POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

Ministers have at last announced, in Parliament, the adoption of a decided course against the avowed rebellion in Ireland; and the first step is to be taken this day, by introducing a bill for the purpose, in popular phrase, of "suspending the Habeas Corpus Act."

Soon after the House of Commons met yesterday afternoon, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose a• d spoke as follows- " I rise, Sir, to give notice that I propose at the sitting of the House at twelve o'clock tomorrow, to ask leave to bring in a bill to empower the Lord- Lieutenant or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland to apprehend and de- tain, until the 1st day of March 1849, such persons as he shall suspect of con- spiring against her Majesty's person or government." (Loud cheering.) In the House of Lords, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE announced that this notice had been given; and invited Lord Glengall to proceed with a mo- tion of which he had given notice, as an opportunity for a further state- ment.

The Earl of GLENGALL moved for copies of such reports as had been received by her Majesty's Government from the Stipendiary Magistrates, Constabulary officers, and Police, respecting the formation of Clubs in Ireland.

Lord Glengall glanced at the recent history of Ireland,—the schism in the Repeal party; the growth of the Clubs; the atrocious counsel given to the people not only to prepare pikes and blunderbusses, but to destroy the soldiery with vitriol and burning turpentine; the military array; the treasonable communica- tions with France and America; and the evident intention to effect, not only a political but a social revolution, by exterminating "the English garnson"—that is, the 8,000 Protestant landlords of Ireland. He complained that neither the Crime and Outrage Act nor the Seditious Speaking Act has proved sufficiently powerful: nothing short of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act would do; for anarchy is in the ascendant, and insurrection mast follow. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE admitted that the facts recited by Lord Glengall were notorious; but opposed the motion, as unnecessary: extracts from the papers in question—for no more than extracts could be given with propriety—would only weaken the case as it appears on the face of the known facts. Lord Lansdowne proceeded further to explain the views of Government.

It is unnecessary to gauge the actual extent of the Clubs; but they must be stopped at once by the strong arm of the law. "These Clubs have reached to a pitch in Ireland which I affirm to be, on the authority of the Lord-Lieutenant, and not on his authority alone, but on the concurrent authority of all observers, subversive of the public peace, and nothing but a prelude to civil war. There is not a doubt about it because their proceedings are open to the world. What is secret among them I do not pretend to discover; but what is open and palpable is enough for me. When I look at the numbers, the language, and the objects proposed by those Clubs, and the amount of military array by which it is sought to attain those objects, I say you have all the elements of proof before you, and that there is nothing wanting 14 the framework of rebellion but the actual declaration of war. I see that in carrying out the military array they have been directed by a person who not long ago went to Paris for the avowed purpose of connecting himself with the Clubs in that metropolis, and who, after meeting with something like rejec- tion from the then Government of France, went forth knocking from door to door, seeking where he could find the greatest hostility to the Government of his own country. When that person' returning from this expedition, was placed at the head of these institutions in Ireland, I knew what the issue of these proceedings must be."

Lord Clarendon however, had employed the powers already at his command more effectively than Lord Glengall seemed to allow. By the help of the Crime and

Outrage Bill the peace of the city of Limerick has been comparatively restored. An existing act against illegal training has been useful: it expires at the end of this session, but will be renewed. Other powers, including those conferred by the common law, have been carried into effect; and the law has been supported by the juries.

" I nevertheless agree that the Clubs are capable of being used, as I firmly believe they are intended chiefly to be used, for the purpose of intimidation. ("Rear! ") They have acquired that character, and are enabled to exercise it with effect upon every class of the community, rich and poor, Catholic and Protestant; openly avowing, as they have done within the last week, that those who did not yield to their arbitrary authority, and appear armed at their call, are to be considered as enemies; and in the name of liberty they are endeavouring as clubs to establish a most cruel authority, subversive of all liberty, destructive of all conscience, and leading, as these associations have always led, to murder and bloodshed, and fi- nally to anarchy and perfect despotism. Is this, or is it not, a state of things which ought to be met by all the vigour of the Government, supported, as I trust it will be, by all the authority of Parliament?" " We are arrived at that state of things in which loss of time is loss of power. (Cheers.) Use that power while you have it—(Renewed cheers)—and the effect of your using it will be, not to destroy or impair liberty, but to save and preserve life. It was upon these considerations that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in the responsible situation which he fills, has told her Majesty's Government here that the time has arrived when it has become necessary to arm him with power to detain all persons justly suspected of treasonable intentions. I will not say that no other efforts will be made; but I believe that this is the measure which is called for, because it goes at once to strike at the leaders having those objects": for, considering the state of the Irish people—their poverty, their sufferings, their national tendency to excess, and their ignorance—he felt that much might be said in extenuation of their conduct. Against the leaders, who mislead the people with knowing falsehood, the punishment cannot be too severe. And he knew that Lord Clarendon would exercise the powers intrusted to him with safety and forbearance. "Before I sit down I will state, not only upon the authority of my noble friend, but upon the authority of others also, though more especially upon my noble friend's, that in this formidable movement, although there is reason, doubtless, to apprehend that many individuals of the Roman Catholic clergy have been en- gaged, yet nevertheless the conduct of the great portion of that body has been most meritorious. And I again state,upon the authority of my noble friend, who has from day to day examined the progress of this disorder, that although, whilst such disorder is preying upon society, they have been without the means of ex- erting the same vital energy in opposition to its progress, yet some of the Roman Catholic clergy have been most effectual in preventing the propagation of these Clubs; and instances could be quoted, amidst this progress of sedition and plant- ing of disorder, of the greatest benefit having attended their exhortations to peace and their endeavours to defend their unfortunate flocks from the contagion they had received. It is but justice to them to make this statement. In that vftt conflict which I fear is coming, though I trust it will be short, I believe that the Government of Ireland will have the aid of one portion at least of that highly respectable and religious body. As to the measure to which the noble Earl alluded, notice of its introduction has already been given to the other House of Parliament ; and when it comes here I trust that your Lordships will give to it the most attentive consideration."

Lord BROUGHAM cordially approved of the Ministerial course now taken; adducing in support of it the authority of Mr. O'Connell. A declaration by him, then leader of the Irish people, had been furnished to Lord Brougham in writing, by a highly respectable individual; whose commu nication Lord Brougham now read-

" The writer, whose name I will give to my noble friend opposite, said—' Three weeks before Sir Robert Peel's Coercion Bill was introduced, in 1846, the late Mr. O'Connell deliberately stated to me and Dr. —, and Mr. —, now M.P. for an important place, and lately and at that time in a situation under Government,'— I will also give their names to my honourable friend,—' that in his opinion the true remedy, which would be a safe and constitutional cure in the then state of certain districts in Ireland, as Limerick, Tipperary, and so forth, was the power commonly called,' though not very accurately, I beg leave to say, 'the suspen- sion of the Habeas Corpus Act,—as it would cure and not irritate ' —the very words I used, in ignorance of having this authority; 'and he said, that if Sir Robert Peel made out a case to entitle his Government to possess such a power, he would support his application to Parliament for it, provided '—now, I thought that what followed would take away the whole value of the opinion as to the Habeas Corpus suspension= provided Sir Robert Peel would give'—I expected to find what he termed 'justice to Ireland,' and there was no saying what that might be, and the pledge in favour of coercion might soon be forgotten; but it was, provided Sir Robert Peel would at the same time introduce to the House thosemea- sures of relief and justice'—not in general terms, according to Mr. O'Connell's own notion of justice, but which he (Sir R Peel) had so often promised to bring forward.' * * * He then said, 'With Mr. O'Connell's permission, I stated on the following day the substance of that conversation to Mr. So-and-so, M.P.; and I got leave also to show it to Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell.'"

Lord STANLEY rejoiced too much at the present determination of Mi- nisters to criticize their past conduct: he only hoped that the measure would be strong enough, and not hampered or hindered by needless details; promising that, without regard to party consideration, Ministers should re- ceive the cordial support of every member of that House.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE stated that Ministers would make every- thing give way to the progress of the measure; which should be pressed forward as speedily as the forms of the House would permit. "In the event of any unfortunate delay taking place with respect to the passing of the bill,—if, in the present feverish state of the people of Ireland they should be tempted to break out into actual rebellion,—there exists an act of the Irish Par- liament, passed long before the Union, under which the Lord-Lieutenant could immediately seize and detain every person whom be might suspect of being an accessory to that rebellious proceeding. I will go further, and state that the Lord-Lieutenant is prepared to take that course the moment an outbreak arises." (Loud cheers.) Lord Baoncineit was aware of the Irish act referred to.

In order to bring it into operation, it was not necessary that there should be a general outbreak; any insurrectionary movement was sufficient for the purpose. He bad no doubt that the Lord-Lieutenant would do his duty vigorously and fearlessly. Lord GLENGALL withdrew his motion; and the House adjourned, about eight o'clock, till this day.

An Irish subject occupied the House of Commons, in a very heated and profitless debate, for a considerable time last night. On the motion for going into Committee of Supply, Mr. KEOGH moved as an amendment, for Select Committee to inquire into the striking of criminal juries in Ire- land, especially at the trials of Mr. O'Brien, Mr. Meagher, and.Mr. Mitchel. This motion he supported in a long, discursive, and vehement speech; reviving the old allegations as to the illegal and unfair composition of the juries—to the exclusion of Roman Catholics; attacking Mr. Redington laud other official persons who had formerly objectad to each practices; attacking Lord John Russell for being absent at that moment, and for having neglected to bring in those "large and comprehensive measures" which he had recommended when in Opposition. In retort, Sir GEORGE GREY quoted speeches and writings by Mr. Keogh which convicted him of political inconsistency; Sir George imputing Mr. Keogh's present asperity to the fact that his merits are not sufficiently recognized by Government. The debate, in short, degenerated into a per- sonal squabble. Mr. Ksocri accused Sir William Somerville of having influenced the petition against his return, to promote that of a Repealer. Sir Wntraast Somwavu.rat repelled the accusation in general terms; but when it was repeatedly pressed by Mr. ANSTRY and Mr. &trams he ad- mitted that he had given a check: he denied, however, that he had done so in his public capacity, or that he had sought to promote the return of a Repeal candidate as a Repealer! In the midst of the turmoil, Mr. AssTwr moved that the House do adjourn. This was negatived, by 155 to 22; but ultimately the debate was adjourned till Monday.

Earlier in the evening, on the motion for going into Committee on the Sugar-duties Bill, Lord GEORGE BENTINCIL revived the question respect- ing the admission of West India sugar under the terms used in the resolu- tion of the House and the bill. He admitted that sugar was excluded from the West Indies by the British Possessions Act of 1845; but maintained that the act of 1846 distinctly gave power to the Colonies to remove any restriction. [Subsequently, Mr. BARMLY quoted returns to show that foreign sugar is imported into Barbados, Demerara, St. Lucia, and Ja- maica.] Lord George further undertook to expose as many as twenty-thee blunders in the arithmetical calculations which had been used to apportion the scale of duties in the schedules; and he mi- nutely retraced the figures to show what they ought to have been. Sir CHARLES WOOD admitted some errors; but denied that there had been so many as twenty-three. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL argued, that the question respecting the admissibility of West India sugar under the terms of the bill was a question not of fact but of law; and that whether sugar had been imported into the West Indies or not, such importation is illegal, as it is prohibited by the British Possessions Act.

The House having gone into Committee, Mr. Goma:max proposed to set- tle the question by inserting after the words "British possessions"—" in America, or of any other British possessions." Ministers declined to accept the suggestion; and the amendment was negatived, by 73 to 28.

Sir CHARLES WOOD proposed to alter the scale of duties on refined sugar, so as to admit Dutch refined sugar, incidentally excluded by the act of 1846, and to reduce the duty on Colonial refined sugar; endeavouring to apportion the duties so that the protection should be equivalent to tha on the raw material: on Foreign double-refined sugar it would be 27s. 9d., on single-refined 248. 8d.; on Colonial sugars the corresponding duties would be reduced from 19s. 6d. to 188., and from 17s. 6d. to 16a. This proposition was adopted. The other clauses were gone through; Sir Charles Wood intimating that the House would again go into Committee on the scales to correct the errors.

After the Irish squabble, the House adjourned at half-past two o'clock till noon this day.