TOPICS OF THE DAY.
APOLOGY FOR LORD JOHN'S NOT RESIGNING.
WHY should Lord John Russell resign ? We defend him against a clamour for his resignation. We repudiate that clamour, be- cause we cannot deny that on constitutional grounds he has a right to remain Prime Minister of the country, since he fairly enough represents the country. In such defence, undoubtedly, we encounter formidable odds; for reflecting politicians of all shades and positions are demanding his retirement. The examples are remarkable.
The Morning Chronicle describes Parliament as returning after the recess to "one of the most curious and least satisfactory ex- periments of modern times "— " How long a Government can continue to perform all the ordinary functions of official life, without a particle of originative energy or constructive capacity ; how long the opposing pressures of counter-forces from without may suffice, in the absence of any principle of inherent vitality within, to keep the parts of a worn- out Cabinet in mechanical cohesion ; and how long the British Parliament and public may recognize a paralytic Administration as in some sort a fit depositary of trust and power,—such is the strange problem to which, Easter having come and gone, the attention of mankind is now once more invited."
The quasi Ministerial Times, which patronizes the Government
de facto, but has an eye to a more enduring allegiance, describes the present system of tinkering, and exposes the corresponding cant which indirectly apologizes for that system by ridiculing "comprehensive measures " ; and then• the journalist fastens on the responsible man-
" We used to hear a good deal about improvement, reform, progress, and such active ideas; but that is gone by. Nothing is now so ridiculous as a great and comprehensive measure; nothing so sacred as property, especially when it has ceased to be property to all practical purposes; no institution so valuable as that which does the most mischief; and no wisdom so exalted as that which can suggest a good reason for tolerating the most intolerable nuisances. Twenty years since the cardinal virtue of the statesman was hope. Now it is patience. We seemed to have fathomed the capabilities of the country. The Wings, at
least, have exhausted their quiver Unless Lord John shall vindicate his character and his office by a more energetic, positive, and constructive policy, how can he maintain himself at the head of affairs? We want a master, not a a servant, to govern us ; one who will break the idols of the State, not fall down and worship them. But it is his Lordship's fate to be everywhere under mastery.'
That undoubted Liberal Mr. Cobden talks at the Whigs, from the Music Hall of Leeds, in the faint hope that he may excite them to adopt active measures, at least in Ireland : but if they do not, he admits that "they must resign." Our own illustrious contributor "C"—the historian, anatomist, and prophet of revolutions—alludes to an old report in the French papers, that Lord John meant to retire from public affairs " tout jamais " • adding, "he really ought to consider of it ; and we."
But Why this dead set at poor Lord John ? What has he done so discreditable to the country ? Has he not the sanction of Par- liament for all he does, and, what is much more, for all he does not ? You can make out no charge against him that he is deny- ing any great enterprise demanded by the people. He is not "standing with his arms folded" while the country clamours for something that it has not. The country clamours for nothing—except " prosperity" ; and Lord John replies, with sound doctrine, that prosperity is not an official article. Critics have been very severe on a Government of counterfeits ; but the mischief is, that if the official measures are counterfeits, there is no reality behind to be overlaid by the Ministerial "sham."
Yes, that is the fatal sign—not the disguise or corruption of the public purpose, but the absence of any purpose. If there is no '4 originative energy" in the Ministry, neither is there in the public—at least, not in the influential part of the people. We have some benefits peculiar to the age, and notably a good deal of "useful knowledge " ; but we have few concurrent and settled conclusions, much political and social scepticism, and no active purpose. The English people—that is, the influential part of it—has no wishes ; none for itself, none for other classes, the uninfluential. Some "objects," indeed, a few more restless spirits must keep up, if only for political exercise ; but the blasé public cannot bring itself to care about any of them, unless it be "agi- tated," like a Laputan gentleman. The "objects" are not very profound or searching. Mr. Cobden is the most agitating man : his object is, to save a few pounds annually to each of the middle class, in the shape of taxes ; and his mode of redeeming the world IS, to effect a good registration of Parliamentary electors. Mr. Disraeli wants to bring about a shifting of local taxation. A number of dealers in particular articles—malt, paper, spirits, and the like—want to get taxes taken off their own wares. But so- cially these people have no views, no objects in life, no active wishes; they are content with things as they are ; they are de- manding no specific measure, they require no movement. It may be said that the middle class has eaten its fill of con- cession, and gone to sleep upon its meal. To the middle class the sixth day of political construction is over, and it is now enjoying a long seventh day. It can go no further. If it moves, it only comes back upon its muttons. Its eighth day is only the first of next week. The great European states- man of the middle class is at this moment exemplifying the phtenomena of class blindness. M. Guizot is talking at his na- tive country, with the manifest hope that he may expostulate it back into some kind of monarchy. Having put the quintessence of his past analysis of civilization into a formula, and that for- mula a single word, the enthusiast of an icy philosophy imagines that he has discovered the philosopher's atone, and that all is to
be accomplished by "order." What, then, were the disorders which he suffered to mar his practical government for so many years? But he libels himself. Order is a means, not an end ; and it is not even a positive or active means; it is only auxiliary to the true originative energies of a people—their strong affec- tions, developed arts, and advanced opinions. It is a truism to say that no nation was ever stationary: but not to be so, or to retrograde, a nation must have strong affections, in order that the influential classes who have attained their own comfort may desire that of others ; developed arts, that they may know the transition from good to better ; and advanced opinions, that their purpose may keep ahead of their energies.
There are classes, even in this country, that have political ideas —they are the discontented classes. But those classes are not influential. They have wishes ; but their wishes are frustrated. Chartism was an embodiment of such wishes ; but it has been put down. The manufacturing districts have a perennial fermen- tation of wishing, which you may call discontent, and which the Morning Post just now likes to call a "crisis." They want to mend the state of mankind, their own included. Just at present they are tranquil ; a statement which Sir George Grey will con- firm, any day in the week, down to post hour. Far-seeing men and closet philosophers know that this skin of tranquillity over the sore of discontent is not altogether a happy state of things, or a safe : but the English people, which returns the Parliament, has no ideas upon the subject. Then why is the Minister bound to have any ideas? One danger indeed is so huge, so imminent, and so glaring, that on it the comfortable English people is beginning to have an idea: Ireland, like a house on fire next door, suggests to the Eng- lish people an idea of engines. Amid the smoke and smother, the English people is slowly waking to the idea that something must be done : and sure enough, Peel, who is the trusty man for great difficulties, has his method all ready just in the nick of time. John Bull did not care to be troubled with it before; but the idea has germinated in the deep recesses of his mind, and, as usual, that faithful servant Peel anticipates the august wish. The Eng- lish people slowly comprehends that there is work to be done, and looks at John Russell interrogatively, to know if he can under- take it ? John Russell has the refusal of the enterprise; and he elects to refuse—he would sooner leave his place. The English people has no ideas yet, no more has John Russell ; but the English people is going to have an idea, and will be much obliged to any one who will supply it in an easy form' so that it may be swallow- ed out of the way as soon as possible. And John Bull is growing alive to another incidental idea—that John Russell is not the man to undertake a" comprehensive measure." Hence the mouth- pieces of the said John Bull are beginning to hint that John Russell must get out of the way. But not yet : it will be time enough when the English people really has an idea.
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