Mended ants laraceeltingd in parliament.

1. POOR-LAWS AMENDMENT BILL.

On the question being put, on Monday, that the House of Com- mons should go into Committee on this bill, Mr. Comery moved an amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the justice and expediency of making an as- sessment of one fourth of the abbey-lands and lay impropriate tithes for the relief of the poor. He contended, that if Parliament marred the low of Elizabeth by passing the present bill, the poor lied a right to demand the share of the abbey-lands and the lay tithes which was originally set apart for their reliet.

Lord ALTHORP considered that there was little or no connexion between the amendment and the bill, and therefore opposed it. After a few words from Mr. GODSON, Mr. Cobbett's amendment was negatived, by 111 to 3.

The Speaker left the chair, and the House went into Committee.. The 60th clause, which refers to emigration, being read,

Mr. WOLRYCHE WHITMORE said, that he had an amendment to pro. pose, the object of which was in every possible way to facilitate the progress of emigration. He read several returns of the increase of population in different counties, which proved that there was a redun. dancy of agricultural population in those counties where the Poor. laws were badly administered.

He admitted, that if the Poor. laws were well administered, a portion of the surplus would be absorbed, and the farmer having less rates to pav, would be able to expend more in wages ; but still it would be found, that (or a certain portion of the population sufficient employment did not exist. If so, it was clear that the 60th clause, which gave parishes a power to raise money for en- couraging emigration, was of the utmost importance; and the question arose, whether other means ought not to be adopted to facilitate the accomplishment of that desirable object. The great difficulty consisted in the outlay necessary fur emigration, and in the appropriation of the money. He thought it possible to adopt a system of emigration whereby the main expense might be paid, not out of funds raised in this country, but growing out of the sale of waste lauds in tlet Colonies.

The quantity of waste land in our Colonies was very great. In North America, there were twenty-tbree millions of acres. Australia, which was 2000 miles from East to West and 1700 from North to South, contained vast quantities of improbable land ; and the Cape of Good Hope afforded an unoccupied space of 240 by 270 miles. The value of these lands was much greater than was generally supposed. The hinds of the Canada Company had risen as much as thirteen shil- lings an acre for land quite unimproved. The advance of the price of the land belonging to the Government of the United States had been very great. Whenever the stream of emigration was directed to any particular quarter, then the value of the land was augmented. Ile did not think it was possible to apply the produce of land sold to better purpose than in encouraging emigration. The money thus laid out would be most usefully expended in relieving the country of its local redundancies, and providing a due reward for agricultural labour.

But it might be said, perhaps, that the amount so obtained from the sale of our waste lands in Canada would be but small. The United States at the present moment were in the receipt of 3,000,000 of dollars annually (very nearly 700,0001.) from the sale of their waste lands. It would be seen, therefore, that the amount which we were likely to receive from the sale of our Crown lands in Canada would not be inconsiderable : indeed, there was every reason to sup- pose, that we slonild, in the course of a few years, derive as much revenue in that way as the United States did, and the application of such a sum to the purposes of emigration would no doubt be productive of the greatest possible benefit to this country. After some very strong denunciation of' the existing Poor-law sys- tem, which converted labourers into degraded slaves, dried up all the sources of charity, and spread vice throughout the land, Mr. Whit- more concluded by moving,

" Tied, after the eighteenth hue of the clause, words should be inserted to the effect that the Commissioners should be entitled to apply to the Secretary of State fur all stuns arising from the sale of waste lands in the Colonies, and to apply the same to aid the emigration of tattooing persons and their families to the Colonies."

Colonel TORRENS heard with great satisfaction the speech of Mr. Whitmore. The principles therein propounded were admirably adapted to the actual condition of the country. He bad stated from the first, that he approved of the principles on which the Poor-law Bill was founded; though he thought several of its provisions were of too strin- gent a nature, and difficult to be carried into effect. The allowance system was the great abomination to be got rid of; but how was this to be done?

The 46th clause, abolishing the allowance system, would work well in those agricultural parishes in which there was not asurplus population. In these, the operation of the clause would be to withdraw from the labour market the la- bourers with large families who were partly supported from the parish; this would reduce the supply of labour below the demand, and raise wages until they became sufficiently high to afford married labourers with families indepen- dent support. This remedial process, however, would not take place in pa- rishes where the population was redundant. In these, withdrawing from tile labour market those who might receive relief out of the parish .rates would not reduce the supply of labour below the demand, and therefore would not raise wages so as to enable married labourers with families to earn independent sup- port. These would remain permanent burdens upon their parishes. If the parishes supplied them with sufficient subsistence, their numbers would increase, and it could not be attempted to subsist them so scantily as to prevent their in- crease and to cause them to decay. In every agricultural parish, having more labourers than were sufficient for the cultivation of the soil, a permanent pauper settlement would be established.

How was this difficulty to be obviated ? Only by an extensive sys- tem of colonization upon an enlightened principle. It was in vain to attempt to improve the condition of the English labourer while that of the Irish peasant remained so miserable. The wretchedness of Ire- land, whose capabilities were so great, arose in a great measure from the defective state of agricultural industry in that country. As long as small patches of land were cultivated at enormous rents,—as long as so large a proportion of the Irish population were employed in the culti- vation of the soil, and so few in working it tip into secondary necessaries and decent comforts,—so long the population would be wretched in spite of Relief and Coercion Bills. But suppose you introduce the more economical Scotch or English modes of cultivating large farms by few hands, what would become of the ejected peasantry and dis- missed labourers ?

If left destitute, they would rebel and destroy; if supported by a poor-rate, the rental would be sours insufficient ; if allowed to come to England and swamp the labour minket, the people of England would be reduced to the Irish level. There can he no safety, no improvement, without planting in the Colonies the rural population of Ireland, thrown out by the consolidation of farms. With- out an extensive system of colonization, this Poor-law Amendment Bill cannot work for good ; it will be a piece of incomplete, abortive, and pernicious legis- lation, accelerating the period when England shall be reduced to the Irish level. Emigration from Ireland must be part and parcel of the measure for et:feinting the English Pour-laws. The advocates of home colonization would object to Mr. Whit- more's plan. They would contend that the waste lands of the United Kingdom should first be brought into cultivation.

In every department of national industry, there were complaints of inadequate profits. A growing difficulty was everywhere felt of ob- tabling beneficial employment for capital

flow can we remove the pressure by which we are pent in ? and by what process can the field of employment be enlarged, and high profits restored ? Only by an extensive system of colonization. In Ireland we have redundant labour ; im England we have redundant capital ; and in the Colonies we have boundless tracts of rich and unoccupied land. Let us collect and place in juxtaposition these scattered elements of wealth, which are singly unproductive, but which in combinat. would become creative of national opulence. As we plant and extend new colonies, new markets will open and expand to our com- merce. This is the way to combat hostile tariffs and untrcooiuercia1 combina- tions. When rival nations heap new and increasing restrictions on our in- dustry, let us (to bcrrow the expression of Mr. Canning) call new worlds into

existence to adjust the balance of the old. Thus acting, we shall create for England an expansive prosperity, the limits of which the imagination cannot reach.

soil its Bugshot Heath. mothers. in the last the children were supported at the public expense. He If he applied to making his labourers emigrate, a sum of money that would he trusted that the clause would be persevered in. Ile was sure that great good sufficient to cultivate his lands for a twelvemonth, and to give them employment would ensue from its passing, and great evil if it were thrown out.

duce sufficient Cu replace capital and amply to subsist the cultivate rs. But du

not perpetrate the folly of planting house col 'es on lands yielding a scanty re- turn, instead of planting foreign colouies on lands yielding an amp'e return. If the cultivators of lands yielding eight bushels of coru per acre obt,.io low wages and low profits, do not commit the absurdity of attempting to ath rd them re- lief by planting them on laud yielding six bushels an acre. If mats and wages are reduced as we resort to soil yielding a scanty retain in props rtion to the outlay, let us not entitle ouiselres to apt tments in Bedlam by Creaming that we can relieve distress by resorting to suits of a still more inferior quality.

Dow was it that the people of the United States were so prospe- rous? Wits it by home or remote colonization ?—by cultivating the land of the Eastern States, or the immense alluvial soils of the Ails- eissippi ?

It has been supposed, and not unfrequently asserted, that colonization must abstract form the .Mother Cuuntry capitalists as leen as labourers; and that, in- asinuell as capital is abstracted, the funds which put industry in !notion will be diminished, and the hoine demand for labour contracted, and the country int-

for that period,—if he did that, he asked, would not the wise, just, aud *Asher- minded Lord Chancellor—(Laughter)—put him into a madhouse?

Mr. SPRING RICE requested Mr. Whitmore not to insist upon his amendment. He did so because he thought an inquiry into the state of the Colonies, the value of waste lauds, and the means afforded by them for providing funds for colonization, ought to be instituted. fie thought no one better qualified than Mr. Whitmore to direct the opera- tions of a Committee on this subject ; and assured him of his earnest cooperation in the business. Respecting the new colony in South Australia, about which Mr. Whitmore and many other enlightened members of the House took a deep interest, he could only say, that he entertained a most favourable opinion of the plan. He thought some that some conditions, by which the Government should be relieved from responsibility, as far as might be, previous to giving its sanction, should be complied with. These conditions, however, he did not think would be any obstacle to the progress of the undertaking. He assured all the Members who took an interest in the subject, that it should have his earliest attention. He was aware that the preparations neces- sary for commencing the business would require some time; and he would therefore take care that no delay should be caused by neglect on his part.

Mr. CLAY, Mr. DENISON, Mr. CARTWRIGHT, Mr. Herr, Mr. GROTE, and Mr. HUME, all expressed themselves in favour of coloni- zation by the means proposed by Mr. Whitmore, and their satisfaction at finding the attention of the Secretary for the Colonies directed to this important subject. Mr. GROTE said, that in his opinion the benefit to be derived from colonization, by providing employment for capital and room for an increasing population, would perhaps be greater than any that could be conferred on this country by other means.

Mr. Witerstoae withdrew his amendment, with expressions of satis- faction at finding its principles so fully admitted by Government and the House generally.

Mr. HODGES moved that no more money should be expended in pro- moting emigration, until some provision should base been made for the poor of Ireland. The House divided on this amendment, and rejected it, by 139 to 20.

The clause was then agreed to ; as was also the 61st clause.

On the motion of Lord A LTIIORP, clauses 62d, 63d, 64th, and 65th, which refer to the alteration of the law of settlement, were struck out of the bill. Clauses 66th, 67th, and 68th were agreed to, with amend- ments, which have the effect of abolishing the right to settlement by hiring and apprenticeship, and preventing the acquirement of such right by occupying a tenement, unless such tenement shall have been assessed to the poor-rates for one year.

The Committee then rose.

The discussion was resumed in Committee on Wednesday. Mr. BERNAL, the Chairman, read the 69th clause; and Mr. Rontszsosi moved the omission of that and the three next clauses from the bill; they all referred to the same suhject—bastardy.

It was proposal by the hill,.to make a radical change ; and he did not mean to say that some alteration of the law was not advisable. What he contended fir was, that the change now contemplated was most objectionable. The inten- tion was, by the 69th clause, to relieve the putative father of a bastard child from all liability : the latter part of the Sallie clause he did not mean to resist ; but he thought the provision contained in the first part impolitic, unjust, and cruel. poverished. This objection sounds plausibly—it is put forward with pretension morality consequent upon the present system ; which held out a pre- and with an air of scientific accuracy ; but it is unsound—it is valueless; it !mum to the dissolute woman, and a strong temptation to commit per- proceeds upon an entire misconception and an utter iguorance of the sources of jury. The more bastard children a woman bad, the greater Was her wealth, and of the causes of a nation's advance through the progressive to the parish allowance ; which was also increased if the putative father was stational y state. Capital requites to be in cooperation with land, in order to reproduce itself. Considered as a thing by itself, and disconnected with the soil, or with the raw produce of the sail, it is not a solace of wealth ; it neither affords employment to labour, nor can he itself reproductively employed.

that proposr d by Lord Mihail) were follou ed in different places, the work-

ing of the two systems. In Boston, in the year 1826, the number of bastards was two; in Salem, there was none ; while in Philadelphia there were 272.

Mr. CORBETT contended that the Colonial lands were not such gocd Now, in the two former pla Ts the expense of rearing the children fell upon the Mr. Gaon: and Mr. Ewaur spoke to the same effect.

The question of home colonization resolved itself into this : are the waste The 70th clause gave the 69th an ex post facto oderaton, exempting the fathers lands of the United Kingdom more or less fertile than the unappia printed lands of bastard children now born ; but the 71st clause was repugnant to all the of the Colonies? Let the facts be accurately ascertained; let tte experiment principles of justice, mercy, and sound policy, throwing the burden of maiote-

be fairly made ; cultivate your commons, your heaths, your moors, your name entirely on the unfortunate her. Clause 72d followed up the same bop, and even your lllll uutaiu-tops, provided you can obtain from them a pro- principle, but rallied it much further ; for in case of the death of the mother or in good circumstances. The tendency of the law was to destroy all moss feeling. It placed a check upon die num, and held oust an in- ducement to the woman to become vicious. He wished to preserve the clauses which would remedy this evil ; but as be had stated when he introduced the measure, that the settlement and bastardy clauses might he severed from it without injuring the other parts, be should not oppose the general feeling of the !louse, if it should be in favour of postponing their consideration to next session. Mr. Limy') and 11r.:Ls.as wished the clauses to be postponed, and formed into a separate measure next session.

Lord EimiNnToN and Mr. CIIA RI.ES BULLER were decidedly in fa- vour of thcis retesitiois.

Mr. E. BeLta:it wished them to be postponed for further considera- tion.

Mr. Wouivelle Wurrmoee said— If the !louse wished to make the bill effectual, they would not reject the clause. They saw from the case of America, in which both the present system a bastaid Add, it compelled the father of the mother to maintain it, and, in case of his death, the grandfather. The design, no doubt, was to compel parents to pay more attention to the morals and conduct of their female offspring.; but that design was cars ied into execution by inflicting the most grievous injustice. The 7:11 clause related to fines, furfeitures, and penalties; which were also, is his opinion, liabk to objection.

lie argued that an increase of immorality and also of the parochial rates would arise from making the alterations proposed by the bill. More women would be seduced ; as profligate men would be relieved from the check now imposed by the fear of being made chargeable with the support of their bastard eaildreu ; and as in a great majority of curses the women and their parents would be found unable to support their children, the burden would fall upon the parish. The tendency of the alteration to increase the crime of infanticide, was also manifest. Ile concluded by moving in the first instate the omission of clause 69th.

Lord A I.THORP defended the chaise. Ile dwelt upon the gross im-

ME. BENETT said, that one shilling, or one shilling and threepence a week, was the largest sum awarded by Magistrates for the support of a bastard child. ( ('ties of "No, no .5") Would any Member state how much had been given ?

A Member—" Two shillings, and two shillings and sixpenez."

Mr. 13ENErr—" Well, be had never known an instance of it. But was it credible that poor women, honest women—(Laughter)—would perjure themselves for such a trifle? During thirty years' experience as a Magistrate, he had never heard a woman swear a child, under cir- cumstances which induced the suspicion of perjury." (Cries gf "Oli, ok! ") He concluded by declaring his hostility to the clause.

Mr. ComiErr opposed it. He objected also especially to making the parents of the mother responsible for the support of her child.

It was the custom to speak of the poor as immoral and profligate and guilty of all sorts of crimes for having bastards; and it was gravely proposes! that punishment should be inflicted on them for such a heinous offence. Now, he begged leave to ask, was the crime of bastardy confined to the poor? Were there no bastards to be found in high and elevated places? Were there no other bastards but the bastards of the poor, which the nation was called upon to sup- port ? Were there no bastards on the Pension-list? Would the noble Lord say there were no bastards upon it? The noble Lord had said upon a former occa- sion, that the Pension-list was a charity list. Why should they have placed upon this charity list the bastards, not of poor people, but of rich persons—of persons placed in high situations, and who should be made to support their ille- gitimate offspring, instead of thus quarteting them upon the public? Before this bill passed, he would allude to those bastards; and lie would bring the question relating to them more particularly Wire the House. It was always considered that example did a great deal, either in the way of evil or of good : would it be said that such an example as that he had alluded to, set by men in high life, effected no evil ? Did it redound to their honour or credit to breed bastards, and whole troops of bastards, and afterwards to quarter them on the public? Would it be said that the money which was extracted from the labouring people of this country, should go to keep those bastards in splendour and magnificence, while the people themselves were threatened with such a cruel clause as this for having any bastards at all ? He bad called the clause a cruel one; but lie might have spared the epithet, for he knew that such a clause never could be executed. A clause like that might indeed pass the House, but did they think that it would be executed while they had bastards in high life supported in splendid style out of the public purse?

Colonel TORRENS thought the clause ineffectual, and would there- fore vote for expunging it.

Lord HOWICK supported it. He had no fear that the crime of in- fanticide would be increased by its operation. He would mention, from undoubted authority, a fact to show that nothing of the kind was to be apprehended.

In the town of Maastricht, a foundling hospital formerly existed, into which illegitimate children were received without inquiry. Notwithstanding great

doubts were entertained and expressed as to infanticide, and all those other evils which had been dwelt upon by the Member fur Worcester and others, that hos- pital had recently been closed ; and it was found, on an examination subsequently taken, that instead of infanticide hewing increased, a diminution had taken place in the number of births of illegitimate children, iu the ratio of 100 to 60.

After several other :Members bad spoken briefly for and against Mr. Robinson's amendment, it was rejected, on a division, by 114 to :3:3; and the clause seas ordered to stand part of the bill. Clause 70th was then agreed to; and clause 71st, after an amendment by Lord

Arruone, which makes the settlement of the child follow that of the mother, was also passed.

Clause 72d was struck out, after some discussion.

Mr. Cotieserr proposed that the following proviso be added to the 73d clause, amidst much laughter.

"Provided always. that in the manner aforesaid (as directed in the clause), the fathers, grandfathers, mothers, grandmothers, child, or children, of any person Mho is on the Pensiondist. the Since gist list, the list of Retired Allowances. the list of Widows' Pensions, the Compassionate Furst list, or any other It of persons receiving, without rendering services. the money wrested in taxes from the working people; such fathers, grandfathers, mothers, grandmothers, child, or children, being persons of sub. stance, shall be liable or compellable to yield relief or mninleuanec to Such person or persons in receipt of such pensions, under all the penalties or forfeitures provided fur by the act of the 43d of Elizabeth."

Lord Aurnoue opposed the amendment; which was rejected by 112 to 17; and the clause was agreed to.

The several clauses front 74th to 93d were passed, with the exception of the 88th, which was postponed.

The original clauses of the bill being now disposed of, Lord ALTHOlir moved four additional ones ; which he explained as follows— The 1st was to prevent the Commisiioners and Assistaut Commissioners from sitting in Pat 'lament. The 9.1 was to limit the 4Teratiou of the act, as far as the Commis- sioners were concerned, to a period of live years. The 3.1 enacted that the general rules framed by the Commissioners should be laid belere Parliament, and that the milers and regulations of the .Assistad Commissioners should be applo:ed and sealed by the Central Board. The 4th w:is, that the bowls:net securities which, under an act of George the Third, were made personal, should be exempted from stamisthtties.

After it brief discussion, these clauses were added to the bill.

Lord DaostxoToN moved another clause-

" That in future all tenements ,hall be considered as ratable property ; but that in all eases ahem the rent did not amount to Ittl. per alaIll111, the owners, and not the oe- rupiors, should be made chargeable to the assessment:.

Sir JOHN CAMPBELL moved as an amendment-

" That in all property, the rent of which was under Iola the owner of the'property autl not the occupier should be assessed."

As this would interfere with the scot and lot boroughs, he would propose aproviso to prevent such interference with the rights of electors in those boroughs.

The Committee divided : for the clause as moved by Lord Darling- ton, 55; for Sir John Campbell's amendment, 69; majority, 14.

A proviso, moved by Mr. G. W. Wool), to the effect that where an assessment under 101. had been laid of the landlord, he should have the power of compounding with the overseers for one half, was rejected, on a division, by 89 to 35. The Chairman then repeated progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day.

2. ADMISSION OF DISSENTERS TO TIlE UNIVERSITIES.

The House of Commons had a long debate, last night, on Mr. G. W. Woon's motion that the bill for admitting Dissenters to the Univer- sities be read a second time. Mr. ESTCOURT moved, that it be read a second time that day six months; and .Mr. He:testa seconded the amendment; which was supported by Mr. Wyss:, Mr. (:our.- BURN, Sir ROBERT INGLIS, Sir ROBERT PLEL, and Lord SANDON. Mr. PETER, Mr. l'our.Taa, Mr. EwA:ur, Mr. 1- waits) Bcsr.Lat, Mr. SPRING RICE, Mr. STANLEY, Lord AsTrloie, and Mr. O'CONNELL, spoke in favour of the second reading.

There was very little novelty in the arguments adduced on either side. It was contended by the opponents of the measure, that it was only one of a number aimed at the subversion of the Established Church ; that now was the time to make a stand against the Dissenters, whose ultimate views had been clearly developed in their late petitions, declarations, and speeches in that House ; that it was evident the reli- gious education of the Universities must be abandoned if the Dissenters were admitted, for it was absurd to admit them and then compel their attendance upon Church worship ; that conscqueutly the different col- leges must be prevented from making any regulation to enforce at- tendance upon public worship. It was contended also, that the Universities were strictly theological institutions; and that to admit Dissenters to degrees which would give them the power of interfering iu the government of the Universities, would he a direct attack upon the Established religion.

On the other hand, it was strenuously denied by the supporters of the bill, that any intention csisted of iajoling the Church. It was simply asked, that Dissentees should he admitted to the advantages of a 1lniversity education, from which they were now excluded. Their power to hurt the Establishment would not-be increased by this con- cession. At present, not only did the Coiversities wish to exclude Dissenters, but they endeavoured to prevent the establishment of in- stitutions OR a more liberal plan,—thus saying, we will not educate you, and you shall not educate yourselves. It was absurd to call the Universities religious iostitutiens. No student was obliged to attend the Divinity lectures. Lord A urnone excited a laugh by del:Laing, that he had personally benefited very little by the religious instruction he received at College. Mr. PI:YME slid, that it was usual in Divinity exuadnations at Cambridge to allow the student to pass over questions which be was not prepared to answer. Altogether, the notion that either Oxford or Cambridge were institutions essentially religious, was absurd and unfounded.

Mr. STANLEY said, that ciece,asomers ko/ altered since he declared his concurrence in the Cambridge petition. Silas, then, the ultimate ob- jects of the Dissenters had become manifest ; and they were sorb its he, a sincere friend to the Church, must strenuously oppose. Still, he was prepared to support the principle of the bill ; but he could net supiao t tts clauses ; and unless they were so modified as to presort Dissenters from exercising those powers in the government of the College which Masters of Arts and others belonging to the Establishment possessed, he would vote against the third residing. In the course of his speech, he expressed his wish that the practice of signing the Thirty-nine Articles at Oxford were abolished ; for he could not agree to the gloss which had been put upon the signing of those Articles, as if it were a mere matter of form.

Lord ALTHORP also intimated, that some of the clauses of the bill must be modified. Dissenters should be exempted from attending Church worship, (thought Mr. (1. Wood did nut wish for the exemp- . Sion). He would also prevent their interference in the government of the different colleges.

Mr. O'CONNELL delivered the only interesting speech of the debate. He warned the High Church party, that they could not vet up the cry of " No Dissenters" in that House; and as for the Catholics, they were little interested as such in the present measure; therefore the old cry of " No Popery" would also fail them.

He had but very little respect for any party who would attempt to get hack into power upon a cry of " !so Dissenters ;" yet a mail must be blind, nut to see that there was such a party in that House. Here, however, it would not an- swer. Tom-foolery would not tell there--(Immense cheering)—althongh to listen to the speeches they had heard that night, one might almost have fancied that one of the grave Doctors of Oxford was suddenly trap-ported thither from the more congenial soil where they had lately figured. Oh, how gloriously consistent were these elite of wisdom ! Think of a whiskered hussar in a doe- tor's cap and gown preaching morality. (" Order!" and recut cheers.) Surely the House must catch new enthusiasm from the vociferous shouts of beardless bigots. ("Heat, hear, hear !") lie pitied the party who, in the echo of these shouts, aided by ancient drivellers and dreamers ttf bygone intolerance, fondly imagined themselves listening to the voice of public opinion. (Loud cheers.) The opposition to this bill proceeded from mere fanaticism ; but it was pecaniory fanaticism—the piety of the pocket.

Ile had seen a proclamation headed Winchilsea and Not tinglettn. (LoaahO c.) It was a most amusing one. it praised the Dissenters to the skies, as !editing the pure doctrines of Christianity; and called on them to :Jain :tit their i nil nence against Infidelity, Scepticism, and Popery. (Lallyhter.) Tetapora ntraan- tar. Lu lookiug hack to " The Parliamentare Register tenfst, ha fennil speech headc‘i " Earl of Wiuchilsea "—whether the stone Earl whine name he had recently seen figuring in the papers, he knew not. That Earl of sea, however, remarked of the Dissenters, that he found nein all claiming credit for a belief in Christianity, but he would state, and could ;:ositively that some of them were no more entitled to the appellation of Ch Fist ...Its IIi.m the followers of Alahomet—( Great laughter)—indeed not so much ; fur w the former denied the existence of Christ, the latter believe,' in it.

Mr. 'Wow) briefly replied, and the House divided : for the second reading, 321; against it, 147; tnajority, 174. The bill was that read a second time.

3. AMENDMENT OF THE REFORM ACT.

On Thursday, Colonel EVANS moved the following resolution-

" That this Ilouse deems it expedient to repeal or mitigate such clauses of the Re. form Act as have been found to have an unexpected restrictive operation, particularly those Issording the payment of rates and taxes ; and that a r.viS:011 of the Reform At with this view is the more urgent, because the new constituency leis been naiad to fall shuit, by almost halt' a million of voters, of the number Government contemplated, and the public were led to expect ; because the present comprier, about the same number of family representatives of the Iteredi:liy I tneh id the Legi, Won.. and about the stone number of placomen, (ensioners, elrist,,, and oiler dependents of the Crown, which were to be found in the nts.ha e. ,i l'arl;ament which preceded it ; because it is vain to expect an independent lie: er a went VOIlLtilling PA) large LI favvortion us 169 M embers V.1,0 57, i!) I50,401 /. ter minion of the public money ; and filially, 1■0,1•1,,' III', house I., in effect entirely failed to satisfy the just expectations of the public."

His object was to give full effect to the understood intention of the Reform Act. Payment of rent might as well have been made a qua- lification for voting, as payment of rates and taxes ; and indeed, but for the exertions of Sir Edward Sugden, it would lisve been so made. The payment of rates had formerly been the instrument of corruption ; and it was to be feared that it would become so again. Attornies wouhl pay the rates of the poor, on the understanding that they should vole at an election for the candidate presented to them. it was calculated by Lord John Russell, that the Reform Act would create a million of voters ; but it turned out that the numbers neitially entitled to vote were little more than half a million. There was still, within three, the same number of placemen, pensioners, mid sinceurists, in the pre- sent as in the former Parliament.

Mr. Hume seconded the motion ; though he was not awere, until he heard it read, of the precise nature of the resolution. he rest, ions!' on the right of voting, which it was proposed to do away with, was un- justifiable on principle, rather than on account of the pecuniary pay- mete it required. He knew that in one parish :done, Loa) persons had abandoned their right of voting owing to this clause.

Lord Avowal, (who spoke in his usual low tone of yoke, so that the reporters are unable to say whether they give what lie said currently or not) was understood to remark, that he was not surprised at Colonsl Evans's bringing forward the resolution he !loci offered ; but he was surprised that Mr. Hume should second such resolutions without having previously perused them. He did not think it desirable hat the House should attempt to modify the Reform Act. That an alte- ration in the mode of registration was to be made, could not be held a justification of such an alteration as Colonel Evans proposed. The principle of making the elective franchise depend on the payment of rates and taxes, was not a new principle in our system. It was part of the old scot and lot system. The object of the framers of the Reform Bill, after malt lag a 10/. occupancy the basis of the elective franchise, was to prevent that standard from being evaded. With that view, this clause mid these restrictions Well: la- troduced. lle thought that after Parliament had tits:hoed that a 101. occupancy should give a vote in ban oughs, it was essentially necessary that the occupancy should be bowl flee. noun the experience which he hail derived from the lc- cult of the last general election, he was convinced more than he was before it, that the fianchise which the Government had selected was the proper franchise.

Ile did not see any objection to the eldest sons of Peers ocettpying seats in that House. The people were free to choose or not to choose them ; and the same might be said with regard to placemen and pen- sioners; the number of whom, having seats in the House, Lord Al- illorp was surprised to find so great. As regarded the alleged dissatis- faction of the country with the conduct of the House, he differed with Colonel Evans; who, as he generally voted in a Minority, was very apt to limey that snore persons agreed with him, out of dooms, than actually did.

Mr. Hoenrcs supported the resolution.

That clause compelled evely 101. householder to tray his rates and taxes. on It certain day, if he wished to enjoy the right of sulliage. Now, if a man dui not pay those rates and taxes by a certain day, he lust his suffrage ; hut the state del not lose its revenue, for it made him pay its taxes attet wards ; and that being the case, the individual ought, in his opinion, to retain his tight of voting. The only advantage, if advantage it could be called, of this clause, was its tendency to narrow the constituency, and to place the suffrage in the hands of a few persoas fir their own benefit and for the injury of the many. He complained that the noble Lotd opposite, by placing this clause in the bill, bad placed in it a mimeo,'

principle. When distress pervaded the country, the poorer class of voters would of necessity be most anxious to make their cries heard by the Legislature; and yet at that very time, must of them would he disfranchised by their incapacity to pay their rides and taxes. Why, he would ask, should the poor at that time be dish anclused ? Did Lord Althorp suppose that, it distress fell en the poorer electors, that distress deprived them of the education, the intelligence, and the

probity, which they possessed in the year before And yet, owing to accidents, over which a man might have no control, an individual who enjoyed comfort one year might be reduced to great inconvenience the next ; and then his sufferings were to he aggravated by the noble Lord's telling him—" You are deprived of veur status; you are no freeman ; you are poor, therefore your elective (ran- (Arise shall be taken from pm."

Mr. O'CONNELL contended that the misconduct of the overseer at Cambridge, who omitted to register claimants who had paid their rates, and by which omission seventy voters were disfranchised, proved the necessity of amending this clause.

There was no election On the result do:him:1m the fate of the Government, and he 'night perhaps say of the eouotry, &land:Lisp much as on that at Cambridge. It was quite clear that this number might have turned the trephining scale either way. After the spectacle of public bidfoonery which had been exhibited in all manners of ways at I Ixfor41—( Load Cries " Hear !")—in order to in- fluence piddle opinion against the CIovernment, he knew not what might have been the etrect of a real and substantial victory over it at Cambridge.

The numbers of the constituency were extremely narrowed in many places by the operation of the clause. In Harwich there were only 170, and in Portarlington only 100 voters. He really believed that we owed the Reform Bill to accident more than intention.

The Administration now in power succeeded in acquiring offlee awing to the immodent and uncalled-fur declaration of the Duke of Wellington against lie- foram The Oligarchy there made a mistake; but those who succeeded it fimiel that they could not avail themselves of that mistake unless they obtained the advantage of popular aid. They got that aid ; and then they acted upon the pi iodide of giving to the people as little reform as they could to suit their (mut purposes. Even that little reform they clogged with restrictions ; and iko re- striction could be more eifectual for their object than that of soaking the pay went of rafts and taxes a preliminary to the possession of the elective franehi:e. Owing to that restriction, the amount of the constituent body was hourly di- minishing thionghont the country; and there was not, he believed, a single ho- roligh in the kingdom in which the constituency had not been regularly decreas- ing from the passing of the Reform Act down to the present hour.

Air. T. Arrwoon said, that in Birmingham there were only 4P.00 instead of 1S,000 voters, the number anticipated when the Reform loll was wider discussion. Ile would support the resolution, because the Reform Act was a fraud on the people, and had not given them half the liberty and prosperity they had a right to expect.

Lord Joust Russera. corrected Mr. Attwood he had stated that Birtningh on would have 5000, not 18,000 voters ; and it turned out

that there were di I le had an odd notion, that what Mr. Att wood called prosperity, Was only another name for the IL notes. (Lally/lb r. Ile was prepared to stand by the Reform Bill, and not to carry the measure further.

After a few words from Mr. O'CONNELL and Mr. H. Butsvun, Colonel Evans's resolution was negatived, by 124 to 37.

4. R1nAND TRADE or CoVENTRY; PROHIBITORY DUTIES.

In the House of Peers, on Tuesday, Lord STRANGEORD pre,,( Died some petitions from the riband-manuficturers of Coventry, who are in extreme distress owing to the badness of trade, which they and Lord Stranglard attribute to the introduction of French rihands. The case of the riband•inakers vas represented as different from that of the other silk-mtmiinfae'turers ; and it was declared that nothing less

than prohibition of the foreign article could relieve them. Lord Strangford expressed himself as decidedly opposed to the free trade system generally. He moved that the petitions be referred to a Select Committee.

Lord AUCKLAND opposed the motion. Ile said that the silk trade generally was prosperous, though the troubles in the American money market had been felt severely at Coventry and other places. It was his opinion that smuggling wopld follow an increase of the present duties on silks.

After a few words from the Duke of WELLtNoTona, the motion was negatived, without a division.

On Thursday, this subject was brought before the House of Com- mons, by Mr. II. lirisyson, who moved for leave to bring hi a bill to protect the riband tr: de by means of prohibition. He gave several details illustrating the ruinous state of the business at Coventry; and contended that the manufacturers ought to be protected, unless the Corn-laws were abolished, and the prohibition on the necessaries of life was taken olf.

Mr. DinotiaLE and Sir EARDLEY WILMOT supported the motion. The distress of the manufacturers was, Mr. Dugdale asserted, entirely caused by the free trade system.

Mr. Eliseo would not, in his peculiar situation, oppose the motion, though he entirely disapproved of it. Any measure which would really give relief to the sufferers he would gladly do his best to sup- port. But prohibition would do no good ; it would only increase smug- gling; to prevent which, a recourse roust be had to measures which other classes of the community would not endure.

They must go hack to all the out penal statutes. They must have recourse to sear't'h-warrauts to search every shop in England ; and they must have recourse to excise informations, supported upon very doubtful evidence, as to whether the article had been made in England or in France. He would ask Mr. Bulwer, whether he thought it possible that all the other classes of the tommwhtv, that all the other trades and manufactures throughout the Country, would, i.r the sake of this particular trade, submit to the erection of such an inquisitorial power

Mr. RomNsom said, that if the manufacturers were to sulTer from the free trade policy of Ministers, in God's name let them have cheap bread and cheap food.

Alr. POULETT THOMSON observed, that the [louse had to deal with Mr. Bulwer's motion to support the riband trade by prohibition, and with that question alone. Mr. DugdaLn had spoken of free trade, as if that were the cause of the riband-weavers' distress. Why, this very article of ribands had at this moment a protecting-duty of from 40 to 60 percent. ! But would it be wise to give the complainants what they aeked for—to give them a prohibition which it would be absolutely im- possible to enforce against the smuggler ? How would they execute such a law, if passed ? Would they strip ladies inn the streets, if they found French ribands on them ? How could they distinguish French from English ribands? He attributed much of the existing distress to chain-Ts of fashion ; and to the removal of the trade to Manchester and other places, which the Legislature could not prevent. Mr. HUME could not help reminding Mr. Bulwer, that his consti- tuents stood in the peculiar situation of having refused to admit im- proved machinery. This was not only proved by the evidence taken before the Silk Committee, but also that those machines which had beta pattiully introdueed by a fru, in- dividuals were destroyed, and combinations existed ; until at last the evils kill upon those with whom this opposition to improvement originated. Mr. T. Arrw000 supported, and Mr. CLAY, Lord DonLEv Smart; Air. FINCH, and 11r. Iiaochmiurtsr, opposed Mr. BUIWer'S motion. The I louse then divided : for leave to bring in the bill, .2.2; against it, P26; majority, 106.

,5. AMENDMENT OF THE BEER ACT.

At the morning sitting of the House of Commons, on Thursday, Sir Edward Knateldiull's bill for amending the act regulating the sale of beer was discussed in Committee; Mr. Pryme in the chair.

Sir EDWARD K. N.vrctuuT LI. said, that the principles of his bill had been so fully :led repeatedly discussed, that lie would not 011 this occa- sion det:iin I he Utilise with any general remarks. Ile had received lately much additional important information on the sui,ject, which had indtmed hilt' to alter several clauses of time bill. He should first move to substitute for the first clause the following_

That front and mite the (nttmcoerut art of this act, it shall Ian tot l'or the Com-

missioners of Esc:se. or other persons ditty authorized. to grant 1:1•.•II. i• the of ale, porter, eider, or pet et. tinder the 'moisten. of the said toehiA a I, 10 ;toy per• sun reply ink fur the salve: I•ot that suet) licence shall nut nit:bait,. • the 1.•rion; ob- tainiiia it to sell heel., ;de, ismer, eider or perry, to be drools ut eine.eined in the holis,t or ire the premises.- The first clause having been struck out by consent, the new one was put from the chair. Mr. WA itl'ItTON opposed it. The attempt to prevent the consump- tion of beer on the premises would be quite ineffeettial. The retailer of Inter would only have to make an agreement with a neighbour to permit its being coristuned on his premises, and thus the intent of the clause would be evaded. He moved to amend the clause, by striking out that part of it which prohibited beer being drunk on the premises where it was sold.

A long debate ensued ; in which AIr, PAnanrr, linjOr IIANDLEY• I Sir Glamor. SmuesLasn, Mr. CAYLLY, Alr. WinAs, Mr. IlemE, and ' Mr. FvsatE PALMER, supported the amendment. Jir. Ili mu said— As the House was h :.islating for poor persons, they might to consider their wants with teferen.'eto the situation they held in SOCiety. :.:tippf.ve a House of Commons compmed of such persons who principal'' consumed the beer at these houses, the first thing they- would do would be to put don,:ti club houses, be- cause they encour.:gesl gambling; they would not do any thing that wcold cur- tail their own enjoyments. Ile put it therefore to the !louse, whether they would consent to deprive the poor man of the little enjoyment he obtained at time beer-shop after his work was concluded. Mr. Fisitu PALMER considered the evidence given before the Beer Committee as absolutely worth nothing, especially that Najd' proceeded from some of his brother Magistrates. The reports blooded on such evidence were worth nothing at all. Every crime in the calendar was traced by. them to the B,cr Bill; sheep- stealing was never heard of before; in fact, no vice, no demoralization, was ever known in the country, according to their opinions, until the Beer Bill came iuto

operation. Ile ermfessed he dill not third; the evidence of persons who viewed the matter through such a medium was much to be regarded. The lionse had some experience of what might be expected from prohibiting the eunsum)tioo of beer on the premises. It was well known, that when thercolabition existed, beer was purchased at one house, and the people met at another and drank it : benches were placed even by the read-side, It plot of ground was staked round with hurdles not more than twenty yards front the been shop, anal there the beer was consumed. Could the consumption of beer on the premises be attended with worse elfeees than these?

Beer was a great deal better now than it used to be,—a fact he knew himself, (or he frequently tasted it ; and the reason was obvious.

Under the old s;,.stem, it was the practice in Berkshire of all the great brewers, within a tract of country comprehending forty miles in width and fifty in length, to meet once every week to determine wta tt the priy., and quality of the beer should be for the next week ; and the contraet which was then em teied into was never known to be broken. A strainer could never get in among them ; and the consequence was, that the people had to think the most infer nil beverage that ever was brewed. The brewers all made fortunes, because nobody else could obtain a living by the sale of beer in that district. On the other hand, it was contended by Mr. TENNYSON, Mr- SLANEY, Mr. II. Hallot.Ey, Mr. 11EATHCOTE, Mr. l'sasEa, Mr. ljENETT, and Sir JOHN SEERIGHT, that the Beer Act had produced infinite misehief and demoralization; that the present measure would go a great tray to remedy the evil ; and that some such remedy was loudly dem:stied by the nation.

The Co amittee divided, and rejected Mr. Warburton's amendment, by 141 to -3.

Mr. II. HANDLEY proposed another amendment to time same clause; the discussion on which was interrupted by the arrival of three o'clock.

In the evening, it was agreed that the Committee should be post- poned to the 9th July.

6. BATTLE OF NAVARIN Sir Enwano CODRINGTON moved, on Tuesday, that the House "re- solve it elf into it Committee, for the purpose of examining into the propriety of an address to his Majesty, humbly requesting that he will be graciously pleased to take into his consideration the claims for pecu- niary recompense of time officers, seamen; and royal marines engaged in the battle of Navarino, on the 20th of October 1827." Sir Edward related the circumstances which had rendered it necessary for him to bring this subject before the House. He had applied to the Admiralty for compensation for the loss the men had sustained in the action, and had been informed that he might draw for head-money. He was after- wards called upon to answer certain questions as to how the action commenced ; and the result was, that the money was refused. He had Stilt 11 101•11.,11.zi to 11:0 .t11111114:4 (7111 the Subject. 'I las ooconsent raavhed Genoa:. 1 01'ki/11111 P&L 1:11/kt'1.1 but utter they had

Li ft tha A dmiralty, no ryi ,Ird of it veis to ha found. ity the kindoess of his Majesty, Oleo 1,;d iii he obtained en official copy tif the memorial ; and ag.:111 mem— the lamol by duplicate ; but

was told, that baud-musty niter a as ;sidled when an tactical occurred before a declaration of war. 'I laa toldffiled about the word " head- money " his object was to comptesate the limn for their losses, and it mattered not whether the money was r.1at J a eumpensatimaltuyal grunt, or any thing else.

Shortly afterwards, the Lord High A,111,11al berrIllIC King ; and be obtained ah audience of his alajosty when lie revolved the !hail! 1:011111,ands to present a memorial to the King. the present Government declared that they saw no reason to depart from the deoision of their prrdecessins. Subsequently, he asked another audience of his alejesty, and tinder the Roy :I command presented ti,tmemorial to the King in ('uuhC 1. In all these pliweellings, he bail only Acted in ceropliance with his May,-iv'. commands, which it was impossible f r him to disobey. It being known to the fleet that it was the alai of the Lord High Admi- ral to give head-money as an allowance fin clothes, lie had pledged that illustrious intlividual's name to the parties intelested, in proof th.,t their claims trunk! be a:handed to; and he note submitted, that such a ple11,;elieglit not to be violated. If any gentleman oppost d the present motion, let it Ir. uHd..stood that he was not resisting the will Of its imnwiliate proposer, but of the iilosti Mils personage under whose commands be had acted from the begitining to the cad of the transaction. If the motion were negatived, his i‘lajestj's wish would be tIe- feated, and the Royal pledge would be rendered of no r &et.

Sir Edward then referred to the cases of Lord Exmouth at Algiers, and the old one of Sir JohnByng, which he relays' toed us being simi- lar to his own, and in both of them compensation was awarded to the sufferers.

Ile was not actuated by personal or venni:11y motives in bringing thissidiiect under the notice of the House. The pain, anxiety, and tvotry of mind that he had endured in prosecuting it hitherto, were such a. oil iudit idled 'anent to him- eelf could compensate for ; and be would have taloned the attempt Lad not a scrise of duty compelled him to persevere. Viben be stated to his ISIajesty that he would with pleasure relinquish las awn share of any compera a- tton, the King would not permit such a step ; observing, ‘. lint( may be in a situation to relinquish it, but probably others will be differently cis Mr. BUCKIN(.11.01 seconded the motion. It was opposed by Mr. ILAPOITIIER.I; and Lord ALTHORP; oil the ground that the circum-

stances under which the action was fought, although it must be ad- mitted that it was a most gallant affair, highly creditable to the skill and bravery of Sir Edward and his fleet, were such as to render it in-

expedient to depart from the strict eontse usually followed, by reward- ing those engaged at Navarino. The %Oink affair was truly described by Air. fluskisson as a ehamie-medley; and the Goveroment which sent Sir Edward out had no idea whatever of any such battle being fought.

Sir F. Benin:Tr, Mr. WARBL'RTON, 'Mr. O'CONNELL, 11r. E. J. STANLEY, Sir J. Samna:Ha, Mr. G. F. l'otiso, Sir R. Pater, and Admiral ADAM, urged the Co vernment to withdraw their opposition to the motion ; and spoke in high terms of Sir Edwin Codriugton's gallantry and disinterestedness of conduct, in resigning his own claims, while he strongly and perseveringly advocated those of his °filters and

men.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said— if ever there was a case clearly male out, as fouin7...1 upon the print4i-les of Ilisti‘r and policy, and the granting of whirl, was called for by the b..st intetests

of the country and of• the service, it was the ease which had been nub

ma olio. and with so touch inisle,y, brought fiwward by the tt limn al On it it his brave compani llll s in arms. It could n..t Icy u, a the 91, was Unbending tin this subject. Marvell if it were SI), and that it wa, to he that the gallant :tiliniral had exceeded his instructions, „,,„ id,„„.1 under Lis command to suffer on that account ? Let them I obs:der fat a niteinait the diffiealt situati 4444 in which the gallant .1■1 mind was placal. If Ir. II :,{ acted with a litee less spirit than he had done, he tan the risk of didict Ii tt which of all things wool.' have been most unpalatable and it nsatisfartory to C/1: lary- of casting c itheole oil the fleet and arms of England ; which wen: ve: famly have }wen the ease, and for which he would have incurred all the if lie had sailed back from NaValino. Ily the manner iu which he acted, he carried into effect the views of the (14AI:unbent which had sent him out.

If there was no precedent for granting a gratuity in this case, a pre- cedent ought to be made.

They heard much and often of the faith of the country is reference to matters of far less moment. The faith of the country hzul been Lately y typealed to in re- ference to a treaty with the Bank of England, wIntre a pia van. tinderstataling between the Government and a private set of speculatill:,—,111 .111111erA■11111111g w bleb, I would venture to sir, nobody could understand.- ;vas ut such a nature thet the law of the country must he altered and overturned in ender to pit:serve what was called the public. faith.

Mr. IVARBURTON said—

Ile had not heard any one suggest any other alternative than the course which the gs.11ant Admilai had putsued ou the occasion of the battle if Navarino. But eVC11 granting that the gallant Irol nut at teal eurr...aly, why should the seamen be inellided in his punishment ? Let if they clu:se,

except the gallant Admiral from any gratuity that was to be granted, and let Lim be ca!led to that Cutotanattial 11 which they had alien heard, it he had exceeded Lis orders. But why should the seamen suffer unjustly on that ac- count Mr. ilemE doubted the propriety of granting the eratility, and thus establishing a precedent, under the peculiar circumstatices of the case. But he advised Lord Alt!a•rp to withdraw his objectian, seeing what the general feeling of the Iletise was.

Lord A LT110111. finding that the House, with the exception of Mr. Hume, was against him, withdrew his opposition ; and the motion was carried. intention of Gover lllll ent to propose the reneoal of the Coercion Bill for another year, with some modifications. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notiee, that he SI,1111111 mote that the I IOUS(' be called over every day on which the bill was brought under discussion.

The subjact was again notified in the House of Commons on Tues- day. Mr. Leryi.EroN, in reply to a question from Mr. O'CoNNEEE, promised to lay on the table all the documentary evidence necessary to justify Ministers in proposing the renewal of the bill. Mr. °Toe- NELI. then asked Lord Althorp, when the new Ministry bad come to the determination of renewing the bill ? To this question no direct answer was givea. He then said, that it had been stated in the Irish papers, that Irish Members had been infouned from authority, that the bill would be renewed; but be could state that Cabinet Abnisters had stated the reverse.

REGISTRATION; DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES. Mr. BROUGHAM stated, onWednes lay, in reply to a question from Alr. G. W. Wool), that Ministers had taken up his bill for the Registration of Births and Deaths, and therelbre it would no doubt be carried this session. He teared that the session was too far advanced for him to do more than bring in his Marriage Bill; but he should have it printed, and distri- buted through the country, so that the public opieion respecting it might be known.

EDUCATION N SCOTLAND. Mr. COLQUHOUN moved, on Tuesday, for leave to bring in a bill to allow 60,0110/. annually fOr the support of parochial schools in Scotland. But, after some remarks from Air. Item: and Lord ALIIIORP,—Who objected to the course of proceeding, and thought the subject should be referred to a Select Committee,— the motion was withdrawn.

APPOINTMENT OF MINISTERS TO SCOTCH CHURCHES PILL. This bill was read a third time in the House of Peers, on Monday, and passed, LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK BILL. On the motion of Lord Baouonam, on Monday, the further consideration of this bill was de- ferred, until the opinion of the Judges can be taken as to whether it is an infraction of existing statutes. If the Judges should be of opinion that it is not, Earl GREY said it woeld then be for the House to deter- mine whether to pass it was not an infraction of the bargain with the Bank.

ABSENCE OF LAW Loans. A conversation arose last night, in which Lord EtnoN complained of the absence of Law Lords, when judgment was given in cases before the House of Peers. lie would give notice of a motion to prevent appeals being heard unless a certain number of Law Lords were present. He was anxious to see. the business of the House carried on as it used to be. Lord BRouonam reminded Lord Eldon, that during his Chancellorship, be had repeatedly argued eases in the absence of Law Lords. Two days ago, judgment was given in the absence of Law Lords, but in the presence of the Judges. He and Lord Delman had been so particularly engaged in their respective Courts, that it was impossible for them to come to the House ; and he had given notice of his own necessary nbsence. To agree to smell a motion as Lord EEDoN proposed,.could be a direct and impolitic acknowledgment that the members of Hint House, with a few excep- tions, were incompetent to the right przybrmance (f judicial fruit:tams. l'Iwt would be a very awkward confession ; for the Constitution—he would not say how wisely—had eintainly made them all.itulges. After a kw words Own Earl lirr and the Duke of WEEIENreroN, the con- versirtion dropped.

PelsoN lase, mama Lord WHAIINCLIFFE last night moved an ad- dress to the taros :1, to appoint a Commissiutt to inquire into the state of prisons. 1:e remarked upon the great increase of crime, and ex- pressed himself in favour of the Penitentiary system. Lord MEL- meat NE said, that a gentleman had been sent or America to examine the prisons there. He hoped the motion would. be miti.drawn, at least until his report could be received. Lord linour:rE,?1 said, the vast increase in population should be remembered, %viler' the increase of crime was mentioned. He made some remarks on capital and secondary punishments, and ex/rte-sett his doubts of the efficacy of the present system of transportation. Lords SUFFIELD, LANSDOWNE, and DEN:MAN, and the Duke of Itienmoso, spoke a few words. '1 he Latter was convinced that many prosecutions were now instituted merely for the sake of getting the costs. Crime had not been so much on the

increase as was supposed. The practice of committing a boy to prison for one day was very bad ; a swats also the long interval which sometimes elapsed between time committal and trial of offenders. Ultimately, Lord IniattecaterE withdrew his motion.

TREATMENT OF DON CARLOS. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY asked Earl Grey last night, in what manner Don Carlos bad been re- ceived at Portsmouth ; and if it were Otte that an Under. Secretary of State bad been sent to him to persuade him to renounce his birthright? Earl GREY would only state in reply, that Don Carlos had been received as a Prince of the Blood Royal of Spain ; clad that if Lord London- derry would make a distinct charge on the subject of his treatment, he should be ready to meet it. PREVENTION OF DUELLING. The House of Commons was counted out at half-past eight on Tuesday, just as Mr. BUCKINGHAM was about to move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish duelling. NEW Wens. On Monday, new writs were ordered for Chatham, in the room of Colonel Alaberly, who is appointed a Commissioner of Customs; and for the Elgin Burghs, for Colonel Leith Hay, who is made Clerk of the Ordnance, in the room of Colonel Moberly. Last night, writs were ordered for Finsbury and Kircudright, in the room of Mr. Hobert Grant and Mr. Cutler Fergusson.