STAGES TO PEACE
THE path to peace is defining itself before our eyes, and it is I plain already that it bristles with obstacles as formidable and as subtle—for some of them are conspicuous and some of them concealed—as the Siegfried Line itself. Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt have no doubt been applying themselves to this problem at Quebec, and are very likely pursuing it further in their seclusion elsewhere. The problem has to some small extent been reduced in volume by the capitulation of Germany's satellites Rumania, Bulgaria and Finland. They have collapsed, and must accept whatever terms may be imposed on them. But they at no time mattered much. The problem of Europe is the problem of Germany, the aggressor State par excellence, and on the nature of the peace with Germany will depend, by all rational calcula- tion, the welfare of Europe for a generation ; further ahead than that few men living would deem themselves competent to look. The imperative essential is, of course, enduring agreement among the major Allied Powers themselves. The emphasis there is on the " enduring ". Agreement on the strategy of the war, and even on such broad principles of international policy as are embodied in the Atlantic Charter, may at this moment be taken for granted —though even here some slight reservations must be made. But even more important than the framing of the peace is the en- forcement of the peace, not for five years or ten years, but for twenty or thirty if need be, after the German armies have given up the struggle as hopeless. Constancy and confidence between the present Allies over such a period is an immense thing to count on, but of such vital importance is it that it must be assumed as the basis of everything. Without it no peace can last, and the nature of the temporary peace can be only of trifling and transient account. Unity and permanence are inseparable.
No more need be said on that head than that the peace of Europe depends more on the maintenance, or rather the increasing development, of good understanding between this country and Russia than on any other single factor. Britain must be the pivot of defence against German aggression in western Europe after the war, as Russia will be in eastern, and co-operation on guard then will be as essential as co-operation in actual warfare today. There will be differences of many kinds, in tradition, in Purpose, in political philosophy, to reconcile. That is a task which must be attacked in resolute earnest on either side. Every new manifestation of divergence will be matter for concern, every dissipation of divergences matter for relief and reassurance. That is why the rift between British. policy and Russian policy over Poland assumed so much importance, for the effect on Russo- British relations is more important in the long run than the effect on Russo-Polish relations. For the same reason the partial clearing of the atmosphere in the last few days—represented by the con- tact established between the leader of Polish resistance in Warsaw, General Bor, and General Rokossovsky beyond Praga, the dropping of food over the capital by Russian planes, and the permission now conceded to Flying. Fortresses from Britain to take munitions to Warsaw and go on to refuel on Russian air- fields—is to be hailed with profound satisfaction. More rapproche- ment over the Polish question is needed yet, but. it is increasingly Possible to believe it will be forthcoming. Meanwhile, so far as this country and Russia are concerned, relations are governed, and wisely and practically governed, by the Anglo-Soviet Treaty of 1942, which runs for twenty years from the date of ratification, and thereafter till denounced by one party or the other after twelve months' notice. But, valuable and necessary as such agree- ments are, the life and spirit of unity are created and sustained not by paper documents but by the frequent contacts of personali- ties. Both at this actual juncture and constantly after the war British statesmen and administrators must maintain perpetually close and co-operative relations with their vis-d-vis in Russia. In every functional sphere—between scientists, economists, business men—the same contacts will be necessary. So, and only so, will a sure basis for European peace be laid.
That is much more a long-term than a short-term problem, though close association between Britain and Russia is as essential at the one stage as at the other. But meanwhile there are the immediate steps towards peace and reconstruction to consider. Fresh light of some importance has been thrown on them in the last few days—quite apart from any unproclaimed decisions that may have been taken at Quebec. With Allied troops now on German territory, and extending their hold on it daily, a new administrative problem presents itself, for though something similar had to be faced when Italy surrendered a year ago the situation then created was in fact quite different, since Italy immediately became what is known as " co-belligerent "--a development by no means to be looked for in the occupied areas of Germany. Administration there will in the first instance be military, and the proclamation issued by General Eisenhower on Monday indicates its nature. His message conveyed at once a warning and an assurance. The purpose of the military adminis- tration is to secure the Allied lines of communication through the occupied territory and suppress any activities directed against the occupying troops ; at the same time vigorous measures will be taken to remove members of the S.S. or the Nazi Party from any public post they may hold. Any opposition to these measures on the part of the population will need to be sternly dealt with. That is the warning. Following it comes, in the nature of an assurance, the direction to the population to continue their normal lives and vocations so far as these are strictly peaceful in character, with the implication that so long as they do this they have nothing to fear from the forces invading Germany. These conditions will prevail over a steadily increasing area of western Germany, and conditions not very dissimilar (though certainly not-less vigorous) over eastern Germany as the Russian armies advance into it.
So far the measures contemplated are partly repressive—very necessarily so—and only partly constructive. But the adminis- tration will be directed by the trained personnel of the Civil Affairs division of the Allied armies, and they have demonstrated already in Italy how beneficial their work can be to the popula- tions of towns and villages over which the tide of war has swept. In their hands practical construction, or reconstruction, begins on the very heels of the Allied troops as they move forward. Actual relief of the German population, if in any region food-supplies are seriously short, may have to be carried out for a time either through the Civil Affairs division or through U.N.R.R.A., whose leading representatives are actually discussing this question among others this week at Montreal. In any event there must be ordered and regulated distribution of whatever supplies are provided ; fraternisation and sharing of rations by Allied troops with Ger- man citizens at this stage is undesirable. But this stage will pass. British armies and 'American and Russian will all meet at Berlin, though they are not all likely to get there simultaneously. All Germany will be occupied, and effectively, though guerilla war- fare by Nazi desperadoes may continue for some time. Then the question of formal peace-making will begin. The actual terms of any treaty will probably enough involve long discussion— some of the discussion has taken place already—and not improb- ably some controversy. The attitude of the British Government will be watched, is indeed being watched already, with mingled hope and concern throughout liberated Europe and far beyond. If British prestige on the continent of Europe was ever lost it has been abundantly restored. The prowess of our armies in war has evoked as much admiration as the resolution and en- durance of our people at home and the unfaltering maintenance of political unity and effective Parliamentary government. But there is unconcealed anxiety lest an exaggeration of the British sense of fair-play and sympathy with the bottom dog and the beaten foe should lead to a disastrous indulgence towards the nation—for the German nation as a whole cannot evade the full measure of responsibility for the brutalities and bestialities its armies have committed—guilty of the indescribable atrocities perpetrated in every country into which German forces have broken. M. Jan Masaryk, the Czech Foreign Minister, on whom the sufferings of his people have conferred an abundant right to speak, voiced publicly this week his misgivings about the conse- quences of British sentimentalism, if any is allowed to manifest itself, at this juncture. The warning is timely, and it might cover the danger of a laissez faire attitude. The choice is between being implacably stern towards Germany for the sake of posterity or culpably lenient at the expense of posterity.
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