public, is detailm to the Ilouse. I have no calm: to fear it, or to conceal the chsaintstances it hit I was unfortunately placed, and in which I felt bound to make ally SaCl'i0Ce SWIM' than be ;in accessory to. my friend's disgrace."

One votal with respect to that individual-

" I feel very much obliged to ins noble and Lamed friend (Lord Brougham) for having called your Lordships' attention to this eminent person. It is per- fectly true that 1 have known hint (Mr. Turt(m) from our earliest years. We were separated by eiremnstances t he went to (mile, whilst I always remained in this country. I well know his proli!ssional taleots ; I know, besides, that when he first recommended himself for t toploy meat in his situation, lie was ap- pointed Adeocate-General to laird Combernare in Italia. In the al cities of 31r. Pearson, who went to the Cape of Good Hope thr his health, and who. tilled the office of Advocate-General, 3Ir. Turton was appointed by Lord Com- bermere, end fim a year and a quarter subsequently Lord Amherst confirmed the appointincat ; and so much were the dut ies performed to tine satisfitetion of the Court in which he exercised his functions, to the counsel, and to the Government under which he received the app,bintineut, that, for his con- duct as Advocate-General hi the management of the Sr lilt he re- ceived 5,000 circa rupees and a vote of thanks. And am I to be blamed for appointing this gentleman to office—a trumpery oilice in comparison with the high legal situation which he was judged fitted for in India? Ant I to he denied the privilege which was never denied to Lord Combertnere or to Lord Amherst—the privilege of' employing this gentleman, and taking advantage of his professional services ? But this is 11(4 all. The inhabitants of Cideutta, Bengal, and Madras elected this p'11711:111011 NS their agent for the purpose of communicating with the Goverwaent here. Yet, although all these circumstances, these uulortunate circumstances, were matter of public notoriety, and known to everyone in Calcutta, vet he received proofs of confi- dence and esteem to the greatest extent. In Calcutta also, where the people were by no means deficient in religious feeling, _this individnal held the office of Churchwarden of the Cathedral Church. (-4 /gaga, and ironical cries of "Hear, hear 1") 'Whatever may be the opimon of noble lords opposite, and whatever ridicule they may throw upon this statement, it must be admitted that his holding this situation is a proof that he was not considered such an improper person as some noble lords seem to wish him to be considered. Under °act, circumstances, I availed myself of his services—services utterly unpaid— unpaid to this very hour—for which he never received one farthing of the public money—for which he never received any thing except the satisfaction of having atithlully, honourably, and zealously discharged the duty he uudcrtook."

With respect to himself and his administration, Lord Durham would say frankly, that he very much regretted the withdrawal of the mo- tion. He was ready to meet Lord Winchilsea on the question involved ill that motion : but Lord Winchilsea must lie made aware of the con- sequences to which such a motion must naturally lead- ', The noble earl may think it advisable to discuss this question upon one inalehlual case, and 1 may meet him upon it ; but it will not end there, for I am prepared to discuss the question upon general principles, and to enter upon the general question of adultery as considered with reference to the conduct of public officers. If this Ilouse.has so great a regard for decency and decorum, no donbt your Lordships will pay still more regard to justice; and I beg to sav, that I shall feel myself entitled—andl will do it too—to go into an inquiry into the ease of every public num who has received official employment after having been convicted of adultery in a court of justice. (A laugh.) All the obstacles tint may be thrown in my way shall not daunt me from my purpose ; for 1 tell veer Lordships, that let once my path be chalked out, all your sneers, or cheers, all the obstacles von can throw in my way, I shall hold as utterly va- lueless. If one particular case is to be subject to condemnation, let it be followed up in the ease of every other individual in this country who is liable to the same imputation, ond who has been employed in the public ser- vice. Whatever course the noble earl takes with regard to the withdrawal of his motion, it cannot be said to be done from any desire for it on my part ; for, on the contrary, I ant ready to second any motion for the production of any documents, public or private, which have been addressea by ins to the Government."

Lord WINCHILSEA said, he was not to be daunted or intimidated by any man. He acted on public principle and would boldly give his sup- port to Lord Durham, should that node lord on any future occasion bring forward a similar case to Mr. Turton's.

Motion by leave withdrawn.

MISCELLANEOUS.

OPEN QUESTIONS. A conversation was held in the House of Lords, on Tuesday, as to whether in Earl GREY'S Administration the Corn- laws were an "open question." Lord 13ROUGHAM, Lord Rims, and the Duke of RimellmoNo positively denied that such was the case. To prove the opposite, Lord 3fiamonasE read a passage from a speech delivered by Mr. Poulett Thomson in the House of Commons ; and he also re- ferred to the votes against the Corn-laws of several persons connected with the Government. It Was averred in reply, that Mr. Thomson not being then a member of the Cabinet, was not a good authority on the point at issue—namely, whether in Earl Grey's Cabinet, the Corn-law was considered an open question.

SEIZURE or A BRITISH SUBJECT DY A FRENCH NAVAL OFFICER. On Thursday, Lord STRANGFORD referred to the forcible removal of a pilot from a British merchant-vessel in the Gulf of Mexico, by the commander of a French corvette belonging to the squadron off Vera Cruz ; and he wished to know whether there was at that time a single British vessel of Avar in the Gulf of Mexico? Questions were put to Lord Mint° by other Peers relative to this affair. And the substance of Lord Moo's reply was, that the French commander, Admiral Bandin, had sent a satisfactory- apology for the outrage to Commodore Douglas ; that he believed more than one British slop of war was in the Gulf at the time it was committed; that he could not tell whether the pilot bad been restored to his ship or not ; that he had not made himself ac- quainted with the 'particulars mentioned in the letters of Commodore Douglas and Captain Paget, but would now read those communications attentively ; that he could not tell whether signals were or were not passing from the French Admiral's ship to the corvette ; that Commo- dore Douglas would have interfered at once to prevent the outrage, had he considered the pilot of a merchant-vessel to be under the immediate protection of the British flag : and that the best feeling subsisted be- tween the French and English officers and seamen in the Gulf of Mexico. Lords ELLEsnonorcii, IvxmluusT, and BROUGHAM pro- tested against the notion that merchant-vessels of this country were not as much entitled as vessels of war to the protection of the British flag. Lord LYNDHURST expressed his surprise that Lord Minto had not thought it necessary to make himself better acquainted with the circumstances of the affair.

THE CIVIL WAR IN SPAIN. The Marquis of Losoosmattv moved for papers to elucidate the conduct of the British Government in rela- tion to the civil strife in Spain, especially the assistance given to 3Ittna- gorri. But after a few observations from Lord Melbourne, who de- clared that Ministers adhered to their determination of faithfully acting up to the stipulations of the Quadruple Treaty, Lord LONDONDERRY, at the instance of the Duke Of WELLINGTON, withdrew his motion—to bring it on the next day, when despatches and other documents show- ing what had been done by foreign powers, and embracing the years 1834 and 1835, would be incIndedin it. Lord Munouitxx said he had no objection to produce the papers.

THEATRES IS WasaatINSTER. A motion in the House of C0111111011s, on Monday, by Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, for an address to the Queen to sanction theatrical entertainments in Westminster, as in every other part of the Metropolis, on the Wednesdays and Fridays of Lent, was negatived, by a vote of 160 to 70. The motion was supported by Mr. LEADER, Sir Cannaas Benuma,, Sir BENJAMIN HALL, and Mr. J ; and opposed by Mr. Ethorr, Mr. CnEsswELL, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL.

REGULATION OF RAILWAYS. On Wednesday, in reply to a question from Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET, Mr. POULETT THOMSON stated, that the Government did not intend to introduce any measure on the subject of conveyance by railways ; though he considered it very desirable that some measures should be adopted.

This subject was again brought forward on Thursday. Mr. Gir.LoN moved that the House resolve into a Committee of the whole House,

to. consider the duties affecting internal communication in the country. He explained a plan for reducing mileage and postage duties to the ex- tent of 700,0001. ; the deficiency in the revenue to be made up by a duty on steam-boats, gentlemen's carriages conveyed by railways, and the increase he expected would arise from the greater use of carriages on common roads from the reduction of the present duties. Mr. HANDLEY was favourable to Mr. Gillon's proposition ; and declared, that on railroads " in all parts of the country gross imposition and out- rageous incivility prevailed." Mr. SPRING RICE was opposed to any increase of the tax on railway carriages ; which was rapidly becoming more productive, and the returns also proved that the duties on carriages used on common roads were rather on the increase. In fact, the rail- ways bad not upon the whole lessened the numbers of other carriages, though coaches had been driven off long stages. He admitted, how- ever, that some changes were required ; and he would introduce a bill on the aubject ; which he thought Mr. Gilboa would do well to leave in the hauls of Government. Mr. WARBURTON, Mr. HUME, and Mr. EASTHOPE were opposed to an additional tax on railway-carriages. Sir Roomer Pont, said that it was premature to press for the repeal of a tax before the financial condition of the country had been fully laid be- fore Parliament. Ile believea that if the duty on post-horses were re- duced to three-halfpence a mile, :ma the railway-carriages subjected to a duty of a penny a mile the railways would be injured and the post- masters not benefited. The postmasters could not compete with the railways.—Motion Withdrawn.

METROPOLITAN POIACE CounTs. Mr. Fox MAI= has obtained leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of these tribunals.

Mn. HARVEY'S SEAT FOR SOUTHWARK. Mr. WYNN presented the report of the Committee on Mr. Harvey's appointment to the Regis- trarship of Hackney Carriages. The Committee were unanimously of opinion, that the office was a new office of profit under the Crown;

that it came within the provision of the statute of Queen Anne ; and that by accepting the office Mr. Harvey had vacated his scat. Mr. Hem: and Mr. W.ieti said, time case was too clear to admit of a doubt ; but Mr. Hama regretted that the first blow should be directed against Mr. Harvey, when many other Members had accepted offices without being called upon to vacate their seats. Sir Roomer PEEL asked Mr. home to name those Members. Mr. Hama mentioned Mr. Henry Bulwer, Dr. En-wring, and Sir Henry Parnell ; and there were others— sixteen altogether. Mr. WYNN said, the duty of the Committee was restricted to Mr. Harvey's case. In order that Southwark might not long remain without the services of one of its Representatives, he would at once move that a new writ issue for that borough.

Mr. Janvis asked Mr. Wynn, whether he had not himself accepted an office of profit under the Crown—the Stewardship of the Lordship of Denbigh—since his election, and without vacating his seat ? Mr. Wv x N explained, that though he had not received the patent of appoint- ment till after the election, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to whom he had applied, had given him the promise of renewing his patent, which was in fact an appointment to the office in question, previously to his election. Mr. SPRING Rick: said, the law had reference to the period of acceptance, not to The time of making out the patent.

New writ for Southwark ordered.

LORD DURHAM'S EXPENSES. Colonel Srwrnorten moved for a re- turn embracing the expenses of Lord Durham and his suite, the names and salaries of the persons employed or connected with him, and all in- cidental expenses attending his Lordship's appointment as High Com- missioner and Governor-General in Canada. Lord Durham had stated he should be out of pocket 10,0101, by his expedition to Canada : that might or might not be true, but he (Colonel Siletaorpe) wanted to have a full and particular account of the expense incurred by the country for this princely earl, this Canadian Jupiter Tonans. He observed in the account of Civil Contingencies, sums charged as paid to Lord Dur- ham on former occasions-4,mo/. for his outfit to Russia, 176/a for the conveyance and entertainment of Lady Durham onboard the Cleopatra, 187/. for conveying lord Durham to Constantinople, and 2001. for the voyage from Constantinople to Odessa. He would take the sense of the liouse on this motion, and if defeated, bring it on again in a day or two.

Mr. Iltaau seconded the motion, but merely to satisfa- the public re- specting the expenses of the mission.

Mr. BAnnoN potted against the disgraceful and aiscreaitable at- tacks on Lord Durham in the House and out of the House. [Being called to order by the Sonamon, and afterwards questioned by Colonel Sinanouro, Mr. Bannox said he did not mean to apply the words " disgraceful and discreditable" to the Colonel.]

Lord Jona liessma, said, the motion was not consistent either with common sense or the rules of the English language. Lord Durham had only received the customary sums for his expenses as Ambassador to Russia. Colouel Sibthorpe would soon be sorry for persisting in his attacks on Lord Durham.

Colonel SIBTILORPE, alllititit roars of laughter, declared that he was not deficient in common sense ; and that Lord Joha Russell had said in the House, what he would not have dared to say out of it.

The SPEAKER interfered, and endeavoured to persuade Colonel Sib- thorpe that lie had misapareliended Lord John Russell's expression. Mr. SPRING RICE moved an amendment-

" That there be laid on the table an account of all the expenses incurred in the mission of the Earl of Durham as High Commissioner and Governor-Ge- neral of Canada ; distinguishing any salary paid to him as such, and all the expenses paid aud incurred in his passage to and front the seat of his govern- ment."

Colonel Surmount.: declared that he would have his own return, or- none at all. He did not care whether he pleased Lord John Russell or not. He did not consult him about common sense or grammar.

Finally, Colonel Sibthorpe's motion was withdrawn, amid Mr. Rice's amendment carried.

COPY IIIGIIT OF DESIGNS FOR MANUFACTURES. Mr. POULETT THOMSON has obtained leave to introduce two Bills, first, to provide for the Copyright of Designs for articles of Manufacture second, to extend the Copyright of Desigus for Calico-printing to other Woven Fabrics.

HANOVERIAN DCTIES ON BRITISH COMMERCE. MT. HUTT called attention to the duties levied by the King of Hanover on British vessels and cargoes on the Elbe. He gave a concise history of' the origin and nature of the " Stadt Duties," and a minute statement of the injuries They inflicted on the commerce of this country ; and contended that the King of Hanover had no legal right to levy them. He moved a resolu- tion, to the effect that the Mouse regretted the conduct of the King of Hanover, and was of opinion that no foreign power should be permitted to levy dues on British commerce or shipping until Its right to do so had been fully and clearly established. Lord PAL- MERSTON maintained the riyht of the King of Hanover to levy the dues la question ; but said he was in communication with the Haooverian Government on the subject. Under these circumstances, he offered " the previous question " as an amendment. —Mr. Ilutes motion ne- gatived; amendment carried.