Elebatrd anti 13ratrettingli in 13adiament.

I. REFORM OF THE IRISH CORPORATIONS.

In the House of Peers, on Monday, Viscount .MELBOURNE moved that the portion of the King's Speech which related to Irish Corpora- tion Reform should be read by the Clerk. This having been done, be again rose, to move the second reading of the Irish Municipal Bill. In support of the motion, he quoted sevmalpasgages from the Report of the, Commissioners, which proved,. the necessity of a searching amendment of the,whole Corporation system. of. Ireland. He pointed out the principal difference between the bill than before the House, and the English bill passed last year, —the paternity of which he ascribed to Lord Lyndhurst. He then alluded to the nature of the op- position, which, by reference to the journals of the House of Com- mons, he was led to expect would be made to the measure in that House. It was contended that there was such a difference in the cir- cumstances of the two countries that it was unsafe to pass a bill founded on the same principles for Ireland as for England: therefore it was proposed to do away entirely with Irish Corporations, and make all subject to the general administration of the country. Now he was certainly surprised that such a proposition as this should come from Sir Robert Peel— It was very unlike him; and he should be still more surprised if it were ap- proved of here by the noble duke. It was very unlike the character of their politics. He did not think what he said was in the slightest degree disk. speetful—perhaps it would be called by some rather complimentary, more than was deserved. ( Cheers and laughter.) It was rather bolder than their policy generally was. If he might make a comment on that policy in general, he would say that it was rather too late in point in time, and rather too narrow for the exigencies of the occasion. But this was larger than necessary for the occasion, and longer in point of time. It was a great exertion of vigour and strength, leaping twice as high as the fence they ;wanted to get over. (Cheers and laughter.) It was very unlike the habitual caution and reserve of the noble duke and the right honourable baronet ; he did not think it was their measure; he thought it came from another school—a school for whose chief and leader he had a very great respect. He admired his great Parlia- mentary ability, but he was certainly rather young—( Cheers and a laugh)— and the noble duke and right honourable baronet might perhaps find that his great talents would not compensate the absence of temperance and discretion. If that alliance had been formed, he would advise the noble duke to take care he was not hurried away from the caution which had generally marked his con- duct in Parliament, and he was in hopes would also mark his conduct on the measure before them.

He begged the House to remember, that though there were material differences in the state of Ireland and England, there was also, as re- garded the laws by which they were governed, great similarity: both countries were under the same Parliament, the same trial by Jury; the government of both was subject to popular control, and both had the same freedom of the press. He did not believe that the discrepancies which did exist were such as to justify Parliament, in legislating upon the subject of Corporations, to depart from all the institutions of former times, and from the whole practice and custom of the country. He hoped that their Lordships would bear in mind the effect which their acts must have on the feelings and understandings of those for whom they were legislating; and concluded by moving the second reading of the bill.

Lord LYNDHURST fully admitted the evils of the existing corporate system in Ireland. He would not resort to the Report of the Com- missioners, nor say what reliance should be placed upon it ; for he knew the evils of the present Corporations of Ireland, independently of the Report. For these evils he and his friends were as ready as Lord Melbourne to apply a radical remedy ; but the measure now proposed would produce equal or greater evils than those which were to be re- moved. He proceeded to argue, that the effect of the bill would be to render the new Corporations not only exclusively anti-Protestant, but, in the words of Mr. O'Connell, " normal schools of political agitation." This had been the consequence of the English bill, which was not his, but Lord Melbourne's; and he begged the noble viscount would not father his irregular offspring upon him. From the party- spirit which had prevailed in the English Corporations, some idea, though but a faint one, might be drawn of the degree to which reli- gious and political bigotry would extend in those which were to be framed on similar principles for Ireland. Party_ feeling prevailed strongly in this country ; but it was a temperate breeze compared with the raging whirlwind that prevailed in Ireland. He dwelt upon the influence of the priesthood, and the policy of those who controlled the Government. He argued, that the new Corporations would be stripped of the proper duties of local governments, and that of necessity they would become schools of agitation and nothing else. The course pursued by Ministers was not that pointed out in the King's Speech. He conceived that their Lordships were bound, by the answer they had given to that Speech, to apply a remedy to the evils of the Irish Corporations ; and therefore, in opposition to the opinion of several of his most valued friends, be should vote for the second reading of the bill ; but with the intention of proposile, in Com- mittee, certain amendments, the nature of which he would briefly explain-

lle would state enough to convince their Lordships that they might beeasily adopted, and he pledged himself to prepare what was necessary for the pur- pose, if they took the same view of the subject as that which he entertained. The rights of the freemen then should be preserved, as they were by the bill of

the noble viscount. The pecuniary rights, the franchise they enjoyed in the election of Members of Parliament, the administration of ,justice in criminal and civil courts, the appointment of Sheriffs, and the performance of all the other duties incident to a corporation, he would provide for in the same manner 411116 as they were provided for by the bill of the noble viscount. The superin.

tendence of harbours, and the regulations of the Chambers of Commerce, should be provided fur as they were at that moment ; and the inferior regula- tions were either provided for already by local Acts, or by the general Act of the 9th George INr.

With respect to the property of Corporations— Nothing more was necessary than to create Commissioners, appointed, if the noble viscount would, by the Lord-Lieutenant, to act as trustees for the inha- bitants, to apply those funds for their use to public purposes. Let him call their Lordships' attention to the real amount of these funds, of which a very exaggerated notion had been formed. From the Report it appeared that their whole amount, exclusive of the city of Dublin, did not exceed 33,0001. But it was proposed—and he was not aware that there was any difference of opinion upon the point—to put an end, if possible, to all public tolls vested in corpora- tiring, which were considered as great public inconveniences. The inevitable effect of this abolition would be, to reduce the amount he had stated very con- siderably ; and it would be still further reduced by a provision which was uni- versally recommended for the purchase of private and hereditary rights oftoll l belonging to individual.. After these provisions had been carried into effect 9 and the heavy outstanding debts had been discharged, the surplus would be very small ; but whatever its amount might be, he proposed that it should be administered for the public benefit. He asked their Lordships new to consider his plan, and to compare it with that of the noble viscount. (Cheers.) He concluded by enforcing the necessity of producing tranquillity. in Ireland, instead of stopping the progress of civilization, and urging forward the spirit of democracy, by the creation of schools of agitation in every quarter of the country.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would not at that stage of the bill dwell upon details; but he earnestly desired their Lordships to direct their attention to the consideration of the principle announced by Lord Lyndhurst ; and which, however disguised it might be by his eloquence, set off by his clearness of speaking, and cloaked by his ar- tifice, amounted to the distinct declaration that the great constitutional principles of the Government of this country, recognized at all times— under the Plantagenets, the Tudors, the Stuarts, before the Reforma-

tion and after the Reformation—should be solemnly declared by the *legislature to be inapplicable to the people of Ireland. Lord Lynd- hurst had talked about the evils of the existing system, but he had taken care not to particularize them ; but Lord Lansdowne would state distinctly what was the cause of these evils— It was the existence of irresponsible and self-elected Corporations; and, when he was asked whether they sought to remedy the evil, he replied that they did, because they proposed to substitute for irresponsible bodies responsible bodies, and for self-elected bodies, bodies elected by persons whose interest it was to choose the persons best calculated to promote the interests of those for whose benefit the funds over which they presided were administered.

He gathered from the speech of Lord Lyndhurst, that he felt con- siderable soreness at the operation of the English Municipal Act. That Act contained a pretty large family of clauses, and he thought that Lord Lyndhurst would find upon examination that many of them were begotten by himself. But the effect of those amendments was sorely felt by Lord Lyndhurst, and no doubt he was anxious that the same consequences should not flow from those lie intended to propose in the present bill. Lord Lyndhurst's chief alarm was that the new Corporations should become schools of agitation, as they were to be stripped, as he said, of all powers and property belonging to such bodies : but the fact was, that certain powers which were best placed

in the hands of the Crown were taken from the Corporations,—such as making provision for the administration of justice ; while those which could be best administered by the parties themselves, having relation to subjects mixed up with the daily affairs, were given to the local go- vernments. He would 011 Lord Lyndhurst that the best mode of repressing agitation was to confide the exercise of such powers to the people themselves— The experience of history, and experience of the most recent date, had suffi- ciently shown that every country advanced in civilization by the very means which the noble and learned lord considered most incompatible with it. A recent traveller in Europe and America would inform the noble and learned lord, that the existence of corporate bodies constituted the safety of a country against that democratic influence which he so much dreaded. Ile did not know whether the noble and learned lord had read, but he knew that many Members of that House had read, with the attention it deserved, the most re- markable work on the constitution and character of a country he had ever met with—lie meant M. de Tocqueville's book on Democracy in America. That gentleman went to America with somewhat aristocratic notions, being himself of as aristocratic family-, and returning with a strong persuasion of the evils of a democratic form of government, and the consequences to which the ascen- dancy of democracy might lead, found a corrective in—what ? In the existence of municipal institutions. Ile said that, strong as the princi.. ple of democracy was in America, much as it was exercised, and capable as it was of leading to excesses, there was that in America which would cor- rect those excesses from time to time—a system of municipal institutions, which gave room to every active mind for the exercise of its powers—which gave him a local interest, distinct from the general interests of the state—which prevented him from concerning himself too much with public affairs—and which, he con- ceived, supposing evils to arise, would moderate, if not entirely check and im- pede, their progress. Experience upon experience, and all the wisest histo- rians who had written on Europe, had connected the progress of civilization with the discharge of those verrfunctions which it seemed the noble and learned lord's first wish utterly to subvert and destroy ; and to destroy, too, for the purpose of preventing agitation. (Loud cheers.) " My Lords, I was astonished to hear with what perseverance the noble and learned lord dwelt on this solitary point ; for lie ventured upon no other. It is astonishing the use that is made of Mr. O'Connell—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches, answered by ironical cheers front the Opposition)—it is astonishing this uni- versal admission of servitude to Mr. O'Connell. It is really gratifying to hear the noble lords opposite admit that it is to him they are indebted for all their arguments. (Loud cries of " Hear! ") Noble lords cry Hear, hear !' at the moment they admit the fact that Mr. O'Connell furnishes them with all their arguments ; they refer every thing to him, andjudge of a measure being good or bad by his having supported or opposed it. Wise, just, and mag- nanimous principle! I wish the noble lords joy of the principle they admit into the legislation of this House, and congratulate them on the wisdom of letting it go forth to the public." (Much cheering.)

Did not Lord Lyndhurst, did not the noble lords who concurred with him, know that there were means of agitation in existence independent of Cortiorations?

" Do they really believe in that soft state of Arcadian tranquillity of which the noble and learned lord is so fond ; and can they suppose that this beautiful condition of happiness and peace will result from Ins measure ? Does the noble and learned lord remember, that if this bill be not passed, the persons who would have composed these municipal bodies will continue to exist in a country in which public meetings are free, and where they will continue to have the right—unimpaired and unchecked by any obstacle from the Crown, the noble and learned lord, or the majority of that House—to meet and publish, speak and debate ? (Loud cheers.) Does the noble and learned lord really believe, that seeing these local funds and powers vested in the Crown, when they have been hitherto administered by local bodies, will so gratify these people, that there will be no agitation in these places where they arc robbed and defrauded of the authority which naturally belongs to them? I own, my lords, that I can anticipate no such result." So far from thinking that the constitution of the proposed municipal bodies would establish schools of agitation, it was his firm conviction that it wag the old system of exclusive corporations that had raised schools of agitation in every town of Ireland. He believed it was in the foul and heated atmosphere engendered on the outside of their closed doors, that a great portion of the agitation, the discontent, the sedition—if noble lords would—had been created, which bad gone nigh to utterly degrade the condition of a part of unfortunate Ireland; unfortunate, because unfortunately governed. This was the history of the agitation that hadprevailed, and which he earnestly and sincerely hoped to see exterminated ; not violently and at once, but by slow and sure degrees.

Every care bad been taken to render the Corporations efficient in- struments of good local government— It would be time enough, then, when those provisions should have failed of their effect, and when the expectations they were entitled to entertain of a just administration of the municipal affairs had been disappointed, for their Lord- ships to adopt the alternative suggested by the noble and learned lord. But he must say, that it would be a most hazardous step to take into the hands of the Crown, at one sweep, all the property of Ireland, and to extinguish all cor- porate government in that country, which their Lordshipsprofessed to govern upon the same laws and principles by which they governed England ; and upon which he was confident, after the final effect of the existing dissensions had passed away, they might be enabled to govern it. He quite agreed with the noble and learned lord, that the prosperity of Ireland depended upon the esta- blishment of equality among the people; but he begged to remind the noble and learned lord, that that equality must be founded upon a conviction in the minds of the people that they actually received, as they knew they were entitled to receive, all the benefit of English government and of the British constitution. These were the grounds upon which this bill had been proposed to Parliament, and it was upon these grounds that he was pupated to give it his most stre- nuous support. ( Cheers.)

Lord MANSFIELD, Lord WINCHILSEA, and Lord FALMOUTH, strongly opposed the bill ; and though they would not divide the House, would say " non-content " to the second reading. Lord MANSFIELD dwelt especially on the impolicy of destroying the Corporations and the danger which must arise to private property from such a proceeding. He condemned the policy on which the leaders of his party had acted in giving their sanction to the English Municipal Bill. Lord,Rillita intended to vote fur the second reading, and for Lord Lyndhurst's amendments in Committee. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE briefly defended the measure.

Lord LYNDHURST gave notice, that be should move an instruction to the Committee embodying his views.

The bill was then read a second time.

2. REVISION OF TILE PENSION-LIST.

The House of Commons was called over on Tuesday, on the mo tion of Mr. Ilaavav ; who, after the despatch of some wised:meow, business, proceeded to call the attention of Members to the state of the Pension-list. Previously to the commencement of Mr. liar- vey's speech, the majority of the gentlemen who had answered to their names had left the House, and the appearance of tile benches, snore especially those of the Opposition, was very thin. Mr. HARVEY be- gan by noticing the deserted state of the flottse,—as if; be said, gentlemen had been summoned merely to vote, instead of hearing reasons which ought to influence the votes they were about to give. He went on to say, that his object was to revise the Pension-list, con- sisting of 1303 persons ; of whom =2:al were titled hes or sties accord- ing to the phraseology of Lord Morpeth,—which was high and classi- cal, no doubt, as used by that noble lord, but which, unless sanctioned by such authority, might be considered low and vulgar. These pen.. stoners received a sum of 150,000/. ; and though the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he came to open his budget, would of course have much larger sums to remit, yet 150,4100/. was not to be despised by a Ministry which made a merit of taking off the tax on madder, amount- ing to 1-1,6521., and on dried apples, amounting to 3011. Mr. Harvey referred to the conduct of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, and of the present 'Ministry, then in Opposition, on the subject of the Civil-list granted to William the Fourth— It was proposed by the then Government, that pensions should remain at the sum to which they amounted at the time of the accession ; being, as he believed, 14:3,000/. The present Government, then in opposition, were up in arms against the extravagance of the proposed Civil-list. They analyzed it—they pulverized it—they proscrib:d Ministers for their extravagance, and held them- selves out as the friends of economy. What did Sir Henry Parnell then pro-- pose ? He moved for a Committee to inquire into the component parts of the Civil-list. That motion was, lie believed, supported by every member of his Majesty's present Government, and most strenuously by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, now Earl Spencer. The result was, that the Government of that day was overthrown, in a House much fuller than the present ; there being a majority against them of 29. There certainly was not in that Govern- ment that feline tenacity to political existence which so eminently charac- terized the present Government. (Laughter and Opposition cheers.) The moment there was a majority of 29 against them, like some sagacious mai- mal, they appeared to discern the visitation which was in store for them, and out they walked. The present Government appear to be in their nature some- thing very like a tough beefsteak, they require an UW3111111011 deal of beating; and even then, it is to be doubted whether they will be found to be very tender. (Much laughter.) Without going into the particulars of what subsequently occurred, he should merely state, that the economical Government which suc- ceeded that of the Duke increased the Civil-list by 12,000/. ; and they also resolved to keep on the Pension-list the names of all who had got there,—th,•ugh many of them got there, as Lord Grey. said, " God knows how, and were kept there the devil knows why." On two for- mer occasions be had tried to ascertain, by means of a Committee, what right the persons on that list had to their pensions; but the Ministers had always said, " if we arc beaten on this motion we shall resign ;" and that was enough to frighten anybody: so nobody who knew any thing of Parliamentary tactics could be surprised that he was in a minority. But again he came to the contest. He knew that the old arguments would be used against him ; and one of them would be, that Ministers came into power by virtue of an express bargain with the King that his Pension-list was not to be touched. But he did not believe in the existence of such a disgraceful contract. If such had been made, it could not bind third parties, especially when the parties to the contract were interested parties. Moreover, the King had broken the contract, if such had ever existed ; for be turned out the :Ministers with whom he was said to have made it. He would not hold up to public scorn by name the more notorious persons on the Pension-list, because he had ascertained that by following that plan on former occasions he bail lost some votes- " Many gentlemen came down ready to vote for me ; they intended to vote for me; they told their constituents they'd vote for me ; ' but, said they, when you named that old ft iend of mine—a fine hearty old fellow whom I have known so long and met so frequently at clubs, and elsewhere, who has nothing but his pension to depend on—I could not think of supporting your proposition.' Then again I was thus attacked—''Tis true that old lady you mentioned was suspected of having lost her virtue many years ago; but then. in kindness and consideration to her relatives, you should have overlooked her case.' Thus was the majority of the Government swelled, on that occasion, by throwing over to their support all these old women. Now, I won't touch one of these old ladies on this occasion." ( Moos of laughter.) He ridiculed the idea of the 44 per cent Sugar-duties and the Ad- miralty Droits' which were given up at the tune of the settlement of the Civil-list, being an equivalent for the privilege of preserving the Pension-list entire ; and he complained that 6000/. of Admiralty Droits turd been paid over to the King's privy purse, subsequently to the date of the arrangement by which they were given up to the public. As for the 4i per cents, be would tell the House the history of those duties— They originally constituted a charge imposed upon the Leeward Islands for the maintenance of their internal batteries ;Lod public edifices; and ivasmuch as it was found inconvenient to remit the amount in money, it was arranged that for every one hundred hogsheads of rum or sugar exported for sale, four hogsheads and n-half should he sent to this country, to be sold on account of the charge. The sum averiling from the sale was taken possession of by Go- vernment ; but instead of applying it to the purposes for which it was intended, it was found convenient to (lisps.; of it in pensioning off the claimants for public pensions. In other words, the sugar was employed in stopping the mouths of old gentlemen. and the ruin in cheering the hearts of all ladies. (Laughter.) Indeed, so popular became the runt among iodic:, and so fie- quently did the Ito) al munificence anticipate ihr, hogsheads of sugar and tom, that when sold they did not make up the amount of the duties charged limo, them ; and to supply the deficiency. the Government was obliged to stiffer their importation duty free, urging with all that plausibility nhich a seat omit' a Treasury bench so invariably impat ted to its occupant, that as the hogsheads were sent to the City for the !loyal convenience, they ought to he passed free through the Customhouse. But even this dill not suffice. Every penny of the sum gained was swallowed up ; nothing was left. The old ladies sucked at the bunghole until not a drop of the ruin was to be found ; and the consequence was, that at the time his Majesty assigned over his interest in these duties to the people, every fraction of tlein was mortgaged in pensions. The first name in the list was that of a Whig. Indeed, lie would do that party the jus- tice to say, that they were ever the first to take for themselves. Lord Auckland got the first hogshead ; and from hint the list went through forty names, of which thirty-eight were those of titled individuals. Among other hogshead re- ceivers were the five Miss Fitzelarences and het Royal Highness the Dutchess of Gloucester. In short, what with salary and what with pensions, there were at least 50,0001. paid in pensions charged upon those duties, although their en- tered amount did not exceed 25,0001. So much then for the vaunted liberality of the Crown in surrendering the 4} percent. duties. (" Hear, hear !") He called upon the house to remember the harsh working of the Poor law, and the obligation it imposed upon every man who could labour, to support himself, and not only himself, but his relations ; and then he asked, how in common justice could the House call upon this man to support the three hundred titled paupers, with rich relations, who were on the Pension-list? Were a hundred thousand men to meet the next day on Bluckheath to resist such oppression, he would join them— What, he asked, would be more rational than for the poorer classes of the country to stand out and say, until this abominable l'ensiomlist is destroyed, we will not submit to your law, because it is against the law of nature ! Was the Poor-law relief and the Pension list relief guided by the same principle ? No. There were Commissioners to inquire into the character and claims of any person applying for relief under the Poor-law Bill, while interest alone was the test of fitness for the Pension-list. He did not wish to be either invi- dious or personal; but he saw around him in that House many whose relations figured upon that list, although they themselves wanted the disposition only to support them. Was it not disgraceful to the character of a British noble to have his relations living on the hoed!y procured earnings of the working classes, while he was himself rolling in wealth? 3luch was said of the refinement of British manners and the moral dignity actuating the upper classes of English society. Where was that morality ? Grant him but a Committee, and he would prove that there were more than five hundred persons upon the Pension list whose relations were in every way competent to support them. Why should not the law apply equally to the strung bodied Peer and the strong- bodied labourer ? He saw upon the list before him the names of three or four Peers, ten times stronger in body than he was, and who never had, and never could do, half the good he had done. Why was it that he, whom the asso- ciates of those Peers had sought to deprive of bread, by suffering an oligarchial tribunal to keep him from his profession ?—why was it, he a-ked, that he should be made to support those pauper beggars? It drove one almost mad to ask the question.

He called upon those who had relatives or friends who deserved well of their country upon the Pension-list, to come forward and relieve them from the degradation of being mixed up with the great majority of those who were on the list. He challenged Ministers to produce half- a-dozen names of persons who deserved the pensions they received— No one was more willing than he that those who deserved well of their country, in whatever position in life they had been placed, should be rewarded ; but while the Pension-list was in its present state, he felt surprised that any individual of character, however pressing his necessity, could consent to be placed upon it. It should be recollected that the more the Pension-list was cleared of those names which had been improperly placed upon it, the more funds there would be to reward really deserving claimants. How many were there who ought to be on the list, but were Dot, solely because there was no room for them. It was seeing the names and relations of royal dukes upon the Pension-list which stirred up rebellion in him. Was it not, above all, a mon- strous insult to the People of England to see five of the children of their King receiving pensions, and that at a time when their father was in the receipt of a splendid revenue ? It was said, that as his Majesty had surrendered the in- comes arising out of the Dutchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, that his having make provision for his children through the medium of the Civil-list was ex- cusable. But how stood the fact? His Majesty, although perhaps he did not receive the revenues of these dutchies, did avail himself of the patronage at- tached to them. He might, as an instance of this, mention, that upon a late occasion no less a sum than 70,0001. bad been paid to him as a renewal Roe upon an expiring lease.

He concluded by moving for- " a Select Committee to revise each pension specified in a return ordered to be printed on the 28th of June I835 ; with a view to ascertain whether the continued payment thereof is justified by the circumstances of the original grant, or the condition of the parties receiving the same, and to report thereon to the House." ,

Lord_Joitsr RussmoPpOsid the motion; and proved, by reference

to the conduct of the Whigs from the Revolution to the present time, that they bad always opposed an investigation of the Pension-list. He also argued, that the Pension-list was in a constant course of diminu. tion, and that if Mr. Harvey's motion was acceded to, a very slight saving could be made ; and that at the expense of the most odious and cruel investigation into the private affairs of individuals. He reminded Mr. Harvey of the obstacles be bad himself experienced in conducting his defence before the barristers who twice refused him admission into their society ; and he found in the published statement of the proceed- ings, to which he referred, that Mr. Harvey complained very much of the difficulty to which he was subjected by the death of witnesses. Now, Lord John maintained, many persons would be unable to prove their claim to the pensions they enjoyed, in consequence of the death of Mr. Pitt and others who had conferred them. For his own part, be had no personal interest in the mutter. He had never applied for more than two pensions, and then without solicitation from the parties : one was for a daughter of Sir Walter Scott, and the other fur Mr. Thomas Moore. He could not deny that many persons were on the list, who ought not to be there ; but the House well knew that a Ara gain bud been made with the Crown that they should not be removed; and he should therefore give the motion his decided negative.

Mr. HUIblE contended, that Lord John Russell had not answered Mr. Harvey's speech. He denied that any breach of the bargain with the King was contemplated. On the contrary, by removing improper persons from the list, a larger amount for the reward of the really meritorious would be placed at the disposal of the Crown. It was not proposed to diminish the sum voted to the King for pensions. As to the precedents of former Ministries and former Parliaments, they were very bad precedents ; and as the times were changed.—as the House of Commons was reformed,—they ought not to have influence at the present day.

Mr. WARD had entered the House after his first election with a desire and determination to vote for a revision of the Pension-list; but, after a careful consideration of the subject, he had satisfied him- self, very reluctantly, that a compact had been made with the Crown riot to meddle with it; and by that compact the House ought to abide. Mr. Ward gave a brief but distinct narrative of the proceedings of the House of Commons when the Civil-list of the present Monarch was settled ; and contended that it was beyond-question, that not merely the Ministry, but the House of Commons, had come under a solemn engagement with the King, not to disturb the then holders of pensions on the Civil-list. It was therefore impossible to vote for Mr. Harvey's motion, without committing a breach of faith.

Sir ROBERT INGLIS opposed the motion ; Colonel SinutoneF., Sir E. CODRINGTON, and Colonel PARRY supported it.

Mr. SPRING RICE said, with regard to the statement of Mr. Harvey, that 60001. of the Admiralty Droits had been paid over to the King's privy purse, since that revenue had been relinquished by the King, the fact was, that the sum in question had been received previously to t he date of the arrangement referred to. In reply to the challenge of Mr. Harvey to name half tr-duzett deserving persons on the Pension-list, lie would call his attention to the following,—Dr. Dalton, Mr. Ivory, Professor Airey, Mrs. Somerville, Dr. Southey, Mr. Montgomery, Sharon Turner, Sir James South, Mr. Thomas Moore, Mr. Faraday. But if he chose he could go on and double his jury list, and give Mr. Harvey twenty-four names of equal merit.

Mr. HARVEY replied. He said that Lord John Russell bad proved one thing very clearly—that if he had been no lord, he would have been no minister. He might have held some subordinate situation, bat he had that night proved himself unfit for a leader. A Minister wbo aimed at being Leader of the House of Commons, should- have soared above the petty personalities in which Lord John had indulged. It was not in casual debate, but he came down with a pamphlet in his pocket from which to select ground for his vulgar personalities. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, he admitted, had properly corrected his error as to the 60001. from the droits of the Crown ; an error, however, which originated in the erroneous return on the table. Great praise had been given to Lord Sidmouth for stir- rendering his pension,—a pension which he never ought to have had but it had not been relinquished forty-eight hours before there was a scramble for it among the members of the Government themselves. Was not Lord Glenelg to have the 20001. a year given up by Lord Sidmouth?

Mr. SPRING RICE said, Mr. Harvey was entirely wrong.

Mr. HARVEY—" Neither given, nor in contemplation?"

Mr. SPRING RICE—" Certainly not."

Mr. HARVEY—" Never in contemplation ?"

Mr. SPRING RICE—" Never."

Mr. HARVEY—" Well, then, I give that up." As to the pension; mentioned by Mr. Rice, they bad all been granted since 1830, and his motion did not refer to them. He denied that the People were in- different on this subject, as Lord John Russell had inferred from the absence of petitions : they certainly had not recently petitioned for a revision of the Pension-list, because they expected the Reformed House of Commons to do its duty; and until they again expressedsr4 their wishes by covering the table with more petitions than Lord John Russell could carry in his arms, be should let the subject rest.

The House then divided: for the motion, 146; against it, 268; majority, 122.

3. THE CARLOW ELECTION : Mr. O'CONNELL.

On Thursday, Mr. HARDY called the attention of the House to the Report of the Committee on the Carlow Election. He commenced by repudiating the charge that he had postponed his motion on the subject, or that he bad originally meddled with it from a vindictive feeling towards Mr. O'Connell. He went on to contend, that the alleged traffic and agreement respecting the Carlow election " was, by the investigation of the Committee, fixed as an agreement entered into for a corrupt purpose between two gentlemen, one being the honour- able and learned Member for Dublin." The report of the Committee proved beyond the possibility of doubt, the sale of a seat inparlia- ment to Mr. Raphael ; and if that was not a breach of the privileges of the House, be did not know what was. Mr. Hardy then read an extract from Mr. Vigors's evidence, which showed that Mr. Raphael agreed to contribute 21)001. as his share of the expenses of the Carlow election ; and this Mr. Hardy said placed beyond question the fact of Mr. Raphael having purchased a seat for 20001. Supposing that in this transaction Mr. O'Connell only interfered as agent for the Car- lowClub, did that alter the case 7 It was of no importance, as far as the public was concerned, whether Mr. O'Connell put the money into his pocket or not, provided it was shown, as he would show to be the ease, that it went somewhere for the purpose of bribing the electors of Car- low. Mr. Hardy then endeavoured to convince the House, by several quotations from the evidence, that Mr. O'Connell was really the per- son with whom all along Mr. Raphael had been in communicatton; laying great stress on the negotiation in 1834 with Raphael to become a candidate for Carlow. He then reverted to the second transaction with Vigors, and especially to that part of Mr. Vigors's evidence in which it is stated that the surplus of Raphael's money was to be paid to a fund for protecting the poor voters of Carlow ; tigain declaring that it made no difference whether Mr. O'Connell was agent or principal in 're affair. It tvits as clear as day that Mr. O'Connell had derived • pecuniary advantage from the use of Raphael's money ; though he did not charge him with pecuniary turpitude. He read die letter of Mr. O'Connell to the Secretary of the Carlow Club, offering his son Mau- rice, then sure of his election for Tralee, with 5001, or 1,0001. if neces- sary, as a candidate, rather than the •Tories should walk over the course; and from thisletter Mr. Hardy concluded, that it was evidently Mr. O'Connell's interest to induce candidates, who by spending money would save him expense, to come forward for the representation of Car- low. Two candidates were procured ; and to reimburse them, Mr. Raphael was subsequently prevailed upon to pay 1000/., as well as 10001. for his own election. There could not he a grosser case. The real charge against Mr. O'Connell was not that of personal pecuniary turpitude, but of being a party to a corrupt transaction—to a corrupt bargain for a seat in Par- liament. That was the only question be brought forward ; and when he was asked why he bad delayed so long in making his motion, he would remind the House that the vacation had intervened since the Committee made their report ; and that, as he supposed Members would not spend the vacation in reading the evidence, he bad thought it right to give them a few days after the reassembling of the House, in

order that they might be prepared for the consideration of the question. He remarked on some contradictions in the evidence respecting the

disposal of the money, and on the advantage Mr. O'Connell possessed in hearing the whole of the evidence. True, Mr. O'Connell was placed in the witness. box, but was not examined. Were there, however, no matters that he would have liked to explain? When one of the wit- nesses applied for the balance, and was told that the money could not be paid, because Mr. O'Connell's funds were in Ireland, should not Mr. O'Connell have been desirous to explain how that happened ? There was the point of the Baronetcy also ; surely Alr. O'Connell might have told the Committee whether he was authorized to offer a Baronetcy to Mr. Raphael. On the morning that offer was made, Mr. O'Connell had 10001., or 1200/. of Raphael's money in band. What was the merit of Mr, Raphael that he should be made a Baronet?

His only merit was readiness to advance 10001. to the Political Club of Carlow. Mr. Hardy concluded by moving the first of four resolutions which he had put on the paper. It simply affirmed the well- known agreement between Arr. O'Connell and Air. Raphael, in the terms of Mr. O'Connell's letter. The second resolution stated that Mr. Vigors was a party to the transaction ; the third, that the agree- ment was a breach of privilege; the fourth, that it was a violation of the Act 49th Geo. III., for preventing the purchase of seats in Parlia- ment.

The first resolution having been put from the chair,

Mr. RInsEr COLBORNE and Mr. O'CONNELL rose together. The

Speaker pointed to Mr. Colborne, but the House called upon Mr. O'Connell. Mr. Colborne gave way, and

Mr. O'CosrszEt.t. addressed the House. He said that he rose with reluctance at that moment; but as he intended to leave the House after he had concluded the few observations he had to make, he hoped he should he excused. He expressed his sincere gratitude to the gen- tlemen who composed the Committee, for the patient, impartial, and minute attention they paid to the evidence laid before them. He doubly felt that obligation, after hearing the speech of Mr. Hardy; the tone end temper of which he could not believe corresponded with the feelings of English gentlemen, after what he had observed of the conduct of English gentlemen on the Committee. That Mr. Hardy should be the man to talk about his character ! The Member fur Bradford understands bribery. Mr. O'Connell had told him so, and he never denied it; and if he denied it then—if lie denied that be demoralized Pontefract by spending upwards of 5000/. for his elec- tion there—he would move for a Committee to inquire into the facts, and then it would be seen whether Mr. Hardy would come forward and support the motion, and challenge the inquiry into the case of Pontefract, which he did not shrink from in the case of Carlow. The report of the Committee was his defence. The House had to decide between twelve honourable gentlemen and Mr. Hardy. It was not a question at all between himself and Mr. Hardy. He had already ex. pressed his thanks to the Committee; and in future, whenever he met any individual member of that Committee, he should pay him the courtesy of taking off his hat to him. He was asked why he gave no explanation about the Baronetcy ? Why did not Mr. Hardy himself, who was present, or Sir Frederick Pollock, examine him on the sub- ject? Tbey neither of them thought fit to do so; and then was it fair that Mr. Hardy's observations should go forth as a charge against him amidst the ribaldry of the Post and Times, the managers of which two veritable papers were no doubt then present? Was there ever so paltry an excuse as that of Mr. Hardy for not bringing forward his motion at an earlier day? The plea had no substance : it was such a one as was sometimes urged at Quarter-sessions—mere pettifogging. He had political animosities and political purposes: to be sure he had- ",ist.!e it a crime in a Member of Parliament to entertain a political purpose. In this ease, the honourable and learned gentleman accuses me of political corruption, and to support his accusation, he reads a letter of mine, in which, having a son of my own already returned for a borough. I offer to sacrifice 1000(. to procure his return for a county. And the intellect of the honourable and learned gentleman is such, that be reads this letter as is itii.tter 01 charge against me 1,4 tough.) 'Iles puts nay iu mind at a counsellor at the Irish bar, who was counsel on one side. and of use to the other. The honourable and teamed gentleman reads that letter to prove my political corruption, The original charge against me was that or pecuniary corruption. It was so stated iu the Times. The MA'S no doubt made a great deal of money by mr. (Cheers sad laughter.) It was so stated in the Blurring Post ; and 1 suppose I was a small matter of gain to the Putt too. The original charge was a charge of pecuniary corruption. But the honourable and learned Member for Bradford, feeling that facts were too strong against him. the moment I claimed an acquittal from that cl.arge ou his own assertion. lie instantly withdrew it. NOW he puts it forward again. But I will not trespass on the House. If I have been a little more warm than I ought to be, honourable gentlemen will perhaps kid an excuse or me in their own bosoms. I stand on the repo" of the Committee ; until that is at aside, 1 can afford to despise the little millings or tittle minds. 1 beg pardon of the House. I have done." Mr. O'Connell left the House amidst general cheering ; and Mr. RIDLEY COLBORNE then rose. He reminded the House of the care taken to select a fair Committee. He had hoped that the unani- mous decision of that Committee would have prevented any further discussion on the subject. His mind coul.l not suggest a justification of Mr. Hardy's conduct in again bringing it before the House. It was impossible for the Committee to come to any other decision, upon the evidence before them. Ile had expected from the speech of Mr. Hardy, that a very different case would have been 1 rought before them; he had thought it would have been very (Mimic for Mr. O'Connell to have refitted the charges brought against hiin • but he had rebutted them. As to the Baronetcy, he knew nothing about it ; and certainly it seemed to him that the charge was laughed at by everybody. At the worst, it only proved that one gentleman was silly enough to suppose he could get a baronetcy, and another vain enough to suppose he could get it for him. He really thought that the Committee were excusable in not inquiring into this matter. He hoped that the motion of Mr. Hardy would not be supported even by a respectable minority. as in that case a slur would be cast on the Committee. It was therefore his intention to move the previous question. [Cries of " No, no!" especially from Lord John Russell ; in the midst of which Mr. Col-

borne sat down, without making any motion.]

Lord FRANCIS EGEItTON said, that he bad certainly expected evi- dence would have been produced to prove pecuniary corruption against Mr. O'Connell. To this point he especially directed his attention. But that, and the other principal charges connected with the inquiry, were completely disproved. After having gone through the ordeal of seven days' inquiry, Mr. O'Connell presented himself for examination ; and be must say, that on that occasion, as well as throughout the whole of the proceeding, the conduct of Mr. O'Connell was such as a man of sense, talent, and understanding, who felt himself innocent of the imputations under which he laboured, would naturally have displayed tinder such circumstances. He went further than was required in fur- nishing the Committee with materials for the investigation. There. were other points of minor moment ; but it had come to his know- ledge, that last session Mr. O'Connell being on a Committee of in- quiry into the truth of charges against an individual, the principal of which were disproved, objected to harass him with an investigation into the minor points; and he felt disposed, though he bad not stated the circumstance just mentioned to the Committee, to give Mr. O'Connell the benefit of the ordeal through which he had passed. Neither did he think it ui c or just, or a part of the duty of the Corn- mittee, to bring other parties within the grasp of penal proceedings of the House, seeing that although he could not approve of all that had been done, or the mode in which elections were influenced in Ireland, still the main charges which had been referred to the Committee fin investigation bad been disproved. Lord Francis then referred to an expression in the speech of Sir Ronald Ferguson in Nottingham, who had designated the charges against Mr. O'Connell as the offspring of a " foul conspiracy of a dying faction." lie should like to be told who were the conspirators ? The House well knew how the letters were obtained. They were not picked up in the street nor stolen by Mr. Hardy, though they came from a questionable and impure source. Where then was the conspiracy ? As to the " dying faction," it wag one of which, whether he were about to live or die, lie should always he proud to have been a member, for he did not shrink from the name of Tory, or the milder one of Conservative. Ile observed that an ex- pression of his relative to Mr. Raphael had found its way into the newspapers. It was m de with reference to a proposed addition to the report of the Committee. Having certainly used that expression, he did not wish it pass for more than it was intended to imply— It appeared to him that the originator of these transactions had been anxious to ob- tain for himself a reputation. however spurious; that the course which he had taken was engendered in personal vanity. which led, as was generally the case in the world, to mortilicatiou and disappointments. These mot-Wit-aliens had induced him to place the honourable and trained Member for Dublin in a light before the public iu which he had no right, either by infeieuce or opiukm, and with his knowledge of the facts, to bring the honourable and learned Member for Dublin before the House and before the country.

He concluded by seconding the previous question ; which he imagined had been actually moved by Mr. Colborne.

Sir RONALD FERGUSON explained, that be certainly did not mean to charge the Tory party with being implicated in a conspiracy against Mr. O'Connell. But in his conscience he believed, that the letters published by Raphael had been brought to light by a conspiracy. He culled it a conspiracy. when a body of men, very little or hardly known to Mr. Raphael, held communication with him, and never left his house (which he supposed they had never seen before or since) till they got possession of certain letters, to be used for the injury of a third party.

Mr. BARNEBY said, that as a member of the Committee he had drawn up a report ; but the Chairman having done the same thing, his was withdrawn. Mr. Barneby then read his report- " That Mr. Raphael agreed to pay a sum of money to Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Vigors, upon condition that they procured ham to be returned a Member; that the money was not agreed to be paid for any illegal purpose; that the money had been received ; and since paid to defray the expenses of the election of Views and Raphael, and of oppos- ing the petition against their return. (Laseghhr.) Such he believed were the facts."

Mr. WARBURTON explained, for the benefit of Mr. Hardy, that the Committee had not only exonerated Mr. O'Connell from pecuniary corruptian, but, by declaring that the money was not illegally spent, had taken the transaction out of the scope of the Act 49th George HI. for preventing the sale of seats. He thought it very extraordi- nary that Mr. Hardy should have overlooked this important passage in the report of the Committee. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, it was incumbent upon the House to de- cide between Mr. Hardy and the Committee. For that reason, be bad interrupted Mr. Colborne, when about to move the previous question ; thinking as he did, that it was not fitting for the 1-louse to leave the propriety of the course taken by Mr. Hardy, the character and con- duct of Mr. O'Connell, and the judgment and integrity of the Com- mittee, in doubt and uncertainty. For his own part, he would now say—though he never had said it before—that it appeared to him, on examining the charge when first made, that it was of a most trumpery nature, founded on blameable expressions, and on proceedings which are adopted at every election by hundreds who have no idea that they are violating the privileges of Parliament. There was scarcely any difference of opinion among the members of the Committee. Shades of difference there might be, but on every important point they were unanimous. Mr. Hardy had totally misapprehended the real bearing of the evidence he had read. It was impossible to fix a charge of criminality on Mr. O'Connell, and therefore he should call upon the House to confirm the decision of their Committee ; and he should move an amendment— Mr. WYNN here rose to order. He said that the previous question, moved by Mr. Colborne, should first be disposed of. Considerable confusion occurred ; but it was finally stated, both by the SPEAKER and by Mr. Cossonerv., that the previous. question had not been put, and that Lord John Russell was at liberty to move.

Lord JOHN RUbSELL then resumed his speech ; and stated his inten- tion of sing a series of resolutions, in the terms of the report of the Comma s s lie then adverted to the charge insinuated by Mr. Hardy, that Mr. O'Connell had offered to procure a baronetcy for Mr. Ra- phael as an equivalent for the 9001. or 1000/. in his hands.

Mr. Hasinv denied that he had said this.

Lord Joins RUi'SELI.—" The honourable Member for Bradford did not exactly say this ; but why did he couple the two facts together ? Why did he put the banker's account on one side, and the offer of the baronetcy on the other, unless with the intention of imputing crimi- nality to Mr. O'Connell ? It was grossly unfair and unjust to insi- nuate a charge of this nature, instead of making it directly. It was ex- ceedingly improper in Mr. O'Connell to make such au offer, but where was the criminality ?

Nobody has ever proved, nobody has ever attempted to prove, that Mr. O'Connell ever, in connexion with this transaction, asked any member of the Government to make that compensation to Mr. Raphael; still less has any honourable Member at- tempted to prove that any member of t he Government ever listened to such a proposi- tion. Why, what a failure this is, on the part of Mr. O'Connell. Here is a man who, it is said, every day, every morning. every nowt, every night, in both Houses- of Parliament, it the man who dice eta the whole Government—the man who eau do every thing he wishes—the man who reigns paramount it/ Ireland—under whose supremacy the Lord. Lieutenant does nothing but obey his dictates and fulfil his direct ions —and yet, after all, this all-powerful man is totally unable to prevail on any Member of the Government to make the Sheriff of London a baronet. ((treat checliay.) All the charges are trumpery ; but this, after all, is the most trumpet y, the most frivolous, the most contemptible of the whole. I really wonder that the honourable and learned gentleman. wilt/ hes btadied the subject no much, should have thought it worth while to say any thing about it. I will conclude by stating my opinion of the whole transactionot nil the manner in which it was brought Mrward. I do nut believe that my lonnatrable and g :Gaut fri, rids whose speech has been reterred to twilight (Sir Ronald Ferguson), meant such thing as that the party I see opposite were engaged in any plot or cot:soh:ley In ruin Mr. O'Connell on a false accusation; but this I do say, and 1 du believe—that the minds of many have been warped and perverted to Illi, s,ibjnet, by 1 Ile IniSrilirk•SV1113- 6011S. Rid up by dirty and base ereatia.,—( TYr1/1/.,:ii,tS C:,/y) ho, seeing the cause of Liberal government going onwar.l in England. and the eansoof relighets liberty flourishing in all parts lit the United Kingdom, have thwit.tid that, it' t hey could not withstand the mighty and irresIstilde arguments by whie:t the great and holy valise is supported—that II' they eoald not overthrow the reasons and :tr4uments in which the best tint bt ightvst men who have lived during the last erntitty Eawlatul have eon- Mined—Hwy might at least he able to nix IliNa an indivntual of great Milt: owe in Ire- land, to endeavour to fasten upon him the stain of criminality, au 1, throng!' him, to injure and subvert 11w cause with whie:t he is intimately comweted." (Protracted cheers.)

Lord John concluded, by moving a series of resolutions couched in precisely the same language as the report of the Ca rluw Committee.

Lord STANLEY was astonished that Lord John Russell should de- signate the charge against Mr. O'Connell as "trumpery." It was not of a nature to be su considered by a Minister of the Crown. lie entirely acquitted Mr. O'Connell of moral turpitude. Be stated this fully, fairly, and unequivocally, in all that regarded the charges of' a pecuniary nature ; but, Lord Stanley went on to argue, a breach of the privileges of the House bad been committed. The Liberal Club of Carlow had put the representation of their county up to auction to be knocked down to the highest bidder. They sold the representation for

2000/. That was the fact. and it could riot be disguised. The bar- gain was corrupt, and the House ought not to be satisfied with the short view of the case taken by the Committee. A gross breach of the pri- vileges of the House had been committed by Mr. Maher and Mr. Fitzgerald ; and he cared not who besides was mixed up in the affair. The Carlow Liberal Club should be considered in the same light as the person who under the old system sold a borough for 3COOL, paid 500/. to the voters, and put the 2500/. in his own pocket. The evi- dence might exonerate Mr. O'Connell, but in what light did it place the Carlow Club? He thought it would be difficult, if not impossible, to agree to the last resolution, which imputed criminality to Mr. O'Con- nell. He wished the previous question had been agreed to ; but as it was not, he must vote for the first resolution of Mr. Hardy. Mr. Sergeant WILDE declared, that it was his well-considered opinion that the charge was a most trumpery one. The whole effect of the evidence had been perverted by Mr. Hardy and Lord Stanley. Mr. Wilde then went into a lengthened and detailed statement of the evidence, and defended the Carlow Club against the imputations of Lord Stanley. He ridiculed the idea of comparing an association of respectable freeholders, who never put a farthing of money derived from political influence into their own pockets, with the seller of a rotten borough; and said, that if associations to protect poor voters were de- clared to be illegal, he an I others should be driven to support the ballot. Much had been said about a portion of Raphael's money hav- ing been applied, or being intended to be applied, to the payment of

the old letter, which the Howe and the Committee had already had before them. He denied that the agreement in that letter was Did Mr. Hardy think, that it his resolutions were passed, he could send Mr. Vigors and Mr. O'Connell to Newgate ? The Act of George III. was passed to prevent illegal practices in procuring seats in Parlia- ment; but all the parties who had been engaged in disbursing Ra- phael's motley had been examined before the Committee, and the Committee bad decided that it was not illegully expended. How, then. could that act of Parliament benefit of Mr. Hardy's case? After dwelling for some time on the swim's points which we have indicated, Mr. Wilde concluded by declaring, that Mr. O'Connell's conduct throughout the transaction evidently proved that in his conscience he thought he was doing nothing which required to be concealed.

Colonel CONOLLY moved an adjourmciht of the debate; and the House rose at half-past one.

Last night, the discussion was resumed by Mr. Sergeant WtsnE reading some passages from the evidence, which went to prove that Mr. Raphael expected to pay part of the expense of the petition against Bruen and Kavanagh, provided it was successful, and opportu- nity thereby opened to him of becoming Member for Carlow. 1. The SPEAKER read the resolutions and amendment; and then Sir FREDERICK POLI.00K delivered a very long speech ; the aim of which was to prove, that though Mr. O'Connell was acquitted, in the fullest sense of the word, of all personal and pecuniary corruption, yet that he was a party with others to a corrupt bargain for the sale of a seat in Parliament, and had therefore been guilty of a gross breach of privilege.

Mr. WAltD charged Sir Frederick Pollock with being actuated by partisan feelings in the House, though be conducted himself so calmly before the Committee. The Committee decided that Mr. O'Connell had not been guilty of a breach of privilege, and he defied any man to prove from the evidence that the decision was wrong.

Mr. Law considered that all matters affecting the personal character of Mr. O'Connell were now out of the question : he was perfectly ready to exonerate Mr. O'Connell personally, but he contended that there had been a sale of a seat and a breach of privilege.

Sir CHARLES Irma, as a member of the Committee, had assented to the report for the sake of unanimity, but he should himself have pre- ferred to have made some of the expressions a little stronger. lie en. tirely exonerated Mr. O'Connell, not only of pecuniary corruption, but of having held any money with a view to his own advantage in any way.

Mr. BANNERMAN said that the Committee seemed puzzled at first how to proceed 2 • but he had suggested, that as the Sessional Order was read as the foundation of Mr. Hardy's proceeding, it should also be made the basis of the Committee's proceeding. This was done, and Mr. O'Connell was tried and acquitted on the charge of breach of privilege.

Sir J. YARHE BULLER, ns one of the Committee, fully concurred in its decision, and did not think there was any ground for further pro- ceedings.

Sir EARDLEY 1VILMOT was opposed, as every one knew, to Mr. O'Connell in politics; but he had examined the matter impartially, and fully acquitted Mr. O'Connell of every legal and Parliamentary offence.

Mr. HARVEY protested against proceedings whose object was to ob- tain a sentence highly penal against Mr. O'Connell, upon no specific charge. As for Sir Frederick Pollock, all idea of his impartiality had been effaced by his conduct that night.

Mr. WYNN was neatly inaudible, in consequence of the noise and talking in the House ; but was understood to advocate the necessity of censuring the proceedings between Raphael and the Carlow Club.

Mr. Game remarked, that it was strange that gentlemen who thought so seriously of the breach of privilege, should wish to give the matter the " go-by " by voting for the previous question. If Mr. Hardy's motion were carried, it would only increase Mr. O'Connell's popularity, as the country would see that he was the victim of party malice.

Sir .Triers GRAHAM had come to three conclusions,—that Mr. O'Connell acted as agent, not as principal ; that the office was not of his seeking; and that he derived no advantage from it. Ile should therefore have been glad to vote for the previous question ; but as Lord John Russell would not allow that, he should vote with Mr. Hardy, for the money had been expended in a way inconsistent with the privi- leges of Parliament.

Mr. SPRING RICE remarked on the gross inconsistency of Sir James Graham, who would have voted to pass over what he described as a serious Parliamentary offence. As to the question before the House, it was a party question. Mr. O'Connell was attacked because he sup- ported his Majesty's Government. Sir ROBERT PEEL dwelt for some time on the manner in which Mr. RIDLEY COLBORNE'S motion for the previous question had been with- drawn ; protested against the charge against Mr. O'Connell being considered a trumpery one ; did not deny that Mr. O'Connell was justified in claiming an acquittal on the report of the Committee ; but could not adopt that report, whose full bearing be did not perfectly comprehend ; and therefore should oppose Lord John's resolutions. Mr. RIDLEY COLBORNE said, that the report had been drawn up by himself without communication with any one; submitted paragraph by paragraph ; and, with some verbal alterations, unanimously approved. He was still willing to vote for the previous question; which, how- ever, he had not moved.

Mr. ROEBUCK, amidst much interruption, asked Mr. Hardy, who had been accused of corruption, to stand up and say on his honour that he was not guilty. Let Sir Robert Feel stand up and say that he bad never bought a seat. Let Lord Mahon say the same. He alluded to transactions between Mr. Gordon and Sir Edward Sugden, and again called upon Mr. Hardy and Sir Robert Peel to say that they had never trafficked in seats.

Mr. HARDY said, that with regard to the charge of bribery, his answer was that he had been put into the witness-box, but his oppo- nents dared not ask him any question on that point. At the best, the

to (pow was a poor defence. He maintained that the case before the House was a monstrous one; again insinuated that the offer of the Baronetcy was made for a pecuniary purpose ; and declared that he had himself acted conscientiously in the whole affair.

Lord MAHON said, the only charge against him was that having paid 10/. to a voter, who was subsequently convicted of perjury fur having

made the statement.

The House divided : for Mr. Hardy's resolutions, 169 ; against them, 243; majority, 74.

Lord John Russell's resolutions were next put, and agreed to.

Lord STANLEY then moved the following resolution- " That it appears that there was between the contracting parties a distinct under- standing, that if any surplus should remain after providing for the legal expenses of the election of Mr. Raphael, that surplus should be applied in the first place towards defraying the expenses of a petition upon a previous election, and in the next to the fund of the Carlow Literal Club; and that such understanding calls for the notice of this House, as liable to serious abuse, as of dangerous precedent, and as tending to subvert the freedom and purity of election.'

Mr. Wannearosr said, the resolution affirmed what was not fact. It appeared from the evidence, that the surplus was to go to pay the expense of opposition to a petition against the return of Raphael and Vigors.

Lord Joust Resseid. said, he should persevere in his resolution to confirm the report of the Committee ; and therefore moved that " the other orders of the day be now read.".

The House divided ; and Lord John Russell's amendment was car- ried, by 238 to 166,—majority 72.

The House adjourned at three o'clock this morning.

4. OBSERVANCE OF TILE SABBATH.

Sir ANDREW AGNEW moved, on Thursday, for leave to bring in a bill for the better observance of the Sabbath. His speech is repre-

sented as being inaudible in the Gallery, and almost • telligible to those who heard it in the body of the House.

Sir OSWALD MosLEY seconded the motion. He considered that a legislative enactment was necessary to prevent those scenes of disgust- ing debauchery which persons could not go to church on Sunday with- out observing. The greatest immorality prevailed in gin-shops,—

• though Mr. O'Connell might laugh at it.

Mr. O'Cosneetd.—" I never was in one."

Sir ()award) Most.er did not suppose that Mr. O'Connell ever had been in a gin-shop; but then, why did he favour him with his sarcastic laugh? Sir Oswald concluded by declaring his opinion, that the great majority of well thinking people coincided with the opinions of Sir Andrew Agnew on this subject.

Mr. GISBORNE protested against wasting the time of the House in fruitless attempts to legislate on this subject ; and moved the previous question.

Mr. O'CoNNI.:r.r. assured Sir Oswald Mosley that be had not laughed at him ; he was far too respectable a person to be laughed at ; but his mirth was occasioned by the recollection of the fidlowing lines of some poet, whirl' occarred to him while Sir Oswald was speaking-

.. In conventicle 011ee boking very blue. I saw two knight', Oswald and Agnew ; The first he v as a very strange one; rother a rigi-1.1.iirititne-one.

Who hanged his wicked cat on Monday Iteeatise she killed a mouse Ull Sunday."

That was what he laughed at, arid he hoped Sir Oswald Musky would excuse his laughter. Mr. O'Connell then argued against the principle of the bill; declaring that it would produce bitterness and heartburning, instead of respect fur religion.

Mr. POTTER and Mr. WARBURTON opposed the introduction of the bill. Mr. PLusterite and Air. Baixes supported it. Lord A. LEN- NON and Mr. A. Tttevoa wished the bill to be brought in, but would not pledge themselves to support the details.

Mr. Ronecca said, that this was a measure of sheer, downright hypocrisy— In saying this, be did not mean to impute hypocritical motives to those who brought forward this measure : all Ile meant to assert was, that the measure was applied for with one view really and with another ostensibly. Ile should like to know why those who were such strenuous advocates for the proper observance of the Sabbath, consented to employ servants on the Sunday. Was it not a fact that these strict religionists made their servants black their slices, brush their hats and clothes, and do every thing that they deemed necessary to keep their house in order and promote their comfort?

Sir R. MossEv—" Yes, but we oblige them to go to church."

Mr. Rota:rex —,‘ The honourable Member for Staffordshire said that ser- vants were obliged to go to church ; but how was it that he forgot that their masters were in all probability driven by their servants to church, and that the very persons who preached at the church were brought there in the same man- ner? I hear those who allowed these works to be done crying about having the Sabbath better observed : it was a farce front beginning to cod, and nothing but sheer, downright hypocrisy. (Much cheering.) What right had any man to clothe himself with authority by which he considered himself justified in prouounciog his fellow men irreligious because their acts did not in all respects correspond with his notions?"

Sir 0. MossEr—" I have never done so."

Mr. liormucx—,6 Yes, but you do so by implication when you assent to the principle of such a measure as this. What other interpretation can you claim for your conduct than that you assume to yourself that perfect wisdom and consummate judgment which enable you to lay down a rule for the observance of the Sabbath which must be applied to all other men? It would be much mote consistent with true morality, that, having determined on a rule of right, you should yourself, in all humility of spirit, abide by it, taking care to leave your neighbour to act just as he pleases." (Cheers.)

If the bill was introduced, he would put the purity of Sir Andrew Agnew's morality to the test, by proposing certain amendments- " First, I shall propose that all frequenters of club-houses on a Sunday shall be fined ten pounds ; five pounds to be given to the informer, and five pounds to the King. ( Cheers and laughter.) I mean also to propose a clause that every servant employed to go on a message by his master on a Sunday shall have a right of informing against his master, and fining him ten pounds there-

fore. (Renewed laughter.) I shall propose also to impose a fine against a clergyman of any persuasion who shall choose to be carried in his coach to church on Sundays, of one hundred pounds—(Laughter); and, if any Bishop of the Church of England shall so act on that day, I wean that he sl.all be fined two hundred pounds. (Much laughter.) In addition to those clauses, I shall introduce one inure ; which is, that Hyde Park be closed on that day, as well as the Zoological Gardens. ( Cheers, and a cry front some Members of "Tat- tersall's.") As fur Tattersall's, I have never been there in may life : I know nothing about it, and I shall leave others to take care of that : but I shall use every exertion to render, by the provisions which I propose to introduce into this bill, the streets as solitary and dreary as possible. Having thus provided for the proper observance of the Sabbath by the rich, we shall then be in a con- dition to legislate on the subject for the poor."

Lord SANDON complained of the ribaldry and abuse with which the motion had been met; and observed that there was as intolerant a spirit against religion exhibited by some honourable Members, as there had been in former times in favour of religious observances.

The House divided; and allowed the bill to be brought in, by a majority of 200 to 82.

Sir ANDREW AGNEW then moved for leave to bring in another bill, to transfer the markets now held on Saturday and Monday to other days of the week. But he subsequently withdrew his motion, as several Members objected to the introduction of so important a measure without longer notice.

5. FOREIGN POLICY: RUSSIA, POLAND, AND TURKEY.

The House of Commons was occupied during the greater Tart of Wednesday evening with a long discussion on the affairs of Eastern Europe, and the policy of Russia. It was commenced by the presen- tation of a petition by Mr. Guore, from sixty merchants of London; and another by Sir S. CANNING, front certain traders in Glasgow, pray ing for protection to the British commerce in the East. Mr. P. M. STEWART then rose, and delivered a long speech, couched in rather acrimonious language, against the conduct of Russia towards Poland and Turkey, and full of complaints of the neglect which both the Mi- nistry of the Duke of Welington and the present Government had manifested respecting the commercial and political interests of this country in the East of Europe. He contended that the Treaty of Vienna had been violated by Russia, and that the British Government ought to have interfered in time to prevent the aggressions of that power. Lord Palmerston, when pressed on the subject, declared his disbelief of the power of Russia to annihilate Poland, and his confi- dence that the Russian army would evacuate Turkey. But Poland had been crushed ; and Russia still held military possession of the fortress of Silistria, and extensive districts in Turkey. She had lately established uncontrolled sway in Cracow, in defiance of all treaties ; and now she was about to subject British shipping on the Danube to illegal and oppressive imposts. The importance of the trade, which was put in jeopardy by the proceedings of Russia, was dwelt upon for some time by Mr. Stewart. He showed, by reference to the exports and imports to Turkey, that during the last few years, our commerce with Turkey had from next to nothing, been increased so as to rival in extent the trade with China. Our Persistu trade had increased 140 per cent. during the interval between 18*) and IS3.7). On the other hand, the exports of this country to Russia were rapidly diminishing. Mr. Stewart contended, that the conseqtnnire of Russian influence over Turkey and Persia would be highly injurious to the important com- merce the British merchant now carried on with those. nations ; and be insisted on the policy of taking spirited and decisive measures for its preservation, and for resisting the aggressive acts amid intentions of Russia. lie concluded by moving, " That a humble address be presented to his Majc-ty, praying that he will be graciously pleased to order a diplomatic agent to be forthwith sent to the free and independent State of Cracow ; and that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such steps as to his :Majesty may seem best adapted to protect and extend the commercial interests of Great Britaiu iu Turkey and the euxine."

Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON, On seconding the motion, defended the policy of Mr. Canning, and urged the necessity of a still further in- crease of our naval force to resist the powerful fleet of Russia. Lord PALMERSTON denied that any charge of neglecting British in- terests could be fairly brought against the Government ; and he re- ferred to Mr. Stewart's own statements for proof of the increasing, not diminishing prosperity of the trade with Turkey and Persia. This was surely evidence in favour of the pacific policy he had pursued. He had before declared, and he would repeat the declaration, that he considered the conduct of Russia towards Poland unjustifiable ; and he would add, that Government had resolved to send aConsul to Cracow. He hoped that Mr. Stewart would withdraw at least that part of his motion ; especially as it was an visual interference with the exercise of the discretion of the Crown to point out to what places diplomatic agents should be sent. With respect to the second part of the motion, he really thought that no Parliamentary grounds existed for acceding to it ; and he hoped that it would not be pressed to a division- " I do not stand here to expound or explain the intentions of Russia. It is enough for us to look at facts, and deal with events that have actually taken place. I can assure the House, there is no disposition on the part of his Ma- jesty's Government to submit to aggressions on the part of any power, be that power what it may, and be it more or less strong. ( Cheers. ) We are con- vinced, if any power should be disposed to commit aggressions against the sub- jects of Engladd, that if we came to this House and stated that such facts had come to pass, and that our remonstrances had been vain, and that we were not able to obtain redress—we arc perfectly confident, I say, if we did this, that such an appeal never would be made in vain to a British House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) But, though I followed the speech of may honourable friend with all the attention which I could command, I confess that I was not able to make out from his statement any specific fact which he alleged to have taken place. It appeared to me, that the sentiments of those whom be represents, as well as the opinions he himself has expressed, consist rather of apprehensions with regard to the future, than of actual facts with regard to the past. Now, Sir, in dealing with the relations of this country with Foreign Powers, it is not prudent or wise, I think, to anticipate wrongs.. (peers.) It is sufficient to deal with wrongs when they have occurred ; and it is wiser, at all events, for Parliament not unnecessarily to announce apprehensions of injuries which have not actually taken place."

With regard to the imposts or obstructions on British vessels trading on the Danube, Lord Palmerston said that he had received no official information that any such had been attempted. Hitherto, as far as he knew, Russia had done nothing beyond what treaties would justify Iter in doing. Mr. Stewart had said that he (Lord Palmerston) had denied that Russia had the power to annihilate Poland : he certainly had pro- tested against the idea of a nation being annihilated ; but this was very different from a kingdom being overthrown. With respect to the eva- cuation of Turkey, he could not positively state, but he believed, that Silistria and the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia would speedily be bond fide evacuated by Russia, in consequence of an ar- arngement then in progress between Russia and Turkey. He objected to the motion, because it implied a censure on.Ministers which they did not deserve. Either Mr. Stewart meant this, or something more-

" If he intends to point to measures more nearly approaching to that hos- tility which was shadowed out in his speech, and a little more plainly alluded to by his honourable and gallant friend, the Admiral, who followed him,—if the object of his motion is not merely that Government should keep a watchful eye upon these important interests of the country, and take care to protect them against any aggression or wrong, but that we should go further, and take steps which may bear the appearance of an intention to provoke Russia to war, I should say that such a course would be neither politic nor consistent with the feelings of this House, nor the interests of this country. ( Cheers.) I con- ceive the feelings of Parliament and the interests of the country to be, that we should submit to wrong from no Power whatever—( Cheers)—that we should not permit any Paver to provoke us with impunity, but that we should also cautiously abstain from any thing which might be construed by other Powers, and reasonably so, as being a provocation on our pact; that we should stand upon our rights and defend our own, but wait till we are really attacked, and pause till we have really good and just ground of quarrel, before we disturb that state of peace so essential to the interests of civilization, and which it is the peculiar boast of these latter years that all the nations of Europe have learned the value of, and which, I trust, if it is to be disturbed. as I hope it will not, will be disturbed not by any rash or imprudent act on the part of England, but by aggression, in resisting which England may carry with her into such contest the opinions and judgment of all mankind, and rally about her, as I am sure she would, if any wantou attack were made upon her, all the other na- tions of Europe, whose interests in these matters are identical with those of this country.' ( Great cheering.) Lord MAHON, in a tone of voice generally inaudible, defended the policy of the Duke of iVellington in relation to Turkey.

Mr. WARBURTON disapproved of the speech of Mr. Stewart, and the motion with which it was concluded, as having no practical effect but that of interrupting the course of national prosperity. When he remembered that the only parties who could interfere with effect in behalf of Poland were her principal aggressors, his hopes of her future independence faded away. We could not, unaided except by parch- ment treaties, restore that independence. Mr. Stewart had talked of the baneful influence of Russia upon our commerce with Turkey : now, if he really wished to extend that commerce, Mr. Warburton would give him a recipe for that purpose- " If you would increase the exports from this country to Turkey, favour the imports from Turkey to this country. With regard to Sweden, there could, he apprehended, he no doubt that the approximation of the frontiers of Russia to within one day's march of Stockholm, had endangered the independence of Sweden. The proceedings at the end of the war had tended to loosen the con- nexion between Sweden and this country. The only mode of placing them on their old footing, was to increase our commercial and friendly ioterciAnse with her, and thus reestablish the harmony and friendly feeling which forme' ly sub- sisted. That the commerce tierce between the two countries had decreased to an enormous extent, could not be doubted. Formerly dove-fourths of the com- merce of Norway was with this co:nary; whereas at the pro,ent moment it was reduced to one-third. He was most strongly opposed to !nutting a violent end to the existence of peace, with all its blessings and advantages, by any rash and hasty proceedings ; and for the reasons he haul assigned, he should eelwilily divide with his Majesty's Government in opposition to the motion."

Mr. BARI.OW Huy wished that gentlemen who were so indignant at the influence Russia exercised over Turkey, would remember that Turkey was prostrated by the united efforts of England, France, and Russia.

Mr. ROEBUCK laid it down as a broad proposition, that England should not interfere with Continental politics. It should never be forgotten that we bad a debt of eight hundred millions. On going to war, the question to be considered was, whether we should gain any thing by hostilities. Mr. Stewart did not advise war, but he said that which was calculated to stir up strife. Mr. Roebuck cautioned the House against doing any thing which would embroil the country in war; and be trusted that it would be recollected that on the conduct of this country depended the peace and happiness of the world.

Sir ROBERT PEEL expressed his unqualified concurrence with the views of those who opposed the motion. He was sure that England ought at all times to be prepared for war, which might arise without any fault on our side. He would not defend Russia ; but he required official documents, and official proof of her aggressions upon English interests, before he could consent to Mr. Stewart's motion— If the House of Commons were to make a habit of interfering on every pos- sible occasion, by venting a hesitating menace, the result would be, that when the day of real danger came, the voice of the House of Commons of Euglaod would not have that weight throughout Europe which it ever had, which it ought to have, and which it was his anxious wish it should continue to have. If it were really necessary tbat the House should interfere, at least they should clearly indicate to the Government what course they thought ought to be pur- sued, in a specific motion or address to that effect. Such a metion as the pre- sent was a mere imputation of neglect of duty on the part of Ministers ; yet at the same time, it, strangely enough, left to those very Ministers the entire judgment as to what course they ought further to pursue on the same subject. If there was a want of confidence in Ministers, let the want of confidence be only stated; or, at any rate, let there be a specific motion made as to what course the complaining party conceived those Ministers should adopt. The present motion meant nothing at all ; it produced no good, and might lead to much harm. The past conduct of Ministers, in respect to foreign affairs, was not very indirectly reflected upon, yet no hint or suggestion for their future guidance was thrown out. It was, in fact, reviving the very responsibility which it indirectly stated to have been ill.placed.

Sir Robert also defended the conduct of the Duke of Wellington's Government with respect to the treaty of Adrianople.

Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON said, that Mr. Roebuck was the first per- son who for many years defended the partition of Poland !

Mr. ROEBUCK replied, that in the speech to which Mr. Fergusson alluded, he had not defended the partition of Poland : he had only argued that advantages would flow from it. Mr. P. M. STEWART withdrew his motion ; of which the purpose, he said, bad been in a great degree attained.

MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.

IRISH POOR-LAW. In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, that Government did not think it expedient this session to introduce a series of measures comprising all the objects of the Report of the Commissioners on the Irish Poor ; but he was not prepared to say positively whether any particular or insulated measure, founded on certain parts of the Report, might not be brought in.

Lust' TITHES. In reply IO a question from Sir ROBERT PEEL, last night, Lord IMORPETH stated, that on Monday he intended to pro- pose a resolution to the effect that it was expedient to commute tithe- composition to a perpetual rent.charge, and to make further provision with respect to ecclesiastical leases and revenues.

Sir ROBERT PEEL remarked, that the resolution did not involve the principle of appropriation.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, a particular declaration was not rcJ quired.

NEW CORPORATIONS. In reply to a question from Mr. Maim Plituars, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, that Ministers had under consideration a measure for extending the benefits of the Municipal Act to certain towns not included in that act— It was not a measure for the purpose of obliging towns which at present had not corporations to accept them, but it had occurred to Ministers to consider whether, with reference to the clause of the bill of last session, which enabled towns to have corporations, it might not be proper to give facilities for making those corporations which might be granted on application more effectual than they otherwise would be. A measure of that sort was contemplated, and he hoped soon to give notice of the time when it would be brought forward.

CORPORATION OF LONDON. In reply to a question from Mr. W. WILLIAMS, last night, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that the report on the Corporation of London was not complete ; and until he had seen it, he could not pledge himself to bring in a bill this session to reform the Corporation. Mr. JOHN BLACKBURNE said, that if Lord John Russell would spare one of the Commissioners, who had not finished his share of the Report, for two or three hours, the report might be completed any day.

REGISTRATION OF VOTERS BILL. On the motion, on Monday, that the House should go into Committee on this bill, Mr. T. DUN- comBE moved to repeal so much of the 27th clause of the Reform Act as rendered it necessary for voters to pay all the taxes due on the 5th of April of each year on or before the 20th of July in the same year. After a short debate, the motion was rejected, by 154 to 51. The Speaker then left the chair ; and the House being in Committee, the first eighteen clauses were passed.

NEWSPAPER STAMPS. In reply to a question from Mr. BUCKINGHAM, on Monday, Mr. SPRING RICE mentioned that he intended to reduce the stamp on newspapers from 4d. to Id. on the largest single sheet now published, and to allow an additional half-sheet, in certain cases, on the payment of an extra halfpenny. Double sheets would pay double duty.

DUBLIN STEAM.PACKF:T COMPANY'S BILL. This bill was thrown out oil . Tuesday, on the motion for the second reading, by a majority of 174 to 120. It was supported by Mr. O'CoNeet.t., Lord CLEMENTS, Mr. W. Rome, Lord Aloiteeni, and Lord FRANCIS EGERTON; and opposed by Sir H. PARNELL, Mr. Poul.txr Tnoalsoe, Major BRUCE, Dr. Bownree, and Mr. EMERSON TENNENT.

GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL : VOTES OF SHAREHOLDING -.MEMBERS. On Wednesday, Mr. ORMSBY GORE moved the further consideration of this bill. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSF:T moved that it be recommitted. The House divided ; and Mr. Gore's motion was carried, by 106 to 43. Subsequently, a long discussion arose as to the right of Sir Samuel Whalley, a shareholder to the extent of 20001., to vote in favour of the bill. It was contended by several Members, that it was highly improper for Members personally interested in a measure to vote in favour of it. On the other side it was maintained, that no rule could be laid down upon this point ; that Members voted con- stantly—for instance, in support of the Corn-laws—on questions in which they had a pecuniary interest. It was allowed on all hands, that Sir S. Whalley, who left the House during the discussion, had acted openly and honourably ; and it was finally decided, by 90 to 50, that his vote should be disallowed. On Thursday, the bill was read a third time, and passed.