NEWS OF THE WEEK

ACTION has commenced at Suakin], but up to the evening of Friday, no important news had been received. On Thursday a reconnaissance in force was made in the direction of Handub, and it was discovered that Osman Digna's forces were massed together in a valley at Hasheen, near his old position at Tamai. The general advance was accordingly ordered early on Friday, but we have as yet no intelligence of the result. It was gathered from prisoners that Osman intended, if possible, to throw the bulk of his force between the advancing Expedition and Suakim, and thus cut.off the possibility of retreat. That is bold strategy ; but Osman, who is clearly a competent leader, if not a competent General, may have another motive. Placed between the British force and Suakim, with cavalry visible to pursue them, his men must conquer or die, and, as he may calculate, will fight as they have never fought yet. The result can only be one ; but we fear it will not be attained without "many souls of heroes," white and copper-coloured, passing away. The numbers with Osman are unknown ; but there has been a certain persistence about the report that he has been joined by 5,000 " Dervishes " from El Obeid.

England and. Russia still wait, and it is not easy to say what for. On Monday Lord Granville and Mr. Gladstone both read a telegram from St. Petersburg, despatched in reply to inquiries from London, stating that the• strictest orders had been sent to the frontier to avoid a conflict pending negotiations, and that the Russian troops would make no advance from positions now occupied by them, unless, indeed, disturbances broke-out in Penjdeh. The form of the message is not satisfactory, as the Russians could cause disturbances in Penjdeh if they liked; but it is probable that this is accidental, and that the Russians are as anxious as ourselves not to prevent negotiations. But then the negotiations themselves do not advance, although it is greatly for the interest of both countries that they should. It is probable that the Russian Government, in its present morbid fear of offending the military party, is seeking some method of referring everything to the Joint Boundary Commission without withdrawing from the ground so rashly occupied, and that the British Government considers the previous withdrawal essential to secure fair-play; but nothing certain is known. The balance of evidence is in favour of peace ; but the peace is not made, and the Czar, who is clearly not a strong man, is hampered by conflicting influences. Many considerable persons in Russia think that, while a victory would restore all things, a defeat would be preferable to the present situation.

We utterly disbelieve that the Czar wants war, or that if he made-up his mind, he could not enforce his orders ; but we believe that considerations of the following kind weigh heavily on his mind. 'It is essential,' he is told, 'amidst the existing

discontents, that he should appear firm and strong, and that he should have not merely the obedience, but the cordial support of the Army chiefs. Most of them are infected with Skobeleff's views; and if, in addition to avoiding war with Germany and allowing Austria her own way in the Balkans, he retreats before England, they will think him unworthy of his position. Unworthiness is fatal to a Czar.' Such arguments would have had little weight with Nicholas, or even with Alexander II.; but Alexander III. has been deeply affected by the pressure of Nihilist hostility, he is aware of a current of disaffection in the Army, revealed by the numerous arrests, and he seeks aid from others rather than from the resources of his own mind. It is probable that he will at last be guided by Berlin, whence all advice is peaceful ; but he hesitates, and he alone can give the final orders. It must be added that the libels of English Tories about the yielding disposition of the British Government have not been without weight with Continental statesmen. They know they are not true, but they think them so far true that delay is safe, because the British Government will not prematurely declare war. Fortunately, time hurts no English preparations, and helps all Indian.

A Conservative meeting was held at the Carlton Club on Monday, for the purpose of bringing the Conservative Party into better discipline, Sir Stafford Northcote complaining of the way in which the Conservatives have deserted him in recent divisions. Thereupon. a great outbreak against the Redistribution Bill seems to have occurred, the Ulster Conservatives denouncing it with special vehemence, as fatal to Irish Conservatism; and Mr. Chaplin and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach declaring that the position of Conservatives, not allowed to follow the natural instincts which the Bill rouses in Conservative minds, is almost intolerable,—a position which Sir Michael Beach illustrated practically the following evening, by showing that he would not tolerate it. Lord Salisbury in vain attempted to bring the party to reason,—his own attendance at a meeting cf Members of the House of Commons constituting apparently a new grievance. Two Conservatives are said to have remarked that before they were required to vote black white, Sir Stafford Northcote should see that his late colleagues were doing their duty and giving him their support. On the whole, Sir Stafford Northcote's sorrows do not seem to have been alleviated by the meeting. Probably they were enhanced by it.

Mr. G. C. T. Bartley, the principal Agent of the Conservative Party, resigned in November ; and in the Times of Thursday he explains his reasons, which are important, because Mr. Bartley is in communication with Conservatives throughout the country. He declares that the Conservative "leaders are not in harmony and touch with the great body of Conservatives" among the middle and working-classes. " Simple criticism, obstruction, mild platitudes, and abuse, though they may pass in quiet times, will not now form an Opposition which can command the respect and confidence of the country. In critical times, such as these, the leaders should announce and publicly advocate the firm, decided, and patriotic policy they would substitute for the feebleness of the Government." Till they do this, the vast body of quiet persons who call themselves Liberals, but are Conservatives, will not vote with them. This is true enough, and shows that dissatisfaction with their leaders is not confined to Tory Members of Parliament ; but Mr. Bartley, to be useful, should go a step further, and name the leaders to whom he would confide the interests of his party. One never even hears of an alternative man, unless it be Sir M. Ridley, and he never steps to the front The Chancellor of the Exchequer on Wednesday afternoon described to the House of Commons the long-expected agreement or arrangement between the Powers upon Egyptian finance. It does not differ greatly from the anticipatory accounts of it. Six

Powers—England, France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and Russia— agree that the Khedive shall raise a loan of 0,000,000, at 321per cent., to be guaranteed by them all, Russia only making the reservation that if default should occur she will not pay more than her sixth. The Khedive is also authorised to place a tax of five per cent. upon the coupons of the Unified Debt and the Domain Debts for two years, to reduce the interest on the Suez Canal shares belonging to the British Government by a half per cent., and to tax foreign residents like his own subjects. This international guarantee will not carry with it any right of international control. At the end of two years an international enquiry shall decide whether the land-tax of Egypt requires reduction, and whether the tax upon the coupons can be abolished. During the two years England will remain in occupation, and will receive £200,000 a year towards the expenses of her Army. The arrangement, in fact, postpones all final decisions for two years, and then leaves them to Europe. It is, from the point of view of the Government, a sensible and moderate compromise, though much too lenient to the Bondholders ; but it will, it is said, be resolutely opposed by the Tory Party on the second reading of the needful Bill, which will probably take place on the first Monday after the Recess. The Tories, as we have argued elsewhere, will take nothing by that resistance. The only alternatives are the purchase of the Khediviate from the Sultan, and prompt departure from Egypt ; and they are not prepared to recommend either course.

The British Government, though absurdly prudish in interfering with the Civil Administration of Egypt, will tolerate no impediments to its military success. Accordingly, Lord Wolseley, having discovered letters from Zebehr Pasha to the Mahdi containing "communications,"—that is, we presume, military information and advice,—the great slave-dealer and his son have been arrested, and shipped for Cyprus. The Egyptian Ministry are said to be disgusted, which is quite possible, as they have never given up the hope of enjoying again the old " gratifications " from the slave-trade ; but the remainder of mankind are only relieved. The hostility of Zebehr to General Gordon was incurable ; and the General, who knew this quite wall, in demanding his services gave one more proof of his own courage, disinterestedness, and want of judgment. There will be more arrests yet, for, as we have pointed out repeatedly, the failure to obtain accurate intelligence from Khartoum must have been due to treachery in Cairo.

Yesterday week there was a field-day in the House of Commons on the subject of the reduction of the number of Members for the City of London from four to two. Even two Members are more than any constituency of the same population are to retain ; and as the Conservatives, while they retain a majority in the City, will command just as large a party majority with two Members all to themselves as they would command with three Conservatives against one Liberal, their case of grievance against their leaders for allowing the number of City Members to be reduced from four to two was not a strong one. Alderman Lawrence appeared, indeed, to think that the principle of the new Reform Bill is the due representation of markets and railway-stations; for he made the number of markets,—moneymarket, stock-market, coal-market, &c.,—and the number of railway-stations contained in the City his chief reason for giving it four Members. If that had any force in it, why did he not demand the increase of its number of Members from four to twenty P for if wealth and the importance of the borough's various commercial centres be the standard of representative weight, twenty Members would hardly be enough. Mr. Gladstone had no difficulty in showing, in a very lively speech, that even with two Members, London would be greatly favoured as compared with other constituencies, both by the great radius of twenty-five miles, within which any voter for the City may reside, and by the double seat left to it. Alderman Fowler's amendment was rejected by a majority of 45 (162 to 117).

Macclesfield did not take very much by Mr. Slagg's effort yesterday week to rehabilitate it as a distinct borough. The Attorney-General had no difficulty in showing, first, that it really forms the kernel of a new county division, though it will have to admit Congleton to a share in the representation of that division; and next, that if ever a borough deserved disfranchisement for corruption, Macclesfield is that borough. "Every election in Macclesfield since 1832 had been corrupt. There was,

no doubt, an election in the borough in 1859 when no corruption occurred, but that was because the election was uncontested. The Commissioners reported that corrupt practices extensively prevailed in Macclesfield at the elections of 1865, 1868, 1874, and 1880. A gentleman well acqnainted with the borough gave it as his opinion that at the last election between 4,000 and 5,000 persons were corrupt. The Commissioners, who, of course, were unable to discover all the bribery that took place, actually scheduled the names of 2,872 persons as having either given or taken bribes. That represented 53 per cent., or more than one-half of those who voted,

some of whom, it appears, were bribed on both sides On the whole, Macclesfield appeared to be the most corrupt constituency in England. The corruption had gone on there openly. Both the agents arranged it without the least. secrecy. Five magistrates and thirty-one members of the Town Council had been scheduled. Several persons thus scheduled had since been elected members of the Town Council." If Congleton is expected to provide the flood by which Macclesfield corruption is to be cleansed away, Congletou is not to be envied. It would take a very Niagara of Democratic fervour to sweep-away such foul tendencies as these.

On Tuesday, Mr. Ritchie attacked the plan of leaving twentythree undivided boroughs which are still to return two Members in the old fashion, each elector having two votes, and proposed to divide these boroughs also, giving one Member to the half of the borough, instead of two Members to the whole. Sir Charles Dilke, though himself favourable to the system of single seats, opposed the amendment as inconsistent with the settlement arrived at by the two parties ; whereupon Sir S. Northcote explained that it was no part of the policy of the Opposition to retain these double-barrelled constituencies ; that Lord Salisbury and himself were favourable to the single seats, but that the Government had made it a condition that the old borough constituencies entitled to two, and to not more than two Members, should not be divided. Mr. Gladstone admitted that this was quite true. The Government, though favourable to the principle of single seats as a general rule, did not wish to make it universal all at once, thinking that in borough constituencies entitled to only two Members it might operate to divide the constituency between the two parties, so as not to give the party which is in the majority in the constituency any effective party vote at all. Mr. Ritchie's amendment was negatived by 253 votes against 44; majority, 209.

On Tuesday also there was a sharp little debate on the subject of increasing the House of Commons by twelve Members. The debate was more remarkable for the defection of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, who refused to support Sir Stafford Northcote, and carried off a number of Conservatives into the Opposition lobby, than for any controversy between the official Liberals and the official Conservatives, who, indeed, acted together. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, however, gravely proposed to reduce the number of English Members by nine, and of Irish Members by three, in order to find room for the twelve new Scotch Members; and for making this proposal Sir Stafford Northcote did not spare him. The Conservative ex-Colonial Minister openly revolted against the Conservative leader, and voted in a minority of 47 against 149, who represented the united forces of the Government and, the official Opposition.

Mr. Forster made a speech on Imperial Federation in the Town Hall, Cambridge, this day week, in the presence of Prince Edward. Professor Seeley took the chair, and stated that the true issue was between alliance and federation, he himself being in favour of federation, as also is Mr. Forster. Mr. Forster, however, did not attempt to face the true difficulties of any real federative tie,—least of all to face the main difficulty, that if, by the action of this country, even though taken after some sort of consultation with the Colonies, we bind our Colonies to support us in foreign wars, we shall be in much greater danger of alienating them than we have recently been, because we shall have to call upon them for sacrifices of a very different kind from those which they are now so generously and heartily rendering of their own free will. Mr. Forster pointed triumphantly to Lord Derby's action in consulting the AgentsGeneral of the Colonies on the subject of the recent offers of military support ; but that is a consultation of a very different kind indeed from any that could bind the Colonies to help us in a war of which all did not equally approve. Mr. Forster's speech

was really a very eloquent plea for alliance, which we all desire ; but not, so far as we can follow it, for Federation proper, as distinct from alliance; and to this we confess that we cannot at all see our way.

Mr. Goschen is at issue with his constituents at Ripon as to the degree of interference which is permissible on the part of a constituency with the vote of its representative. For our own parts, we cannot deny that Mr. Goschen was acting fully on his constitutional rights,—as those rights have always hitherto been understood,—when he deserted the Government on the Egyptian question because he did not think their policy clear and strong enough. On the other hand, we hold Ripon to be acting quite in its right when it urges that in so voting, far from representing Ripon's view, Mr. Goschen greatly misrepresents that view, and there, so far, as we see, the constitutional right and wrong of the matter ends. That the moral right and wrong admits of further argument, we have attempted elsewhere to show.

A meeting was held on Saturday of the Mansion-House Committee, for the purpose of raising a memorial to General Gordon, the Prince of Wales being present. We regret to say it was decided to expend the funds collected on a British hospital at Port Said. In other words, it was resolved, instead of keeping General Gordon's name alive in the minds of Englishmen as the name of a hero, to utilise the feeling for him in raising a subscription which ought to be easily raised without it. The hospital will be called the Gordon Hospital, and ten years hence its existence will probably be attributed to some benefaction of the Duke of Richmond. The first necessity of a memorial is that, apart from the memories it invokes, it should be useless. You might as well give a silver spoon for a medal of valour as set up a hospital to honour a hero.

The memorial-services held yesterday week for General Gordon at St. Paul's and Westminster Abbey, as well as in a considerable number of other places, were attended in a manner that showed how deeply the mind of England has been stirred by General Gordon's great and simple disinterestedness. The Bishop of Newcastle preached in St. Paul's, and the Dean of Westminster at Westminster Abbey. Of both sermons the key-note was the death in life which ensures life in death. "Men spoke of Gordon and his brother-nobles now as dead," said the Bishop of Newcastle. "What meant this thrill, then, that was running through the life of the nation ; what this lifting-up of the heart, and strong resolve to live and work for Christ that was kindling many a soul ?" The Dean of Westminster took for his text, "As dying, and behold we live," and reminded his hearers of Gordon's saying, that "God had not promised him success." The beet ultimate success, however, came of noble failure, and we might hope that Gordon's work both in China and in Africa would bear its richest fruits hereafter. At all events, the impression which his life may make on the English people, is a harvest of the future, not of the past.

The Indian Budget was published on March 17th, and is not very satisfactory. The final accounts for 1::3-4 show a surplus, but it was due in part to anticipations of revenue, and the nearly final accounts of 1884-85, called in India the 'revised estimates," show a deficit of 2716,200. This was due in part to the abovementioned anticipations, but also in part to the great reductions in railway receipts, to the depression of trade, and to the further fall in the exchange, which must now be taken at is. 7d. the rupee. It is calculated that the revenue for 1885-86 will be £72,090,400, and the expenditure £71,582,300, showing a surplus of £508,000; but this surplus is due to savings in exchange, to be secured by borrowing at home part of the money necessary for expenses in England. Altogether, Sir Auckland Colvin is not cheerful, and gives a hint which may mean that further reductions in expenditure must be made, or that he may be compelled, if the period of depression continues, to reconsider the propriety of some recent remissions of taxation. In practice there is little to fear, if peace be preserved, as the country is growing richer; and if peace is not preserved, the immense expenditure necessary will render a small deficit or surplus scarcely perceptible.

The Archbishop of Canterbury has written a letter, published in Thursday's papers, to the clergy and laity of the Church, on the subject of providing emigrants with every facility for access to the ministrations of the Church, not only at the ports of emigration and during their journey, but in the countries to which they may emigrate. He explains the scheme the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge has organised for giving emigrants access to clerical counsel all along the lines of emigration, and for providing them with the most useful knowledge concerning the countries to which they are going, including the knowledge of the Church's arrangements there, for their help and guidance. The Colonial and American bishops are heartily co-operating with this Society ; and it will be the fault of the clergyman from whose parish the emigrant goes, if the lattter is not well provided with centres of counsel and help along the whole course of his journey, and especially at the end of it. Any one who knows how helpless a stranger, especially if he ho poor and uneducated, feels in a new country, will recognise at once that the Church may in this way obtain a legitimate influence with emigrants which may ultimately result in a very great change for the better in their religious life.

The American Government is interfering with a high hand in Central America. President Barrios, of Guatemala, has proposed that his Republic, and those of Honduras, San Salvador, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua, shall be fused; and as they all object but Honduras, has resolved to enforce compliance. The Government of Washington, however, having an eye to the Nicaragua Canal—which it wishes to be American, and not international— has informed President Barrios that it cannot permit the use of force, and has sent all war-vessels at its disposal to the coast. The Government of Mexico has given the same intimation ; and it is supposed that President Barrios will either yield, or be overthrown, or be shot. There seems little objection to the action of the Washington Cabinet, which is fully supported by the Senate, as they distinctly permit the voluntary fusion of the Central American States ; but it is nonsense to say that the old policy of non-interference is not broken. Mr. Cleveland is interfering as strongly as Prince Bismarck could ; and. the United States stands forward plainly as protector of Nicaragua. It looks very much as if the new President seriously intended the second Canal to be cut, and to be exclusively American.

Professor Dicey gives us in another column the substance of the argument by which he strove to persuade the rather noisy Oxford Convocation of last week that it ought not to attempt to lay down any conditions restricting, further than the law of the land already restricts, the purposes for which the physiological laboratory furnished by the University should be used. His argument appears to come to this, that when a great University provides expensive instruments for educational purposes, it is altogether beyond its province, and indeed ultra vires, for it to condition that those instruments shall not be used for purposes which it considers (or may consider, for the great majority of those present at Convocation apparently took the opposite view) decidedly unsuited to a place of education, and dangerous to its moral atmosphere. If Convocation has no right to lay down the conditions on which it will furnish a laboratory, why is Convocation entrusted with .the right of voting the money at all ? The whole drift of Professor Dicey's argument is to show that Convocation is no proper judge of the academical duties of the University of Oxford. Well, if so, give the right of voting money-grants for academical purposes to some other body ; but to whatever body you entrust that right, it is clearly absurd to deny it the power of distinguishing between the legitimate and illegitimate academical uses of what it grants. And so long as Convocation remains the body to which the suitability of money-grants for academical objects is submitted, it must clearly remain the body to which the suitability of the objects to which this grant is to be made subservient must be submitted likewise. Professor Dicey wishes, apparently, to repudiate the authority of Convocation for one purpose, and to avail himself of it for another purpose. This is blowing hot and cold with the same breath.

The Bank of England lowered its rate of interest on Thursday to 3 per cent. The reserve of bullion is unusually high, and business is still slack ; but if the Directors had anticipated war, the reduction would hardly have been made. In fact, it is clear the leading capitalists do not expect war.