Cbe Country.

Association of Hull, the following address to the King Las been agreed to.

si az —We. the undersigned, your Majesty's loyal and dutiful suLjects of King's, upon-hull, have learued with feelings or alarm that the dissolutiou (dale Adisari tration of Vise unit fo Melbourne has been flowed by an appeal to his Grace the Luken Wellington for the formation of a new Administration. With every disposition to ;wait and give eredi to the military services of the Duke of Welliugtuu, we, your Majesty., faithful subjects of Kingston-upon.iiies entertain the conviction that a Gsve,smest Lamed under the auspices of the noble Duke will be utterly opposed to the feel in4sass opinions of the British People, and dangerous to the peace and prosperity or the country. Entertaining this conviction. and being also firmly persuaded that in the Right Honour able the Earl of Durham alone sill be found a statesman calculuteills afford confidence and secure tranquillity to the country, we, your Majesty's faithfg subjects, in deep respect for your Majesty, and in firm attachment to the Crown, n,o, humbly pray that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to intrust the formatios or an Administration to the Right Honourable the Earl of Durham."

The Reformers of Newcastle were on the alert early on Wednesday

morning, the day fixed for presenting the addresses and giving the dinner to the Earl of Durham. The news of the dismissal of the late Ministers gave additional interest to the proceedings of the day. Placards calling upon the people to be up and stirring, and to unite against the common enemy, now in power, were posted about the town. A public meeting was held, at which very strong language seems to have been used ; and a petition to the King was agreed to, expressive of " dismay, sorrow, and indignation " at the recall of the Duke of Wellington, and imploring his Majesty to call the Earl of Durham to his councils. This meeting was not numerously attended, as it wan got up without the sanction of the Committee. Numbers paraded the town with music, flags, and placards, with such inscriptions as these; " No Wellington !"—" No German Politics !"—" Durham, the choice of the People !"

About four in the afternoon, a vast crowd collected in front of the Queen's Head Inn, where Lord Durham was to receive two addresses. The weak state of his Lordship's health compelled him to abstain from speaking from the balcony ; and be read written replies to the addresses, in the large room of the inn. The first address was from the Working Classes of Newcastle. It expressed gratitude and admiration for Lord Durham's undeviating advocacy of the just rights of the People in the worst times. His energetic denunciation of the bloody massacre at Manchester was referred to in warm terms of commendation, as were, also his recent declarations in favour of Triennial Parliaments, Vote by Ballot, and Household Suffrage. The address went on to say

" These three great principles, my Lord, form the groundwork from which we expect a good and cheap Government, not supported by a State Church, profligate patronage, pensioners, and a standing army in the time of peace, but' based on the affections of an industrions and intelligent people. %le trust to these to put an end to the disgusting political factions that have long. distracted and benumbed the best energies of the State; to rear up a code of el-India! and civil law, administered alike to the peer and the peasant ; to destroy all exclu- sive privileges, civil, ecclesiastical, corporate, naval, and military; to change the odious Bread-tax for one on luxuries; to remove the imposts that press heavily on the working artisans, to those who ought, in just reason, to bear them ; to annihilate the countless herd of lazy sinecurists, pluralists, and mono- polises; to protect the productive industry of the State; to abolish the horrid law of impressment in the Navy, and the barbarous system of flogging to the Army ; to give to Ireland, instead of gagging-bills and bayonets, the benethi she has ever been denied, of a mild and paternal Government ; and to raiie merit, untrammelled by the debasing. system of patronage, which destroys in& pendence, and falsely ennobles the miserable minions of power." In conclusion, the future elevation of Lord Durham to preside in the National Councils, was declared to be the anxious wish of the People; and a strong appeal was made to his Lordship to obtain redress for the working classes from that " order " of which he was the chief ornament, and of' which be might " ultimately be the salvation." Lord Durham's reply referred to his conduct in Parliament in 1815, 1819, and 18-21 ; and to his declaration of political principles in Scot- land. It dwelt upon the advantage of union at the present crisis, and above all, upon the necessity of the working classes maintaining a peaceable and steady though determined demeanour.

The address of the Incorporated Trades of Newcastle was then pre- sented. In this address, which was brief and emphatic, admiration of Lord Durham's manly advocacy of reform in the Church and Corpo- rations, of Triennial Parliaments, vote by Ballot, and Household Suf- frage, was also warmly expressed. Lord Durham replied, that the time had arrived when their professions would be put to the test. A dissolution of Parliament must soon occur ; and the liberties of the country would depend upon the due and patriotic exercise of the elective franchise. The dinner took place in the principal Assembly-room ; which the Anti. Reforming Corporation endeavoured to prevent, but in vain, from being used on the occasion. About four hundred guests sat don to table. A hundred more might have been squeezed in, but the stewards judiciously limited the numbers to those who could be comfortably accommodated. Tickets were sold at a high premium, by some who bad taken early precautions to procure them. Mr. William Ord, M.P. took the chair at six o'clock. Among the more distinguished guests, were the following Members of Parliament, Messrs. James, Boss, Rippon, Hutt, Gully, Hodgson, and Sir IS Liam Chaytor ; Dr. Headlam, the Mayor and Recorder of Durham Mr. Marsden, the Reverend Mr. llawkes, &c. As soon as dinner was over, the Countess of Durham, with two of her daughters, an several other ladies, took their seats in the gallery, amidst loud cheep. The toasting then commenced. The King's health was receis with cheers, and some hisses ; the Queen's, with groans, hissing, and very little cheering ; the Princess Victoria's " and the rest of th Royal Family," with loud applause. The chairman briefly alluded to the present state of affairs—" tb momentous crisis, that had been brought about by the intrigues infatuation of the Court party ;" and gave Lord Durham's health. After the cheering bad subsided, Lord Durham replied. He con

menced by alluding to the splendid reception be had recently met wit at Glasgow ; but he said that it was deficient in one quality %%hie could only from necessity belong to the present meeting—at Newcastle. he felt that he was at home ; surrounded by his friends and neighbou who bad known him from his childhood, and whose testimony in b favour must bear the stamp of long-tried experience. He appeal confidently to them to say whether he was that oppressor of the poor that proud aristocrat,, which hired calumniators had represented bite

be. The secret of all this was—lie was too proud to compromise with the base and the unworthy. He then referred to the orderly and steady conduct of the immense population of Glasgow at the recent festival, as a proof of their capacity rightly to exercise the elective franchise ; and took the opportunity to explain with precision what he understood by the term " household suffrage," and the grounds on which be claimed its concession to the people. After stating that his sentiments oil this point were by 110 means new—that they had been delivered in Parliament and were enrolled in the records of that body—he continued as follows.

" There may, however, be some who have not had an opportunity of con- sulting those records; and it therefore may be as well for we to state particu- larly what it is I refer to when I said that I supported household suffrage in Parliament. I refer to a motion which I made in the Hotse of Commons in 1821 upon that subject. The amount and kind of suffrage n hich I then pro- posed to establish, I explained in my Speech, which was published at the time, and also in the Bill which was printed with it. I will just read to you the words that I used on that occasion. They were these—' I am not presumptuous enough to imagine that the course I recommend is the only one befitting us to adopt; but I think it fair to state at once, and openly, how far I think a change beneficial.' What I then stated I now repeat. I do not suppose that my doc- trines alone are the right ones ; I merely put forward candidly and openly to the world that which I imagine to be best. I do not want all other Reformers to sacrifice their opinions to mine, nor am I inclined •pertinaciously to adhere to a proposition if I am shown that a better can be adopted in its stead. I seek amongst honest and fair Reformers for the mutual discussion and deliberate canvass of opinions. The following are the terms in which, in the Speech I have already referred to, I introduced my proposition for household suffrage- " The right of voting I propose in these districts should be given to all inhabi- tant householders bona fide rated to church or poor, or assessed to sir paying direct taxes for six months previous to the first day of election, not having re- ceived parochial relief.' Such a right of voting amounted, as my learued friend in the chair can inform you, to what in law is commonly known under the acceptation of ' household suffrage.' I will fairly own, that the proposition did not originate with me; indeed. it would not have been befitting a man so young as I was at the time to come forward as the originator of a measure of such magnitude and importance. I only adopted it after it had been the subject of long and deliberate examination by men of far greater ability and experience than I could pretend to. It was first originally proposed in the declaration of the Friends of the People in 1797 ; of which meeting my father was Chairman. It was next brought forward in a motion made by Lord Grey in the same year ; on which occasion Lord Grey proposed that the country should be divided into districts, and that household suffrage should be established. If you will turn back to the debate on that occasion, you will find that the proposition was sup- ported by Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Erskine. Furthermore, according to Mr. Wyvill's published statement by authority, Mr. Pitt himself was in 1785 an advocate for household suffrage. Mr. Fox, in the memorable speech which he made on that occasion, declared that it was absolutely essential to a plan of reform. His words are so terse and apposite, that I am sure you will forgive me for reading. them to you—' I think that to extend the right of election to housekeepers, is the best and most advisable plan of reform. I think also, that it is the most perfect recurrence to first principles. I do not mean the first principles of society, nor to the abstract principles of representation, but to the first known and recorded principles of our Constitution.' I can also refer, in addition to those authorities, to the recorded decisions of the House of Com- mons: who have always decided, where a peculiar difficulty arose in a case, that household suffrage was by the law of the land the common right of every inhabitant. The House of Commons decisions have twice declared, that • of common right all the inhabitant householders and residents within the borough ought to have voice in the election.' In advocating household suffrage, there- fore, I only advocate that which would be a recurrence to the best principles of the Constitution, and which has been supported and enforced by sonic of the wi,,a-t and greatest men that this country has produced. I need 'not detain you with regard to the proposition fur shortening the duration of Parliaments ; we are all agreed as to the necessity that exists for such a measure." ( Cheers.)

Ile reiterated his conviction of the absolute necessity of the Ballot to insure the rights and liberties of the People. He avowed his per- fect willingness to alter details of measures to meet the views of various friends of them, while compromise with an enemy he never would as- sent to. He proceeded to advert to the recent dismissal of Ministers, and the present state of affairs.

" We have a great struggle coming on before us—one that will call for the exercise of the most determined energies we possess, against a most powerful and common enemy. If you will take my advice, I would say to you, and all my fellow-countrymen engaged in a common cause, wave all speculative opi- nions, and endeavour only to see how to make your fo rce the strongest, and your

resistance the most effectual. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, my honourable

friend has alluded to Court intrigue, which has been displayed in the late events. I cannot describe to you the dismay with which I behold such infatuation.

(Inunense cheering.) I confess, however, that I urn not surprised at it ; for I

have been too long aware what work there had been going on in secret, which only waited fur a seasonable time, such as they seem to consider the present, to have the mine explode. I confess to you that I, for one, do not regret what has

taken place. ( Cheers. ) We, at all events, know against whom we shall have to contend. If the battle is to be fought, as it necessarily now must be, lot it, at any rate, be what is called a fair stand -up fight.' ( 'Cheers and laughter.) Let us see who are to be the victors ; let us have a clear stage, and no favour. (Cheers.) If, indeed, the People of this country are Tories—if, indeed, they

are turned into Anti-Reformers—the sooner the fact is known, the better. Who are those who are about to supply the places of the late Ministers, so con- tumeliously and insultingly dismissed? Who are they, but those Tories who have voted, who have struggled, and intrigued against every measure of Reform

that has been proposed up to the present moment ? ( Cheers.) Those are the

person, who are now called to administer the affairs of this empire ; and it re- mains to be proved by your declarations at meetings of this description, and by

that dissolution, which I think absolutely inevitable—( Cheers)---it remains, I say, to to be proved by such means, whether this party possess your confidence and the confidence of the People Of this country, as well as the confidence of the Sovereign."

The Anti.Reformers have put forth two rallying-eriesi the first of Which was that the " Church was in danger." If by the Church was

anent pluralities and other abuses, it was certainly in imminent danger ; hut if by that word, the congregation of the faithful, the real interest of religion was meant, there never was a more groundless fear ; for at

no time had true piety been more prevalent in the land. The second cry was that the " Monarchy was in danger." This was equally false- " I look around to the North, the South, the East, and the West, and I never have been able to hear a word uttered bearing the semblance of the shade of a shadow of an objection made to Monarchical institutions. I never heard any thing approaching to a demand for Republican institutions; and wisely, in my opinion, convinced as I am that a Constitutional Monarchy affords the best security for liberty. I must say that those are very. ill advisers of the Crown, who put such notions into the bead of the Sovereign—( Great cheering)— yew attempt to persuade him that the great fund of loyalty which has always existed in this country has suffered any diminution. I believe, in fact, that it prevails more strongly at the present moment than ever it did, and that it is only pent up and not exhibited, because in the first place there is no occasion fur calling it forth, and because in the next those who ought to excite it have exhibited too little sympathy fur the wishes and wants of the People." But though neither the Crown nor the Church was in danger, b. could tell them what really was in danger—it was the Oligarchy !

" The fact is, that for a long period of time in former days, in the days DE George the Third and George the Fourth, the Sovereign of this country was entirely in the hands of a faction. He was in fact a mere puppet, to be moved according to their wishes ; and allpower and all honours were wielded entirely for the benefit of the factions itself. The Reform Bill, they saw, gave them • deathblow ; and now they are about to try a last struggle to endeavour to regain that power which it wrested from them. After we hail destroyed their strong- holds, after their fortresses had fallen successively, they have pitched upon a great military Commander, who is to come forward and arrest the progress of that Reform under whose exterminating hand the Corporation abuses, the Church abuses, and all other abuses in the institutions of the country, were about to be swept away. I confess to you, that this great military Commander whom they have selected will find it to have been much easier to take Badajoz and Ciudad Rodrigo than to retake the liberties and independence of the People. ( Great cheering.) I say that, in my opinion, he will utterly fail in such an attempt; I mistake my countrymen much, if it can be otherwise. Tory success is in- compatible with the power that the Reform Bill has given you, with the liberal spirit which prevails throughout the country, and with the mighty influence exercised by an able press. I repeat, that, under such circumstances, it would be utterly impossible for this Tory military Commander to succeed in this Anti- Constitutional war. To follow up the military metaphor I have employed, I suppose that if be takes upon himself the conduct of affairs, he and his party will open with a plan of their campaign. It is possible enough that, finding that the temper of the country will not admit of a restriction of Reform, this party may appear in another and a new character. They may, perhaps, put them- selves forward as Liberals and Reformers. (A laugh.) Now I will only say that I cannot conceive any thing that would be more disgusting or disgraceful than such an abandonment of principles, by one whom 1 have heard over and over again oppose Reform in the House of Lords, and whom I have with asto- nishment heard declare, before Reform was carried, that if he were called upon to frame a Constitution, he could not frame a more perfect one than that which then existed. It is possible that the Tories may therefore appear before us like wolves in sheep's clothing ; but I think you will agree with me, that if ever such a thing should take place, it would be most disgusting to behold such a disgraceful abandonment of principle ; and I am sure that such a step, if it should be taken, would be calculated to destroy the character of public men in the eyes of the People. No, if we are to have a Tory Government, in God's name let it be a downright, honest, High Church, Ants-Reforming, Tory Ad- ministration. Such a Government would be an intelligible one. We should know how to deal with it. But let us have no mongrel one. Let us not have a Government calling itself Tory, and acting upon Reforming principles, merely for the sake of Downing Street and quarter-day."

Ile had mentioned the rallying cries of their opponents, he would now venture to say what the rallying cries of the reformers should be : let theirs be " Reform, Liberty, and the Constitution !"

" Let us (lie continued), as I said before, throw aside all petty differences, and be prepared for the coining struggle. Let US form ;associations in every town, in every village of the empire. ( Immense Ate, ing.) How have the Tories succeeded in supplanting the Reform Ministers, but by union and com- bination. Let us take a lesson out of their iidok. Let us show them that the People of England not only possess feelings and principles which were thought sufficient, but that they also possess a fixed determination to maintain their own rights and the constitution of the country. It is as clear to me as the sun at noon .day, that a dissolution of Parliament must take place,—that the last card in their desperate game must be played by the Tories, if they are determined to see the game out. They probably reckon upon securing majorities in the counties, in consequence of the unfortunate fifty-pound tenant-at-will disuse. I know also, that some of the schedule 11 towns, in consequence of the non-payment of rates and other circumstances, have become little better than rotten boroughs. They now possibly reckon upon majorities there. I will grant to them tie utmost extent of support that they may thus obtain in a new House of Com- mons, and yet we shall be able to beat them. Their hopes of success, founded on the ridiculous idea of a reaction, will prove utterly fallacious. We certainly have great odds opposed to us. We have against us the Court and the Peers, but we have for us the Commons and the People. (Immense cheering.) Whenever the struggle shall take place between two such opposing powers, it requires little foresight to see upon what side success will attend. Gentlemen, I ought to apologize for having detained you at such length—( Cries of " No,

no !")—and for i having gone into so minute a discussion on the various it to

which I have alluded ; but if a reference to them was ever necessary, It was of file greatest importance on the present occasion. This is the first great public meeting, I believe, that has taken place in this part of the country, since the late extraordinary event. I cannot, however, say that it is the first; for I understand that our friends and fellow Reformers of Hull have already had a meeting, and addressed the Crown with regard to an event that has plunged the country into dismay from one end of it to the other. I have been thus explicit in stating to you my views ; and I call upon you and my countrymen at large to arm for one of the deadliest struggles that has ever occurred in the history of this country, which must inevi- tably take place. I call upon my countrymen, from one end of the kingdom to the other, to express, with one voice, their fixed determination never to rest satisfied until their liberties are secured, and all those reforms which the Reform Bill—itself only a means to an end—promised, shall have been accomplished. Still preserving all loyalty to the King, let us show him at the same time, that if he be disposed to place confidence in a particular party and class of politicians, we, on other hand, shall exercise our right of expressing our disapproval of such men and their measures, and our determination to oppose them to the utmost of our power. ( Cheers.) I will only say, in conelusion, that my humble services may be commanded by you and my country at all times ; and that I shall be always happy to cooperate with you in the ranks, or in any situation in which I may be considered to be capable of producing benefit. ( Cheers.) No feelings that I may entertain with regard to any individual, in any set of men, shall pre- vent me front doing that which it is my determination to do,—namely, to Loin

i

you heart and soul in the assertion of your rights. (Immense cheers.) The- last words that I have uttered naturally prepare you for the toast that I as about to give ; and I am sure you will receive it with the same hearty and cordial cheers with which you received the health of that hope of the country, the Princess Victoria. He concluded by proposing" Union amongst all Reformers." Several other toasts, especially the health of Earl Grey, were drunk with ap- plause. Lord Durham spoke briefly in reply to this toast. "Lord

Menicotinic and the late Ministers," " Mr. Hutt, and the Electors of Hull," "The Countess of Durham and the House of Lambton," were among those best received.

A meeting was held at Manchester on Thursday, for the purpose of framing a requisition to Mr. Poolett Thomson to become u candidate to represent the borough at the next election. It was drawn up, signed extensively, and forwarded without delay. A requisition to the Boroughreeve to call a public meeting, was in the course of signature on Thursday.

At Liverpool, on Thursday, the Reformers and their opponents had a sort of mismanaged meeting. A placard was posted about the town, giving notice of a preliminary meeting, in a room not capable of holding three hundred persons ; which a strong body of Anti-Reformers took care nearly to fill. Mr. Horsetail, one of their party, was put out of the chair ; a resolution of their drawing up was declared to be carried, and they left the room. Subsequently, the Reformers, with a new chair- man, resolved to cull a great meeting for Monday week, to be held in Clayton Square.

A movement has been made at Leeds to get up a " West Riding Festival to Lord Durham." That every town and village in the Riding would unite, without delay, is most certain; but it is ques- tionable, after the reply of his Lordship to the requisitionists of Manchester, whether any public steps will be taken in the affair.—

Sheffield Iris.

The Anti-Reformers of East Kent, about two hundred in number, dined together on Thursday evening, at Ashford. Sir Edward C. Dering was in the chair ; supported on the right by Lord Winchilsea, and on the left by Viscount Strangford. Colonel Murray, Captain King, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir Brook Bridges, Sir J. Honeywood, Mr. Halcmnb, M. P., Sir John Croft, the Reverend Thomas Manners Sutton, and about a dozen other clergymen, composed the Me of the company. The Chairman, and almost every other speaker, declared that the meeting was not a political one ; and that they were only assembled because, in the King's language, it was time to "speak out." But all the speeches were full of political exultation at the recall of the Anti-Reformers to power ; and an address to the King, which was unanimously adopted, assured his Majesty of their determination to rally round his person at the present important crisis, and devote their lives and fortunes to the preservation of the monarchy and the Protestant religion. The Duke of Wellington's health was drunk (not as the author of the Catholic Relief Bill), by these ardent Churchman, with vast enthusiasm. Lord Winchilsea eulogized the Irish Orangemen, and lamented the "unheard-of persecution " they bad endured during the last three years. Lord Strangford asserted that the House of Peers " was instituted to prevent the vo.r rage it ever so loudly and frantically, from being mistaken for the vox Dei. The Peers were instituted to give time to ascertain the national will and the probability of its duration." Lillis certainly was political information, and of an exceedingly new and very original cast too ; such as the mere student of British constitutional history, would never have acquired without Lord Strangford's assistance.] In short, the proceedings and harangues were of a decidedly party cast from be- ginning to end, designed to maintain abuses, civil and ecclesiastical, through the agency of a military Premier.