There have been two electioneering meetings in the City of

London this week —the first the adjourned sitting of the London Liberal Registration Association ; the second a meeting to enable Lord John Russell to appeal against their decision. The adjourned meeting was held at the London Tavern on Tuesday, Mr. Travers in the chair. Sir James Duke' Mr. Baikal Currie, Baron Rothschild, and Mr. Crawford, explained their political view. Mr.

Currie referred to the position of Lord John Russell : he recognized Lord

John's great services to the Liberal cause, but remarked that he had on several occasions deeply regretted the course Lord John thought it his .eluty to pursue. Lord John in his able and ingenious address, said, among other things, in a rather peculiar manner, that he was the advocate of those oldfashioned doctrines, peace, economy, and reform. Now, Mr. Currie did not think it was quite fair in him to stand up, 1.Bre "the

'voice of one crying in the wilderness," as if a large section of the Liberal party had gone astray from those great objects and were wandering after some ignis fatum. Baron Rothschild denied that there was any coalition between himself and Lord John Russell; but it would greatly grieve him if Lord John were not returned.

Mr. Morley and Mr. Bennoeh appeared as the warm supporters of Lord John ; and hr. Bermoch moved a resolution expressly to rescind the re solution of the previous meeting limiting the choice of the electors to commercial men. Mr. Gassiot said, that to put forward Lord John would only be to drag him through the mire : he had no chance of suc cess. Mr. Dakin moved, as an amendment to Mr. Bennoch's resolution, that Sir James Duke, Mr. Raikes Currie, Baron Lionel de Rothschild, and Mr. Wigram Crawford, are eminently calculated to represent the City. This amendment was carried. When put as a substantive motion, Mr. Getty° moved a second amendment, blaming Lord John's course on the Russian and Chinese wars, but declaring that his great services entitled him to reelection. The amendment was negatived, and the original resolution was carried.

In the same room where this meeting was held, Lord John Russell, on Thursday, met the electors of London, and made a counter-demonstra tion. Mr. Thomson lackey took the chair, and introduced Lord John as "the champion of progress and reform." Lord John Russell was well received. Some confusion arose, however, because all present could not see him. So he was mounted on a chair which served as a rostrum. In the very first sentence of his address he stated why he was there

" I come to appeal to you, the electors of the City of London, against a decree of the Registration Association which pretends to represent you. I come here to appeal against a decision of that Association, .which has ex cluded me, most unfairly, I think, as far as they are concerned, from the nomination. The Association met, and without any intimation to me, without any warning of any sort, they devised a resolution that four per

sons connected by commercial pursuits with the City of London should servo them in the next Parliament. I am not going to discuss that reso

lution; but I beg you to observe—as I think every one must have observed— that, without making a direct attack on ice, it was meant indirectly to exclude me from the honour of representing you. The Association, having again met on Tuesday last, proceeded to the nomination of four candi dates together, thereby preventing that fair decision which the nomination of each candidate would have afforded. They again decided that they would exclude ice indirectly, 'without allowing any diseumion of the .question whether I was unworthy to represent you any longer. They heard, moreover, a gentleman who is one of the four nominated candidates, and who made a speech of three-quarters of an hour's length, which consisted chiefly of a contrast between his votes and mine, and of a censure upon my conduct in Parliament. As 1 complain of being unfairly treated, lot me say, that if a gentleman were disposed to part with his butler, his coachman, or his game-keeper, or if a merchant were disposal to part with an old servant, a warehouseman, a clerk, or even a porter, he would say to him, John—(Loud laughter)—I think your faculties are somewhat decayed • }mu are growing old; you have made several mistakes, and I think of putting a young man from Northampton in your place.' (Laughter and °hews.) I think a gentleman would behave in that way to his servant, and thereby give John an opportunity of answering, that he thought his faeultiea were not 410 notch decayed, and that he was able to go on, at all events, some five or six years longer. (Cheers.) That opportunity was not given to me. The question was decided in my absence, without any intimation to sue ; and I come now to ask you and the citizens of London to reverse that decision." (Cheers.)

Lord John then discoursed on the "past," "present," and "future." The " past" includedhis early efforts in l'adiament—repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, &c.; which he thought might be fairly set against some secondary and desultory votes commented an by Mr. Currie. In dealing with tint present, he described his course during the session, to show that he was not disposed to view Lord Palmerston's Government with disfavour, De voted with the Government on the Budget. Ho voted against Lord Palmerston on Mr. Locke King's motion. Did he say there was a " coali

tion " on that occasion ? Far from it. Lord Palmerston, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Walpole, and Mr. Disraeli, had a right to follow the dictates of their judgment, even though it did bring them into the same lobby with gentlemen from whom they differed. Then on the China question he voted against the Government. 1 he charge of a " disgraoeful coalition" is utterly false. "But, gentlemen, persons may combine in a very different manner. Several persons may combine in order to break into a house. Several -persons may combine in a jury-room to find them guilty of burglary. (Laughter.) The one combination I. very bad and vicked, but the other is right and praiseworthy., and belongs to the ordinary administration of justice. (Loud cheers.) Now, it is that latter combination which took place in the ease of which I am speaking." With regard to the future. "IL appears to me that we have three questions now put to the country. The first is, whether Lord I'ailmerston's Go venuneut should be suppted, or whether it should lie replaced by any other Govermuent. (Vries "No, !" followed by " lea!" and swat eoufusW».) My decided opinion is that Lord Pahuerston's Government ought to be supported; and if I had to choose between Lord Palmerston at the head of the Liberal party, and Lord Derby at the head of the Conservative party, I should think it nay duty to give nis' adhesion to the fernier. The second question which has been raised by the addresses made to the country by men of all shades of opinion is, whether Lord Palmerston should be supported, irrespective of any principles he may profess or any measures he may pro pose. (" No !") To that quedien I should give as decided a negative. But, gentlemen, there is a third question, and it is, I think, the most important of all. Putting aside boththe first and mound questions, as merely relating to persons and to Ministers, it may be asked whether the great Liberal and Reform party of the City of I.on' don, and of all the boroughs and counties throughout the kingdom, should hold fast by their principles, or whether they should now abandon them. (Cheers.) I hold that nothing could be so dangerous to that great parts, as to drop any of the principles upon which they have risen ; and that if you have what is called a Liberal party which is not the advocate of any Liberal measures, which is not faithful to the cause of civil and religious liberty, you may be sure the downfall of that party is at hand. It is only by remaining true to your banners—it is only by continuing the course which you have for so many years victoriously pursued—that you can maintain the confidence of the country and contribute to its welfare and happiness." (Cheers.) For the rein, he declared in favour of retrenchment; extension of the suffrage, as a necessary preliminary to administrative reform ; the abolition of church-rates, due provision being made for the repair of churches; and "progress well weighed, amelioration carefully considered, the increase of the popular franchise and of popular power, but accompanied at the same time with an increased diffusion of education. (Cheers. . . . Dearly as I prize your approbation, dearly as I value the honour o being returned to Parliament for this great city, much as I should rejoice in being able to take my seat as the exponent of your opinions in the new House of Commons, and little as I am disposed to bow to the dictation of a clique—for no such approbation, for no such honour' should I be content to forfeit the approval of my own conscience. (Ltentwed cheers.) I am sure that you, as Englishmen, will respect that appeal. If you cannot agree with me—if you think that I am unfit to receive your confidence, withhold it. But if you do think me worthy to continue as your representative, I trust that no insidious rnanceuvre will be allowed to deprive me of a seat in Parliament as Member for the City of London." The meeting gave three cheers for Lord John and one for Reform. In reply to a question, Lord John Russell stated that he would not pledge himself to the vote by ballot. On the motion of Mr. Bennoch, the meeting adopted this resolution— That this meeting have heard with satisfactien the manly. determination of Lord John Russell to appeal to the free suffrages of the independent electors of the City of London. That they hold this course to he such as becomes a candidate for the representation of this important constituency.; and looking at Lord John Russell's eminent past services in the cause of civil and religious liberty, and in the full confidence that he will continue to be the advocate and promoter of Liberal measures, they pledge themselves to give him their utmost support."

The candidates for the Metropolitan boroughs are now in full activity. Where a contest is probable, as in Lambeth and Finsbury, meetings are held every day, and the speaking power of the would-be representative is put to the test. At present no Tory candidate has come forward. Mr. Apsley Pellatt's retirement from the representation of Southwark leaves a seat to be fought for, but it seems uncertain yet who will fight for it. Sir Charles Napier stands his ground, and seems to find favour with the constituency. Lord Ebrington, against whom there is considerable opposition, has intimated from Naples the proximate arrival of his address and ultimately of himself.

A public meeting called by Mr. Cobden and his friends, to consider the policy of the Government in China and Persia, was held at the Freemasons' 'Tavern on Monday. The great room was crowded at an early hour. It was intended that Mr. Roebuck should preside, but he did not come to time, and Mr. Simpson took the chair. The chief speakers were Mr. Layard and Mr. Cobden. In the early part of Mr. Layard's and as he was speaking of the charge of faction brought against

the Liberal supporters of Mr. 's motion, Mr. Roebuck came in and took the chair. Pointing to him, Mr, Layard exclaimed, " Is that a factious man ? is that amen given to coalitions ? is Mr. Miall, is Mr. Fox a factious man ? Away, then, with the trumpery charge of coalition !" Mr. Layard went into the cause and conduct of the Chinese quarrel with some minuteness, and with still more minuteness into the Persian question, amid manifestations of impatience from the meeting. He contended that we ought to deal with Eastern nations on the same principles as we deal with Western nations. Mr. Cobden dwelt principally on the Chinese war; and vindicated the sincerity of his own conduct in the House of Commons.

"I heard something said by my friend ahout certain parties who are what are called the Peacesat-any-price party.' I don't know whether he intends to include me in that number, but I thought I had,cleared myself from that imputation, because, although I have declared that I thought 10,000,000/. was enough to pay fbr our defences, yet if i 100,000,000/. were necessary to defend these shores from an enemy I would vote t as cheerfully as anybody. But this is not a question of peace at any price ; it is a question whether we shall r twelve or fourteen thousand miles off, and rush heedlessly and needlessly into war with a people who are very little able to defend themselves, and who never came to attack you? It is not -a war which under any circumstances you CM gain honour by Lord Palmerston has no other policy. He does not go to the country upon any question of internal reform. The question before the country is, whether you will indorse those violent acts which have been committed in China. Bear in mind, that great empires are looking at us, and scanning what we are about to 110. We are not now engaged in a war with Russia. That was a fair stand-up fight, where you had enemies that proved your courage ; but now we are at war with a feeble nation,—a most remarkable people, a people who though they have carried civilisation to a great height have not attained the art of war. You all know that this nation is at your feet. Will the people of this country, then, with America, France, Germany, and Austria looking at us, show a less sense of justice, a less sense of responsibility and fear of bloodshed, than a majority of the House of Commons ? Because, let me tell you, that in proportion as we show ourselves acting enjustly towards the weak, just in proportion will be our difficulties in dealmg with the strong. I want the people of this country to hold a proud attitude before all the world. I look upon the honour of England as something not to be maintained by blusberuag expeditions in the Persian Gulf or in the river of Canton ,• but Ilook upon the honour of England as being maintained by ever holding a course of justice, whether in dealing with the mighty or with the weak." Re explained parenthetically, that he had endeavoured to obtain the use of Exeter Ball, en order to test the truth of the statements in the Times that a torrent of public opinion would overwhelm any one who faced it. But the Committee who manage Exeter Hall believed their walls would be defiled by a political meeting. In his opinion, the present turmoil is a storm in a teapot got up by clubs and coteries. Of all the popular delusions I ever knew," he said, "this stir is certainly the greatest. If you hear anybody maim remarks in support of this Palmerston fever, just ask them what they want. Are they satisfied with things as they are ? do they want no change for die better ? If so, Lord Palmerston is precisely their man. (eheers and lausltter.) But if a man wants less taxation, extension of the suffrage, abolition of church-rates, vote by ballot, or any reform in

the Church or State, then I think Lord Palmerston is not the man for him." (awera.)

Mr. T. Biggs moved and Dr. Epps seconded a resolution condemning the hostilities at Canton, and rejoicing in the recent vote of the House of Commons. Mr. Roebuck spoke briefly in his own defence. [He was indisposed.] The resolution was carried. Mr. Hart moved and Mr. Murray seconded a resolution declaring that Ministers ought to be punished for having sanctioned an outrage that was a violation of the law. Whereupon Mr. Bronterre O'Brien moved and Mr. Lockhart seconded an amendment, stating that if the upper and middle classes deSire Parliamentary reform, and to put an end to barbarous acts like those in China, they should give their second vote in the coming elections to the candidates whom the non-electors elect by show of hands. This !amendment was carried.

Ia.:aloha schools for the children of the poor have been erected in Golden Lane. The first beginnings were in a blacksmith's shed ; there are now buildings which have cost 18,0001., and which provide for 2600 children. From nine in the morning till ten at night there is a continual Influx of scholars. The last-erected, and by far the largest buildings, were formally opened by Prince Albert, on Thursday. The Prince arrived about three o'clock, accompanied by the Prince of Wales. There were also present the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Deans of St Paul's, Windsor, Salisbury, Earl Granville, and Lord Robert Grosvenor. The proceedings were opened with an address read by the Reverend Mr. Rogers on the part of the promoters of the schools, giving a history of their rise, progress, and usefulness. Prince Albert, in reply, pointed out that the progress of the schools afforded a fine illustration of the divine truth that a principle of good once sown is not destined to lie dormant, but to develop itself in ever-increasing usefulness. Addressing Mr. Rogers, he said " The means you have adopted to effect your work of benevolence appear no less deserving of commendation than the object itself. You have not been content with the bare attempt to force, perhaps upon unwilling recipients, a boon the value of which might not be appreciated, but you have wisely sought to work upon the convictions,and natural feelings of the parents-of the children v wished to benefit, by extending your assistance to those who by a small contribution out of their hardly-won earnings have proved that they are awake to a sense of the vast importance it is to their offspring that the means of being fitted to pass successfully through life, and,bishoneet industry, to better their worldly condition, should be brought within their reach. It is a source of high personal gratification to me, that I have been enabled by my presence here this day, and by that of the Prince of Wales, to mark not only my own appreeiatioe of your labours, "but also the deep interest which the Queen takes in the wellbeing of the poorest of her subjects ; and that gratification will be greatly enhanced if by this public expression of the sympathy of the Queen and of her family and government this noble cause shall be still further advanced. Most earnestly do I pray that the same success which has hitherto blessed your labours may continue to attend your future progress, and that your example may stimulate other localities to imitate your useful efforts." This address was much applauded. The children sang a hymn; the Bishop of London read prayers and pronounced a blessing ; and Prince Albert declared the schools open. On his departure, the Prince and his son were the objects of an ovation from the myriads of children, clad and ragged, who swarmed outside the schools.

A Society has been established to promote the emigration of the unemployed working classes in the metropolis. Among its leading members are—the Duke of Wellington, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Lord Stanley, Mr. Thomas Baring, and the Lord Mayor. The Society is enrolled under the name of "the Wellington Emigration Fund," from the circumstance that the Duke of Wellington led off the subscription-list with a contribution of 10001. The Society has not given any other publicity to its proceedings than a notice in the loading columns of the nmes, in which it is intimated that the emigrants will repay the cost of their passage.

A deputation headed by Sir Fitzroy Kelly, and including Mr. Cobden, Mr. Headiam, Sergeant Ballantine' Mr. Dilke, and Mr. Frank Crossley, waited on Lord Pamerston on Mo nday, to lay before him the case of Mr. W. H. Barber, and to claim for hint some compensation. Our readers will recollect that Mr. Barber was convicted of forgery, sentenced to transportation for life, and sent to Norfolk Island. It was then found that he had been wrongfully convicted ; and he was "pardoned," but not permitted to come to England. He wandered about the Continent until Lord Normanby took up his case, and he received a full pardon. For many years after the Court of Queen's Bench refused him permission to practise, but at length that right has been yielded. Mr. Barber had suffered so much that the deputation thought he was entitled to compensation, more especially as the State, who were the prosecutors, had made so grievous a mistake. Lord Palmerston said he could not see that the Government had been wrong, or how the Judges' the .jury, the Courts of Law, or the Crown, could have taken any other Com-se. It was certainly a great misfortune that Mr. Barber had been mixed up with such bad company, and that he had not exercised more precaution. It is a rather navel course to apply for compensation in such a case, and the way in which such a request could be acceded to is not quite obvious. On the spur of the moment, he could not say what he could do but he would consult his colleagues upon the subject. Mr. Crossley assured his Lordship that in the North of England, with which he Is connected as a manufacturer, and among Members of the House of Commons, there is a very strong opinion that Mr. Barber should be compensated.

The second examination of Mr. Esdaile before Commissioner Ilolroyd, on Wednesday, was, if possible, more damaging than his first appearance; as hie plea of having been partially ignorant, till a recent period-, of the position of the British Bank was !flare effectually destroyed by his admissions or semi-denials and by letters written by him which Mr. Linklater produced. Rsdaile said he had paid nothing on the call made on the 17th of September; he had since paid Ins father 4000/., for which he had held security on witness's business. He admitted that he had induced a Mr. Goddard—now a bankrupt through the failure of the bank—to take shares in 1856, representing that the bank was in a good position, and that the investment would be a profitable one. In August last, he wanted Mr. Marcus, a shareholder and &weitor, to go into the market and buy shares of the bank—with the hank's money, it would seem : the object being to bolster up the shares. In September 18.55, Cameron was in Scotland, endeavouring to get Sir James Matheson to join the bank : Estlaile wrote to him showing how Sir James might be led on to join the bank if the capital were made larger. The letter was a very suspicious one. Esdoile objected to Mr. Linklater reading it: still more to his calling the management of the bank a " conspiracy "— " Conspiracy he exclaimed ; "that is rather a strong term to use." Mr. Linklater—" Not stronger than the semasion deserves." The examination was again adjourned.

The Lambeth Magistrate has committed Bacon and his wife on a charge of murdering their two children.

Metropolitan Magistrates are expected to help every one out of all kinds of difficulties. This week, Mr. Arnold, the Westminster Magistrate, was applied to by an unbaptized young woman who wished to be christened: she had been told that the Magistrate had to do with such matters. Mr. Arnold undeceived her—such ecclesiastical business is quite out of his province.

Greenwich fair, according to a local journal, has been finally alocilished, at the desire of a majority of the inhabitants.

The new building for the Exhibition of Arts at Kensington Gore, with partly destroyed by fire on Tuesday ; and the contents of the &drool of Design of Arts were damaged by heat and smoke.