THE LATE DEBATE.

THE lateness of the hour at which the debate on the second reading of the Reform Bill terminated, rendered it impossible to apply our usual process of analysis and condensation, which requires a great deal of time. We might have filled half a Spectator from the Evening Papers, published at eight in the morning : but, however much we may admire their diligence, they work under too many disadvantages to enable us to rely on their accuracy. The Morning Papers even, on such an extraordinary occasion, are composed with a haste that renders them but indifferent authorities on points where the change of a word may se- riously.affect the colouring of a sentence. For instance, in 'the Times—whose accuracy is for the most part very great—we find the following sentiments attributed to Earl GREY: • " The noble lord," [he is replying to Lord Lyndhurst] " in stating that the prin- ciple of the Bill was irreconcileable with the constitution, said, that its principle was not only disfranchisement, but the disfranchisement of sixty-four boroughs ; and that, not only was its principle enfranchisement, but the giving of the 101. franchise. To these Ministers were pledged; and, therefore, the House was called upon to reject the Bill. Now, though lie (Earl Grey) should be sorry that a less number of boroughs should be disfranchised, or that the 101. qualifi- cation should be altered, still they formed no part of the principle of the Bill, and both might be altered in perfect consistency. He had said formerly, that alteration did not depend upon him, but upon their Lordships, when the ques- tion came before the Committee. For himself, he certainly should resist any al- teration inconsistent with the main object of the measure. He would certainly oppose any proposition for reducing the number of boroughs to be disfranchised, or for raising the 101. qualification much higher."

Now, we confess, when we saw these words, we knew not what to make of them. We were very.averse from thinking hardly of Earl GREY, of all men living; and yet his language sounded ominously. The iffirror of Parliament has happily come in to set the Earl right, and to restore that equanimity to the Spectator which the evil interpre- tation of the Premier's sentiments had sorely disturbed. The follow- ing is the Mirror's version- " Now, in the first place, I saw, that although I think fifty-six borough,: ought to be disfranchised, although:I should be very sorry to see a less number disfranchised, and although I think the 101. franchise is not too great an extol.; sion of the qualification, still these provisions are no part of the principle of the Bill, and they may be altered in perfect consistency with its principles. But it is said that I will not consent to any alteration in this Bill. To this assertions I can only repeat the answer I made to a similar one last October. It does not depend upon me, it depends upon your Lordships. " When the Bill goes into the Committee, I shall certainly feel it my duty to resist any alterations which I may think inconsistent with the main object which the Bill proposes to curry into effect. But, if it can be shown that any injustice has inadvertently crept into any of the schedules—if it can be shown that any qualification, not so small as 101. would be less open to fraud and abuse, I will not resist the correction of such circumstances."

This is " the same with alifference."

Some attempt has been made to cast an imputation on Lord BROUGHAM'S sincerity, from his language on Saturday morning. We cannot trace any expression that would justify it. Surely it is not the following- " The noble and learned lord then proceeded to say, that though he then ap- proved of that principle of the Bill which had been adopted, in order to gum(' against the evils of a too numerous and excited constituency, lie was convinced that at no distant period under the Bill, those classes which the Bill now shut out from the right of franchise might without apprehension be admitted to a participation of all its benefits."—Times of Saturday.

Neither is there any thing in the more diffuse version of this passage given in the Mirror- " It is proper that there should be some restriction in the right of voting,. for the purpose of avoiding the evils which will always attach to too numerous as- semblies of the people, and for the purpose of preventing too vast an expense at elections, and the mischief which would arise from drawing no line at all ; but it is not from any distrust I have of even those classes to whom this measure does not give the elective franchise, that I assent to this restriction ; for I am sure, if you will remove the great and obvious grievance of our time, and of times long past, owing to the state of the representation,—if you destroy the sys- tem of nomination, you will restore yourselves to a place in the affections of the people, which the existence of that grievance has caused vou to lose :—that is the great and capital grievance of all :—once remove it, and I, for one, entertain not the slightest apprehension, fium the power and conduct of even those who are below the humblest class to whom the franchise will, by this Bill, be given."

There were some of the Opposition speeches on which we touched but slightly. We shall not recur to Lord WINFORD'S : a friend, who had courage and patience to sit out the debate, has declared to us, that had all of it been similar in quality to that noble Lord's speech, lie must have sunk to sleep before it was half over. Lords ELDON and TENTERDEN, whose harangues we were obliged to cut equally short, may perhaps be worth a second hearing.

Lord Eldon commenced, as he always does- " My Lords, I have spent upwards of fifty years in public life."

Let us see what he has got, from his half century of experience- " It has been my fate, in the course of a long life, to have opposed every measure which has been brought forward for altering aired, as it was called, amending the representative System. It Iris been stated, that I am an enemy to Reform : to Reform, no man is or ought to be an enemy: but I beg to re- peat now, what I stated in this House on a late occasion, that I felt myself bound, as a Peer of Parliament, not to pledge myself in any way ; but, in the anxious and conscientious discharge of my duty, to consider and determine whe- ther that measure, which should be brought forward under the name of Reform, was really a reform that ought to be adopted or not, and I have no hesitation in repeating these words ; but that I should have reason to say it in this House, fills use with infinite anxiety."

Pima says-

" When frail women go astray,

Their stars are more in fault than they."

•

Poor Lord ELDON, having with most consistent pertinacity, during his half century, opposed every attempt at improvement, general or par- ticular, and cherished every abuse, great or small, that time, accident, or evil design, had introduced into any department of the state, now finds out that his choice has been his fate. His Lordship has a notable ar- gument against the Bill- " If the House of Commons is now formed by a constituency that is not con- stitutionally fit to return the representatives of the people of England, I beg your Lordships to consider the question which I have put to myself,—what must be the consequence, as regards the sovereignty of this country, and of all the great interests of the empire, if the efficacy of the laws is to be destroyed, as it inevitably would be, if it be said in this House, that those laws have been made by persons chosen by a constituency who have now thought fit to autho- rize those very persons to state, that they were not the representatives of the people? If that constituency is now to be changed, what security are we to have for the continuance of those guarantees of person and property on which we have hitherto relied with so much confidence? '

In common courtesy, we are bound to admit the conclusion-

" It may be of little•consequence, perhaps, what becomes of me as an indivi- dual, or of what little property I have gained, after a long life of labour."

Lord TENTERDEN begins like a second Joshua- " My Loids, I shall add but a few minutes to the time occupied in the discus- sion of this important measure."

A man who speaks of adding to Time, may be excused for entertain- ing a mean notion of his fellows- " The enfranchisement is not confined to the large and opulent towns which have grown into importance by their commerce or manufactures ; but it is ex- tended even to the villages round the metropolis, or other places which have no importance but in the extent of their population."

The little villages of Marylebone, for instance, and Lambeth, and Holborn, and the Tower Hamlets. The condescension of the Chief Justice is great— "If the power were placed in the hands of the middle class, the measure would be much less objectionable,—I, at least, should hesitate long before I pre- sumed to express an objection to it. But, as I have already said, the effect of this Bill will be to place the power in the bands of a much lower class. That class, my Lords, is unquestionably entitled to our kindness,—to our protection, —to our attention,—to our counsel and our aid; but I think no man will say that it can be the proper depositary of political power."

From what class o the people does our Chief Justice derive his lineage?—the middle class, or a much lower class?

The Bishop of ROCHESTER has ancestors, and he assumes in conse- quence a higher tone- " We often hear of the fully and of the madness of the people; but never of their wisdom. There is no man who respects the people, and every class of the people, in their respective stations, more than I do :—whether the man be a cobler or a Peer, if he perform his duty in that station in which God's provi- dence has placed he be an honest man,—he is as much worthy of our respect as the proudest noble in the land. But we must remember that other adage-

Ne sitter ultra crepitlam.

They are not to be called into council, or to deal in matters of State, or to ad- vise upon nice questions of policy, or to determine upon measures which involve the destinies of nations. •

It was right, after this denunciation of the People, to give a few ex- amples: we commend the Bishop's honesty rather than the courtesy of his choice, considering in whose hearing he spoke- " I need not remind your Lordships of the degree in which the same generous feeling was displayed at a later day—I mean that unbounded enthusiasm which everywhere greeted and followed the noble and gallant Duke (of Wellington) after his signal and illustrious achievements. Was he not thanked sixteen or seventeen tunes, by the unanimous votes of both Houses t f Parliament? And were-not honours so extraordinwy the effect of popular influence? How was the noble Duke received in his walks? Did not the people press upon and sur- round him on every side, all emulous to touch his hand, or even the very hem of his garment?' Could he pass, however privately, through the streets, without crowds assembling around him, and greeting him with their cheers and accla- mations? And yet, at least, I myself, my Lords, have seen this very people follow that illustrious Duke, hooting and insulting him, even to his very gates; and, on the self-same day, I saw them follow the carriage of the French Ambas- sador, vociferating their most tumultuous applause."

So, the fame of the Duke, after all, is but a very insignificant affair— the mere breath of folly and madness!

The Bishop of GLOUCESTER has an equally low opinion of the Peo- ple with his brother of Rochester. It is indeed quite wonderful to ob- serve how unanimous the Bench are in their contempt for those to whom a great authority tells us the Kingdom of Heaven peculiarly belongs-

" 11.1y Lords, the only argument which could have any great weight with me, in favour of a Bill in which I see so much to disapprove, is, that it is called for by the general voice of the country. I hope this House will never be deaf to the opinions and wishes of the people; but, my Lords, it is allowed on all sides, that it is to the intelligence of the country that you should attend, and certainly not to the voice of the rabble."

Do these rabble pay any tithes, we wonder ? In Ireland, potatoes are not exempted.

We shall give but one extract more. Lord CARNARVON would con- vert the attachment of Lord CALEDON to his borough into something quite spiritual. Hear the poetical apologist of Old Sarum-

" Which of s, as lie paces the forest [1. e. reads the Bill], would not pass un- heeded by the young and growing trees [ Schedules C and D to wit], which in garish foliage wait till the woodman's hatchet shall consign them to their me- chanical uses? Which of us would not gaze with reverential awe on the ancient oak [it is a plane] of the Druid, because that aged tree has witnessed the his- tory of our country [i. e. the elections], and been laden through successive ages • with the trophies of her greatness? Let not the axe [meaning the Bill] be laid to its hallowed roots, for its destiny is in your bands. Avert the axe of the spoiler [namely, Lord John Russell] ; so shall that rugged hark be deeply in- scribed with the names and the deeds of statesmen, and of warriors yet unborn."

Future Alexanders, my Lord, future Alexanders—statesmen and warriors conjoined.