The Hungry Forties
OVER a century ago when the world, shaken by the French Revolu- tion and the wars that followed, seemed on the brink of great changes, Tocqueville's work on democracy in America was studied by states- men in all countries. In England the young Gladstone gave it great attention, and Peel made it the theme of a rectorial address. Today, when politics are in confusion over most of the world, intelligent people are turning to Halevy's great series as their ancestors turned to Tocqueville's studies first of America and then of his own country. Halevy's first volume, published in 1912, gave the best portrait ever drawn of the England that emerged victorious but exhausted from the Revolutionary wars. At the time of his death in 1937 Halevy was engaged on the volume that has just been translated by Mr. Watkin, with whose skill readers of the earlier volumes are familiar. He had completed some of the chapters and of others he had left full notes. This material has been edited by Professor Vaucher, who possesses great advantages for this task.. For he has an intimate knowledge not only of the period itself, but also of the ideas and temperament of his close friend and master. All students of history will be grateful to him and to Madame Halevy for the care and devotion they have given to the preparation of this volume. In his first volume Halevy showed that England in 1815 presented conditions more favourable to revolution than were to be found in any other country. In 1848 revolution shook the whole Continent, and England escaped with the Chartist scare. This volume, there- fore possesses a special interest as it throws a great deal of light on this paradox. Halevy's readers find that the famous sub-title of Disraeli's great novel Sybil is misleading. In one sense England could be described as the "two nations," but, as Halevy explored, the condition of the English people, he was struck by the complexity of classes and interests that made up its self-conscious life. This was true of its religion, its culture, its politics and its economic pursuits and purposes. The Times, contrasting the mild climax of the Chartist demonstration in April, 1848, with the bloody scenes in France, argued that the English middle class was better able to defend itself than the sleek grocers of Paris. But why was the dis- inherited population, so much larger here than in Continental coun- tries, so much less successful in creating revolution ?
There were three agitations disturbing politics in the 'thirties and 'forties--the agitation for the Repeal of the Corn Laws ; the agitation for the Ten Hours' Bill and the agitation for the Charter. The first was a middle-class agitation against the landlords with a lot of working class support ; the second was a working class agitation' against the industrialists, with a growing support from the landlord interest. In 1846 and 1847 the middle class beat the landlord class
and got the Corn Laws repealed; 1847 the working-class beat the middle-class and got the Ten lours' Bill. Chartism with these two grievances settled lost, naturally a great deal of its force. This is a rough outline of the course of events. Halevy, in discussing these agitations, lays great stress on the influence of the Non- conformist chapel: He suggests that the natural leaders of the working classes, men with thrift, energy and abstemious habits, were drawn into the chapels, and that they lost their democratic fervour in that atmosphere of respectable virtue.
Everybody remembers the great tribute that Peel paid to Cobden after the repeal had been carried. That tribute displeased some of Peel's chief supporters, including Gladstone, Graham and Aberdeen. Morley expressed surprise, and his surprise has been shared by many. Haley), throws some light on their displeasure. He observes that no historian has paid enough attention to a remarkable article "never refuted " in The Quarterly Review of December, i842, showing to what lengths the repeaters went in fomenting popular discontent. The article is certainly startling. Peel's critics doubtless thought that his speech might seem to condone lawless methods.
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