Loan DERBY'S MANIFESTO.

Lord Derby's electioneering announcement last week, that on the second reading of the Income-tax Bill, he should offer "a few observations as to the circumstances under which the present appeal is made to the country," filled the benches and galleries of the House of Lords at the commencement of business on Monday.

Earl GRANVILLE moved the second reading of the Income-tax Bill, without remark.

The Earl of DERI3Y immediately proceeded with his " few obsereas tions," which are reported on a scale of seven closely-printed columns of the Times. He dealt with seven great topics: finance; the China policy ; the charge of coalition, to which he devoted the greatest apace; the (itssolution of Parliament; the Church appointments of Lord Palmerston; his foreign policy, and his home policy ; closing with a manifesto of Lord Derby's own party views. Fiaance.—He said he looked with deep anxiety on the present state of the finances of the country. The Government of 1E363 gave a pledge that the Income-tax should cease in 1880; .but that cannot be fulfilled unless vigorous measures are taken. The arrangement of 1853 has been invaded by the addition of 2d. in the pound to the Income-tax which, had the arrangement been fulfilled, would have stood at 611. after the 6th of A ril next. The Chancellor of the Exchequer estimates his surplus at 600, f I I. To make that surplus, 4,600,0001. the amount of one half-year's produce of the expiring war mnepence will be taken. But next year, that will not be available : then the tax will fall to 511., a further reduotion of 2,000,000/. or, making an allowance for a half-year of that 2d., 1,000,0001. There will therefore be a deficiency of 6,600,000/. in the revenue of 1858. In increase of expenditure to provide a sinking-fund will increase the deficit to nearly 7,000,0001, against which there is only the surplua of 600,000/. lb o would not go into future years' but as they stand at present there is a permanent deficiency of 6,500,0001. Now it is not likely the increased productiveness of the taxes will meet that deficiency : the country will object to new taxes; and rigid economy is the only mode left whereby income and expenditure can be balanced, But reduction can only take place in the Army, Navy, and Miscellaneous Estimates; and in dealing with these, he should recommend as a principle that economy should be combined with efficiency, and the expenditure reduced no as to carry out the compact of 1853. The expenditure, however, depends on the foreign policy of the Government. If we are studious to avoid disputes and abanin front menaces, large war establishments will not be required in time of peace. But if we bully the weak—meddle in the internal affairs of other countries — lay down a rule that subordinates abroad must, right or wrong, be supported—then wo must kin, up war establishments, and be prepared to plunge into the horrors of war in every pert of the world. The China poliey.—In treating this topio, Lord Derby was at pains to make out, that as the papers had been laid before Parliament, Parliament was bound to record its opinion on them. But, had the Government, instead of outlining the responsibility of Sir Sohn Bowring'd acts, said they could not altogether approve what, with the best intentions, he had done and had stated that they would send out a plenipotentiary, there would net been by any chance an adverse derision. The charge of coalition.—This subject Lord Derby treated at great length, and with great emphasis. He wits led to the topic by the consideration of the China vote, and he plunged at once into it. "The moment that majority was declared, there arose a cry of'factious combination; unnatural coalition," unprincipled attempt to overthrow the Oevertini t.' There arose charges most revolting to the feelings of every honourable — charges which I shall prove to be as base as they are unfounded—cha s which I do not think any of your Lordships it all events will have the courage to stand forward and support. • For myself I will only say—and 1 say it on the word and honour of a peer and of a gentleman—I do not know, and I have not known, of any concert, of any combination, of any agreement, of any understanding with regard to those votes and those motions in either House of Parliament between any persons not professing precisely the same political opiniuns. I distinctly and solemnly declare I have been no party to such concert or combination ; and I as emphatically declare my solemn conviction, that the vote arrived at in the House of Commons was the result of no combination, of no concert, still lees of any desire to coalesce against the Government for political objects, but that it was the spontaneous expression of opinion reluctantly expreased by many, with regard to the conduct of officials whom the Government supported." (Oheere.) When he gave notice of motion, he had not consulted above three or four political intimates. The first person who saw the resolutions was Lord Lyndhurst.. " There was at the time sitting by my noble and learned friend a Whig Peer, a man of great eminence, a distinguished and cordial supporter of her Majesty's Government. lie asked if I would allow hint to see the resolution. I said, certainly, if he wished it. Having read over the resolution carefully, he asked me whether I had any objection to strike out one phrase. I replied I bad not, and gave the noble Lord a pen, with which he made the erasure he desired. I then laughingly observed, 'As you have altered my resolution to meet your views, I hope to have your support.' (A laugh.) And I gained it. (Cot:flatted laughter.) That was the only combination I entered into. That noble Lord ifs a leading Whig Peer and a supporter of the present Government; he, therefore, is my accomplice in this unprincipled combination. So much for the House of Lords. Now, I am bound to defend, if defence be necessary, my political Mena in the House of Commons from the charge of being concerned in what undoubtedly would have been a most unprincipled act. Shortly before I gave notice of my motion in your Lordships' house, but after snaking my statement in the debate upon the address, at a time when the How of Commons was occupied and its attention almost entirely engrossed. by the discussion upon the budget, a right honourable friend of mine, with whom I am in constant and intimate political communication, asked Me whether I did not think the subject of Chinn was one that it was desirable to bring before the House of Comm:mut, for in that case he was Willing to make a motion upon it. I said I fully conenrred in his opinion, and that! thought, it was a ease which Parliament could not possibly puss over ; and I advised him not to give any notice until he bud complimented with one or two poli tical friends, more especially with the right honourable gentleman who leads the Conservative party in the other House. My right honourable friend some twenty-four hours afterwards came to me and tend, I have acted upon your advice, and have given no notice; but I ant sorry to tell you that Mr. Cobden has taken the matter out of our hands, and has given a notice upon the subject of China, which will prevent me front doing anything.' Now, my Lords, I will go further, and tell you fr little more of one conversation, to short how much foundation there is for this cry of `coalition.' My honourable friend expressed to me his apprehension, that the feet of the subject of China being brought forward by a person whose views generally he dissented from entirely might indispose some of those who agree with its from giving their support to a motion which they could not instrietreason or justice resist." But was he to vim& ate himself from: a charge of combining with Lord John Russell. Sir Francis Baring, _Lord liebert Grosvenor—faithfid adherents of the Whig party ; with Mr. Ghtdatone, Sir James Graham, Sidney Iferbert—"'of the party which goes by the name of the Peelites " ; with Mr. Cobden, or Mr. Roebuck, the representatives of the extreme Radicals ? " The very absurdity of the supposed combination is its best refutation in the minds of all calm-judging men." The charge is absurd, incredible, impossible. "But I know well the ease with which, as has been somewhere mid

• The barefaced lie, launched with malignant force, Unheard by thousands, is believed of course.'

I know the Antteus-like power with which calumny, refuted a dozen times, ever springs from the ground with additional strength; and, notwithstanding the solemn assertion I have made and the facts I have stated, nothing will surprise me less than to see the daily press teeming with repetitions of this base and unfounded calumny, or to find it made the stock in trade of electioneering addresses and speeches during the next three months. My Lords, I should not wish to say anything personal, but, by whomsoever and wheresoever that shall be said, written, or printed, I solemnly declare that that statement bears precisely that relation to truth which is expressed in very pithy and homely language in the first line of the quotation which I have just read to your Lordships." (A laugh.) Why, this Government, which has such a holy horror of combinations, was saved from annihilation by the votes of the Conservative party on the motion of "a gentleman named Mr. Locke King." The Conservatives increased Lord Palmerston's minorAy of 31 to a majority 01 192. The dissolution of Parliasnent.—It is no slight evil that, just at the commencement of the session there should be a dissolution, creating the greatest inconvenience in public and private affairs. Lord Derby hoped the Government had not sought a quarrel for their own advantage. "I think it is just possible that they were not sorry to avail themselves of any favourable opportunity that might offer itself for dissolving the present Parliament, and that the result of the division on the Chinese question was regarded as a favourable occasion for the noble Viscount to appeal to the general support and confidence of the country. My belief, however, is, that this Chinese question will have no influence whatever at the coming elections ; that it is not intended to have influence, except for the purpose of the cry of combination and conspiracy'; but that the real question intended by the noble Viscount at the head of the Government to be propounded to the country will be, 'Have I your confidence as the Minister of this country ?' I say emphatically, the noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government, because I must express my conviction that, as respects the colleagues of the noble Viscount, with the exception of some of my noble friends on the opposite bench, there is not a man in the country, except himself, that does not consider them as mere ornamental appendages of the noble Viscount—valuable appendages certainly, but still appendages alone ; and that it is not a question of confidence in the members of the Government at large, but of confidence in the noble Lord at the head of the Government."

l'he Church appointments.—Lord Derby apologized for introducing this topic. He did not desire to say anything in derogation of the prelates appointed by Lord Palmerston; but he hinted that they have been chogen because they were supposed to represent one of the extreme sections of the Church. He had no sympathy with the Tractarians ; his sympathies are with those who prefer the religion of the closet to the excitement of the platform, and who inculcate the practical precepts rather than the abstruse doctrines of religion. He could not associate his feelings with those who "profess a degree of latitudinarianism and pseudo-liberalism which leads them to fritter away, for the purpose of establishing a wider basis and including a large number of persons within the folds of the Church, those doctrines which the Reformed Church of England has held to be essential and vital." He could not but regret, (if it be a fact,) that the Government should appeal to the country on such a question as that of the leaning of 1 he Ministers to one or the other of the different sections of the Church of England.

Foreign policg.—On this head Lord Derby instanced the treatment of Naples, and conaemned the interference, as a line of conduct utterly unworthy of England. He referred to the maritime concessions at Paris, as ill-judged, gratuitous, and unnecessary. The foreign policy of Lord Palmerston could inspire him with no confidence.

Home policy.—" lam still more doubtful with regard to his domestic policy ; for, strange to say, notwithstanding the long period during which both the noble Viscount and myself have been in public life, I am utterly at a loss to know upon all the leading questions of the day what is the policy of the noble Viscount. At all events, before he calls upon us for our support, let usascertain the grounds upon which he demands our confidence. Shakspere says that 'one man in his time plays many parts ' ; but the noble Viscount is at the present moment playing half-a-dozen parts at the same time. Ile is not content with being the Janus Biceps, he is a Janus Septiceps—a political chameleon which offers a different hue and colour to the spectator according to the side from which he gazes. (Cheers und laughter.) I defy any man, even the most ardent of his supporters, to say when he professes confidence in the noble Viscount what upon any great domestic question of the day is the policy to which ho pledges himself. Some cries have been raised within the last few days, which I think must astonish the noble Viscount when he roads them. One is ' Palmerston and Freedom!' I imagine' my Lords, it would be more correct to shout, 'Palmerston always, but neverfreedom !' Then we hear, Palmerston and Liberalism!' 'Palmerston and Protestantism!' ' Palmerston and down with Maynootht " Palmer ston the only Christian Premier!' Palmerston the true Protestant Minister!' and blasphemously, or at least irreverently, 'Palmerston the man of God !' The last cry appears in a clerical newspaper, where the noble Viscount is announced as the man of God.' (A laugh.) Many of vour Lordship will recollect a caricature of 1832, in which the late King William the Fourth was represented as staring at some large letters on a wall, forming the title of the Reform Bill : the words put into the mouth of his Majesty were Can that be meant for me ? ' Or your Lordships may perhaps remember a story of still older date, in which a little elderly lady, having been suddenly aroused from a long sleep, and finding her dress somewhat changed or disordered, is described as exclaiming, Sure, this is none of I.' I think the noble Viscount, when he sees the various cries with which his name is connected, must doubt his own identity, and say with the old gentlewoman' in the anecdote, Sure, this is none of I! ' (Cheers and laughter.) I have never heard Palmerston and Peace,." Palmerston and Retrenchment," Palmerston and Reform.' It is possible, even probable, that the noble Viscount having supported the Reform Bill of 1832, may think that in the path of organic &Inge and Parliamentary Reform we have gone far enough; but 'peace' and'retrenchment' are subjects not of temporary but of general application, and I am afraid their absence from the Government programme "nay be accounted for by the circumstance that we can have no

• retrenchment' without 'peace,' and 'peace' with the noble Viscount in office is impossible."

Lord Derby carried this line of attack still further, by going over the articles of this Liberal catechism, and showing that if the ballot, extension of the sultrage,church-rates, &o., he brought forward, Lord Palmerston will rely on the Conservatives to defeat them. He could have no confidence in a Minister who one day said that a duty of Is. 7d. on tea was absolutely necessary, and the next reduced it to le. M. i who, in the ease of Sir John IC/fell! and Colonel Tulloch, repeatedly said he could not offer certain advice to the Crown, yet who readily gave way before the slightest pressure, and conceded the point at issue in a manner incompatible with the dignity of the Crown. If the Conservatives find Lord Palmerston resisting innovations, they will support him. They will support him also in all measures of social improvement—law-reform, education, sanitary reform. But if he gives way to the wild cry for rash innovations, then he will find the Conservative party strong enough to stay his downward course, and prevent him from inflicting mischief on the country. _Lord Derby's pledge.—" I intend to maintain inviolate the great institutions of the country. I intend to support, as far as my feeble voice can go, the prerogatives of the Crown, the independence and the hereditary character or your Lordships' House, and the rights of the people. I intend to support the doctrines and the rights of property of that Established Church of which I have always been an attached member; I desire to see her weak places strengthenea and her defects repaired ; I desire to see her taking a firmer hold on the affections of the people. But, for my part, I never will consent to see the withdrawal of one single stone from the venerated fabric of that Church which I regard with filial love and reverence. Pardon, me, my Lords, for saying so much upon my own views and feelings. We who sit in this great assembly are not dependent upon the will of any constituency for reelection. We express here our own individual and spontaneouslyformed opinions. But there is not the less a moral responsibility resting upon each of us, and more especially upon those of our number who are honoured with the confidence of any portion of their fellow countrymen, not to shrink at such a time as this from the frank and fearless avowal of their principles—not to veil themselves in studious mystery, but to declare clearly and manfully the course they are resolved to take under all circumstances and in all political eventualities. In the assertion of these opinions I may expose myself to .obloquy, to calumny, and misrepresentation, as I have done before. These things I am able to meet, and I trust I know how to bear them. But no man can say of me during my life, nor, I hope, will any man be able to say, with truth to my memory, that I have ever shrunk from the avowal of my political opinions—that I have ever sunk a principle for the purpose of obtaining an advantage, or that I have ever betrayed the trust reposed in me by those friends who have honoured me with their political confidence." (Loud cheers.) Earl GRANVILLS replied to Lord Derby's "electioneering address," published through the medium of the House of Lords. Lord Derby had called Lord Granville and his colleagues "ciphers," "appendages." "Now, I feel no irritation on this subject, and I will tell. your Lordships why. The noble Earl himself thought of making an ' appendage ' to his Government during his short hold of office. The noble Earl declared his wish to have appended to himself one of my present colleagues, Lord Palmerston—no doubt, because he had a notion that that noble Lord would have imparted to his Government the tenfold value which a unit gives to a cipher." (Laughter.) The noble Earl's speech is so singularly apologetic and defensive, that "I think he is afraid he will not receive that support we shall receive in town and country." Lord Derby said the Government was going to the country without intelligible principles; yet he who made this charge had been at the head of a Government which delayed a dissolution and fenced with every question put to ascertain whether he would go for protection or free-trade. "He alluded to the question of reform, and twitted her Majesty's Government with having been found in the lobby with the supporters of Mr. Locke King's motion. I admit that that was an unfortunate contingency—(Laughter)—but I may be permitted to say a word in explanation with regard to that °lotion. After due deliberation on the part of the Government as to the principles of Mr. Locke King's Bill, it was agreed that it should be supported, in order that when it went into Committee such modifications might be introduced as would prudently, judiciously, and most usefully extend the county suffrage. It was only subsequently to that decision, and when it was found that the bill was not dmughted in such a shape as to permit the introduction of any such amendments, that it was finally decided that it would only be wasting the time of the House to attempt to pass a bill which her Majesty's Government could not approve. But, my Lords, if the noble Lord wishes to put us in the same boat with him respecting electoral reform—if he imagines that we think with him that our electoral system is perfectly unsusceptible of either renovation or improvement—I tell him that such is not our opinion. With regard to that and other questions, her Majesty's Government pledge themselves to progressive improvement." Lord Derby said he would encourage education : but he ought to have said whether he would support "the Education Bill which was first introduced into the House of Commons by his Colonial Secretary, for combining religious with secular education, or to the second bill which that right honourable gentleman introduced, and which provides for the separation of religious from secular education. He ought to have told us whether he agrees or disagrees with his President of the Board of Trade, who laid his hands heavily upon that second bill of his Colonial Secretary, and threw it into the dust."

On foreign policy, the only case that could in the slightest degree justify Lord Derby's accusations was that of Naples. Why, Lord Lyndhurst had actually reproached the Government because it had not meddled and interfered more with Naples. He said nothing of the West of Europe. He was vague in his allusion to the Persian war—perhaps because he remembered that Lord kfalmesbury had written a despatch involving a sanction of the principle of the war, and that Lord Ellenborough had admitted that it was Just and necessary, while Mr. Disraeli, in another place, had denounced it in the strongest terms.

On the subject of the alleged coalition Lord Granville dwelt at great length. Be accepted Lord Derby's denial, but stated several things that would have justified a person in thinking there had been something of the sort. Lord Derby summoned his supporters and told them to vote according to party. In 18&5 he had declined to form a Government because he could not obtain the services of Lord Palmerston as leader of the House of Commons. Since that time he had received no accessions of strength, and it was natural that he should wish to obtain the aid of men like Mr. Gladstone. Here Lord Granville introduced the passages in the articles of the Press relating to Mr. Gladstone's "political conversations" with Lord Derby; and alluded to rumours of Lord Derby being in a room of the House of Commons with Mr. Gladstone, the truth of which Lord Derby denied. "Will the noble Earl say something about the conversations referred to in the Press The noble Earl has contradicted one part of the statement and not the other, and leaves the people to guess whether that which remains uncontradicted is true or not." Combinations may be proper or improper ; but some are unjustifiable. "The Dublin Evening Mad, a high Tory paper, says—. There is now no doubt of the return of the O'Donoghue, owing to the exertions of the Conservatives in his behalf; 240 of the Earl of Glengall's tenants polled for him to a man today here, and all of Lord Donoughmore's. He has had also the support of Lord Hawarden.' I wish some Conservative Peer would sae that this report is not true ? " Lord Granville closed his discursive speech by a warm defence of Lord Palmerston's character, and a vindication of the course adopted by the Government in dissolving Parliament,—a course Mr. Disraeli had said was a proper one, and which Lord Derby had only objected to on second thoughts. Die Earl Of MAIMESBUBT MCI the Ead of liALDWILIEB reproved Lord

Granville for taking a course unworthy of the leader of that House, by giving so churlish a belief, if it was a belief, in the solemn and deliberate declaration of Lord Derby that the reports of a coalition in circulation are false.

The Income-tax Bill was read a second time.

THE CHINESE WAR.

A conversation of seine length took place in the House of Lords on Tuesday on matters arising out of the Canton quarrel.

The Earl of HA.RDWICE.E began it by pressing for the production of the despatches of Admiral Seymour. To use a vulgar phrase," said Lord liardwicke "we have been licked, if the published news be true." He threw the biome of the "licking" on Sir John Bowring's "want of prescience."

Earl Gauen:LLB replied, that there was no objection to produce the despatches. Sir John Bowring has been made to bear so much responsibility, that it is not necessary to throw on his shoulders responsibility for inefficiency and want of judgment in conducting naval operations. On two previous occasions the British authorities at Canton did with success what has now been done ; there were precedents, therefore, for the course pursued.

Earl GREY believed that every one of these expeditions, made with a small force against a nation so numerous as the Chinese, acquainted to a certain extent with the implements and materials of warfare, and daily improving in their knowledge of them, always had the effect of teaching them something more, and led to the danger of collisions being repeated. This was one of many other considerations which the Duke of Wellington felt strongly when the orders were sent out in 1847 with the Duke's concurrence. The Cabinet of that day believed that no subordinate authority should make war, but that if a cause of war arose it would be the height of rashness to commence hostilities without means sufficient to render resistance hopeless. By acting on a contrary principle, the British have been reduced to a state of ignominious defence. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH joined in the attack on Sir John Bowring, and exonerated Admiral Seymour. Earl Gnarrvn.ta contended, that if odium existed it should not be exclusively borne by Sir John. Lord Grey had approved of the operations of General D'Aguilar that happened to be successful. Earl GREY rejoined, that he had approved of the manner of conducting the operations, but ho had been careful to express no opinion on the prudence of the attempt. Tho Earl of DERRY said that Sir John Bowring had made gross miscalculations. He had repeatedly stated that a demonstration alone was necessary to obtain for him admission to Canton, and he could not escape the responsibility. He had also converted a population he described as friendly into bitter enemies. The Earl of ELLEISBOROUGH insisted, that as Sir John Bowring was commander-in-chief, he was responsible not only for what he ordered but for what he permitted. Lord Palmyra said, no doubt Sir John was commander-in-chief; but the meaning of that was that he had to decide what was to be done, not to direct the operations. Admiral Seymour has not been " licked" ; he has only taken up a position necessary to the defence of his fleet. With reference to the position of affairs in the Canton river, one fact ought to be known to their Lordships which was mentioned by Admiral Seymour in a letter written after his public despatch was sent off ; it was to the effect that the Emperor had written to the Chinese officers at the four ports, directing them to remain on terms of peaceful and amicable relations with the English notwithstanding what had happened at Canton. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE renewed this desultory discussion by inquiry what pay and allowances the officers and soldiers about to be sent to China are to receive. The troops, he understood, are not to be paid so highly as those serving in the Persian Gulf: why not ? Then he could not see the reason for attaching camp-followers to the regiments.

Lord PANMURE said, the troops in Persia receive the pay and allowances assigned to troops belonging to the East India Company ; but the troops sent to China will go from this country and be paid by this country. The officers will have the extraordinary field-allowance ; the troops will receive better rations, but no increase of pay. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGII said that camp-followers—cooks, watercarriers &c.—will contribute to the efficiency of the force. He was

afraid Lord Panmure was going to give the soldiers more to eat, and that would be the worst thing he could do. In such hot climates the less a man eats the better.

"I can assure the noble Soren, *that if he ever went toIndia, it would be quite impossible for him. to take that indulgence in the way of living which I dare say he takes now without the slightest harm." (Laughter.) The other night, Lord Granville had said that the French would cooperate with us in China. "I most deeply regret that there is to be any cooperation whatever. We know nothing of any quarrel which the Emperor of the French has with the Emperor of China : we know that we have none with the Emperor of China. Our quarrel is at present confined to the Cantonese and to Commissioner Yeh; and nothing could be so inconvenient, so inconsistent with justice and with policy, as to extend that quarrel to the Emperor of China, and to light up a war mall the other ports as well as in that of Canton. My I,ords, I deprecate the intervention of France at this moment. Why should she take advantage of the difficulty in which we are placing China in order to obtain for herself terms to which she is not entitled ? There is no pretence for such intervention ; and I can hardly imagine expressions which I should think too strong to apply to the conduct of our Government if we were to take advantage of a disposition on the part of France thus to interfere for her own purposes in order to obtain the assistance (of most questionable value) which would be afforded by the presence of a French squadron in the Chinese waters."

Earl GREY said, he had listened to the conversation with alarm. He trusted we are not going to invade China.

"After all, my Lords, what do we want with China? Our interest in China is simply to carry on our trade. If we are to embark in a war, every blow which we inflict on China will recoil upon ourselves. We cannot destroy property in China ; we cannot burn towns there and lay waste, or cause others to lay waste, any portion of territory, without, by such a destruction of Chinese property, rendering them worse customers of ours and less able to supply us with the goods we want from them." He expressed alarm at the large force about to be sent to China, and again protested against any invasion of that country. Earl Gaexvimmg closed the conversation by remarking, that Lord Grey, in his desire for peace, overlooked the means of obtaining in Her Majestyts Plenipotentiary will not be less likely to redstablish friendly relations if backed by a large military and naVal fOree.

ITALY.

On the motion for considering the Mutiny Bill as amended, Mr. DISRAELI asked, whether in the course of communications which took place with reference to the affairs of Sicily, her Majesty's Government made any offer to a foreign Power, that if an attempt were made to establish Republican institutions in Southern Italy, they were prepared to interfere--if necessary even by force of arms—to prevent the establishment of such institutions.

Lord PALMERSTON—." No such offer was made by her Majesty's Government."

Mr. Ileurary having revived the point after a ,short interval, Mr. DmBARU returned to the charge

" Do I distinctly understand the noble Lord to state—it is well to be candid in these matters—that no communications took place between the Government of which he is chief and any foreign Power in which the contingency? of Republican institutions being established in Italy was contemplated, and the course which her Majesty's Government under that contingency were prepared to pursue was expressed ? "

Lord PALMERSTON— That is a totally different question. (" Hear, hear ! " and a laugh.) The right honourable gentleman asked me whether any offer had been made by the British Government to cooperate with any foreign Power in preventing the establishment of Republican institutions in Italy." Mr. DISRAELI—" I asked whether any offer had been made to a foreign Power, but I did not say a word about cooperation." Lord PALMERSTON—" Well, any offer to a foreign Power to do something, and that, too, if necessary, by force of arms. I repeat, no communication has been made to any foreign Power that we would prevent the establishment of Republican institutions in Italy."

MINISTERS'-MONEY.

At the Wednesday sitting, Mr. PAGAN moved the second reading of the Ministers'-Money (Ireland) Bill. Although Parliament was about to expire, ho hoped that the House and the Government would sanction the bill.

Mr. HORSMAN, in fulfilling a pledge given on the occasion of the first reading of the bill, explained the views of the Government. The act of 1854 placed the burden of collecting this tax on the Corporations ; but the Corporations refused to collect the tax. Legal proceedings were taken against the Corporation of Cork, and a decision was obtained against the defendants for the sum of 3000/. then due. Actions were then entered against the other Corporations. The Corporation of Cork appealed to the highest Court in Ireland, and would appeal to the House of Lords. No decisive result could be obtained under two years. There would then be four years' turner of taxes due, and Government would be compelled to take steps to enforce payment. But some of the Corporations possess no property ; individual members would have to be proceeded against, but these individuals frankly stated that they would go to prison rather than pay anything. Under these circumstances, and in the absence of any other feasible plan of settlement, the Government had determined to assent to the abolition of the tax, and to throw the payment of the clergy on the fund of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, who have for some time made them advances' —iu other words, to adopt the recommendation of the Committee of 1847, the spirit of which was embodied in Mr. Fagan's bill.

The Liberal Irish Members received this statement with great pleasure ; they said it will be "a message of peace to Ireland." But Mr. GEORGE la-MILTON moved that the bill should, be read a second time that day three months.

The amendment was negatived : the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed that day three months.

TIIE TURNER BEQUEST.

Lord Sr. LEONARDS drew attention to the late Mr. Turner's bequest of his pictures and drawings to the nation. He entered fully into the subject; stated the intention of Mr. Turner's will ; reviewed the litigation that has arisen out of it and seemed to intimate that the donor's intentions are in danger of being disregarded, especially by the neglect to provide a separate gallery for the pictures. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that although Mr. Turner could draw everything else, he could not draw a will. All the parties interested in the will agreed that it was impossible to carry out its provisions. But a liberal compromise has been effected, the terms of which are set forth in Vice-Chancellor Kindersloy's decree. Had Turner's pictures been kept in his house, they would have been "doomed to destruction" in a year or two. The trustees therefore placed them in the only place at their command. They ought not to remain at Marlborough house; and the Government arc prepared to place them in a separate gallery. Whether this gallery would be a separate building or a gallery in connexion with the future National Gallery, it was impossible to say. Lord ST. LEONARDSsaid he was satisfied with this explanation.