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FEBRUARY 20, 1858.

13 00K S.

THE WELLINGTON SUPPLEMENTARY DESPATCHES.*

Tut Supplementary Despatches and Memoranda of the late Duke of Wellington relating to India, of which the present volume forms the first of a series, have been drawn from various quar- ters, but chiefly from the papers of the late Marquis of Wellesley, and of Lord Cowley, the " Henry Wellesley" of an earlier day. The entire series will come down to 1805, when the then Sir Ar- thur Wellesley quitted India. The volume before us commences in April 1797, when the great Field-Marshal was a simple Lieu- tenant-Colonel, and was alone in India ; his elder brother not ar- riving as Governor-General till May 1798. It closes in June 1800, when the affair of the celebrated freebooter Dhoondiah was about to come to a head. The chief intermediate subjects are the .war with Tippoo and its preliminary discussions and preparations ; the capture of Seringapatam ; and the settlement of Tippoo's terri- tories, less in a political sense than in reducing portions of them to something like order.

The freshest and most interesting sections of the book are those previous to Lord Mornington's arrival, and during the pre- parations for the war against Tippoo, and the conduct of the campaign. The private letters to both his brothers either con- tain biographical matter, or they let us as it were behind the scenes of government, and show how much is advised and ac- complished of which no official record need remain even in India, where everything is supposed to be reduced to writing, as well in motives as in reasons. The earlier portions of the papers also bring additional evidence, if any were needed, to the early ma- turity. of Wellington's mind as shown in the mastery of the principles as well as the practice of war, and the rapidity with which he acquired and digested geographical, economical, political, and even social information, not as mere knowledge, but to be turned to practical account. The series will produce still more convincing proof of his wonderful industry ; though that was even less needed than of his early maturity of genius. The previous volumes of Despatches relating to India have been rightly adduced as evidence of the variety of his capacity and his power of work. The Supplementary Despatches, as well as we can judge; will at least double the extent of the original evi- dence.

What may be termed the striking interest of the work is limited to passages. The bulk of the book partakes of the nature of sup- plements ; it is inferior, we think, to the former Despatches in the living character of the business' in (with few exceptions,) raciness of style, and also in a certain pithy vigour that cha- racterized the original selection. Of course there, as here, very much of the matter was of a formal kind, with an interest limited even at the time to those whom it concerned, while other matter was chiefly of use to a political or military student likely to be engaged in similar scenes.

One of the most remarkable passages in the collection is the following judgment of the Indian character, penned when the writer had hardly been six months in the country. Had this been published some years ago, the conclusion (except as to per- jury) would have been disputed. Hastings, Elphinstone, and other great Indian authorities, some of them familiar with the languages, all of them of long experience in Native character, would have been advanced in opposition to Lieutenant-Colonel Wellesley's notions of half-a-year's standing. Yet the last twelve- month has shown how just that opinion was. " The Natives, as far as I have observed, are much misrepresented. They are the most mischievous, deceitful race of people, I have seen or read of. I have not yet met with a Hindoo who had one good quality, even for the state of society in his own country ; and the Mussulmans are worse than they are. Their meekness and mildness do not exist. It is true that the feats which have been performed by Europeans have made them objects of fear ; but wherever the disproportion of numbers is greater than usual, they uniformly destroy them if they can; and in their dealings and conduct among themselves they are the most atrociously cruel people I over heard of. There are two circumstances in this country which must occasion cruelty and deceit and falsehood wherever they exist. First, there is a con- tempt of death in the Natives, high and low, occasioned by some of the tenets of the religion of both sects, which makes that punishment a.joke, and I may say an honour, instead of what it is in our country. All our punishments almost are the same, excepting imprisonment and whipping, which occasion loss of caste, and are therefore reckoned too severe for'the common crimes for which we inflict• them at home. The punishments of the Mussulman Governments are precisely in the same state. The Hindoos don't care for them, excep,inn g they occasion loss of caste ; and the Mussul- mans are now so nearly doos, that they have not a better effect upon them. Secondly, there is no pimiahment for perjury either in the libido° or Mussulman law. Their learned say that God punishes that crime, and therefore man ought not ; and as oaths are notwithstanding administered and believed in evidence, no man is safe in his person or property, let the government be ever so good. The consequence of all is, that there is more Supplementary Despatches and Memoranda of Field-Marshal Arthur Duke of !Velliegtou, G. India 1797-1805. Edited by his Son, the Duke of Wellington. Volume the First. Published by Murray. perjury in the town of Calcutta alone than there is in all Europe taken to- gether ; and in every other great town it is the same."

The first letter in the volume is to General St. Leger, on his plan for improving the light artillery, or rather rendering it really light. Whether the evil as it then existed has been reme- died we do not know. The evil of comparative slowness and de- ficiency in another arm has been unfortunately too notorious during the present outbreak. The passage is only quoted to show the writer's minute observation and reflection on every branch of war ; for he was not, as he observes to the General, " re- gularly bred to the artillery."

01 The want of speed in the artillery of this country has been the cause that many advantages have been missed, many opportunities of bringing the enemy to action have not been taken because the artillery could not be brought up in time; and, for some unaccountable reason, the Native armies having had better draught-bullocks and larger establishments, have been able to draw off their artillery when that of the British army could not be moved. The only objection to light artillery is the scarcity of horses in India. I put the expense out of the question, as, if the establishment is ne-

cessary, the expense of it is not to be considered. * * * " Everybody is aware of the difficulty which attends the movement of ar- tillery by means of horses even in Europe, where the roads are comparatively excellent, where forage is comparatively plentiful, and the climate so fa- vourable to them. The largest establishment of horses that can be sup- posed necessary for a park of artillery is never equal to transporting it for any length of time or distance, and the only method of supply that can be adopted is that of pressing horses from the country in proportion as it is found that those belonging to the artillery are knocked up. That isthe uni- versal practice in all the armies in Europe, and, however improper, it can- not be dispensed with."

In a letter to his brother Lord Mornington, before he went out but while the appointment was on the tapis, there is a curious passage on the power of patronage in the Governor-General, which, as illustrating an occasional tendency in the mind of Ar- thur Wellesley to falsify a statement in spirit while adhering to the letter, is worth quoting.

" If for the sake of remaining with them [his family] in England you refuse this offer, you forego both for yourself and them what will certainly be a material and a lasting advantage. I shall be happy to be of service to you in your government ; but such are the rules respecting the disposal of you• patronage in this country, that I can't expect to derive any advantag:. from it which I ehould not obtain if any other person were Governor-Gene- ral. You may nevertheless be certain that I shall do everything in buy power to serve you."

In another place lie says, that the " Governor-General, although probably the most powerful subject in the world, in the ordinary course of business cannot make a corporal." In a literal sense this is doubtless true. Neither can the Sovereign or Prime Minis- ter of this country directly do it; but the Governor-General, if he cannot make corporals, can make fortunes ; and though he cannot manage to make a corporal, he can, as the saying is, " get it done." But in reality the Governor-generalship of Lord Morning- ton was the making of Arthur Wellesley. Had he gone to Madras as simply Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirty-third Regiment, he would not have been closeted with the Governor, Lord Clive, for five hours at a sitting, continually "consulting and advising" with him, and carrying on correspondence of more than hints with the Government at Calcutta. Neither would he have been in quite such close relations as he was with the Commander-in- chief, General Harris ; or appointed to such a prominent post in

i the preparations for the war with Tippoo, or in the subsequent campaign; or nominated (it was thought on the spot unfairly) to the governorship of Seringapatam on its capture.

We do not mean to insinuate that Arthur Wellesley was un- duly promoted by his brother. No abler man could have been found ; and, according to received notions, a Governor-General who had not advanced his brothers would have been a fool. It was what he went out for. According to the opinions of that ge- neration,—and the idea may have come down to ours,—a great man should aspire to a great place in order to provide for his re- lations. The Marquis of Wellesley, however, had too lofty an idea of statesmanship to job even for his own dmily, and was rather inclined to keep them down if he thought for a moment that they were unduly presuming. It is more clear than ever that the war against Tippoo was entirely his own resolve : the future Duke was against it then, chiefly on the ground of insufficient means: The anger, almost the rage of Arthur, on being subsequently passed over in favour of Baird, is well known. The shock which the English statesman felt when his brother Arthur, unable to get money from the Bombay Government, levied a contribution, and was immediately required to make a report of the circumstances, is also known to the reader of the former Despatches, as well as Arthur's anger thereupon. Something similar appears in this volume touching the prize-money of Seringapatam. Lieutenant- Colonel Wellesley stood up for his rights. He claimed for him- self, and other Colonels who had done duty as Major-Generals, the share of Major-Generals ; the difference being that between 27,0001. and 10,8001. for Colonels, or 64801. for Lieutenant- Colonels, which he was. The conclusion was arrived at by a series of logical steps. " Surely it will not be contended that becirtnie the customs of the serviee in this country do not adult of an officer having the title of Migedier, the Commander-in-chief Cannot avail himself of (and relieve others by) the services of a set of officers, by placing then' on a superior roger ; or t at if he does so, the most simple and most universally acknowledged rule for the distribution of prize-money, viz. that those who roll together in duty shall share together,' must be departed from. In that case the reasoning must turn upon the name, and not upon the substance, and I cannot suppose the committee will listen to it."

This question, however, was between the Colonels and the Army represented by the Prize Committee. What stirred the great Proconsul was an assumption of right to prize-money by the Army in general, and "my dear Arthur" in particular, with a fees' of consequences if there was not payment on the nail. We

i do not see any direct claim of right in Arthur Wellesley's let- ters, but it goes upon the notion that the right is too clear for mention. The Lieutenant-Colonel thus opens the trenches.

" Between ourselves, the General has contrived to involve himself in some awkward situations with the army respecting their prize-money. There is nothing about which an army is in general so jealous (particularly an In- dian army) as its prize, and by awkwardness he has given them a suspicion that it is not intended to let them have the prize. Nothing can be more absurd than such an idea, as I believe that there is no man in the army who is more anxious to get his share than General Harris. . . . . I think it would be a good thing, and would add to your popularity with the army, if in one of your letters to General Harris you were to express a hope that the prize might be divided as soon as possible, or something to prove that it is not the intention of Government to interfere in the business. A successful army which has nothing to do is very inflammable, and I never saw one so near a ferment as they were a few days ago upon a most trilling occasion, which, however, I must say was given very indiscreetly."

Before the next day he had had some communication with the Commander-in-chief.

"24th May 1799. " After I had written to you yesterday, I saw General Harris; who de- sired I would mention to you his wish that you would as soon as possible send your consent as far as it was necessary for the division of the prize. It is desirable on many accounts that it should be divided soon ; although I don't think that there is so much reason, as I thought there was yesterday, to apprehend ferment or improper behaviour in the army if it be not divided immediately."

The Marquis full of that sense of the superiority of the civil power which belongs to all English statesmen, and possibly not without some of that jealousy of "a standing army" which espe- cially distinguished the politicians of the last century, and indeed belongs to the very essence of the constitution, replies to these " pretended rights" by an admirable exposition of public law in reference to prize-money. Clear and well-balanced in his periods the Marquis always is, but on this occasion he exhibits a close- ness of reasoning and of style which very often he did not dis- play-

" Fort St. George, 30th May 1799. " My dear Arthur, " Erroneous and dangerous opinions appearing to have been conceived with respect to the whole of this question, [of prize-money,] I shall state to you, without reserve, the grounds of my judgment upon it ; and I request you to become the channel of conveying my sentiments to General Harris, as it is through you alone that he has expressed any idea of a reference to me with regard to the application of this property. Even in his communi- cation through you, he seems to doubt whether my judgment be necessary to decide the question.

" The right to all property taken from the enemy in war is originally in the state : this is a principle which no man acquainted with public law will attempt to dispute. This right is sometimes regulated or modified by the British Government under proclamations from the Crown, or statutes called prize acts, by which the absolute right of the state is conveyed, under cer- tain limitations and restrictions, to the captors; but where no such special regulations exist, the right of the state is unquestionable to every species of property. taken in war under any circumstances whatever. " An incorrect notion has prevailed, that property taken in a fortress or town which has been stormed is exclusively the right of the captors. In the confusion which necessarily attends an assault of this nature, it must often be impossible either to restrain the soldier from plunder, or to bring him to account for the property seized ender such circumstances. From the mere necessity of the case, therefore, and not from any right arising to the army from the nature of the assault, the state cannot come into possession of property actually plundered in an assault. But the claim of the state still remains unimpaired ; and wherever an account can be taken of the enemy's captured property, even in a fort taken by assault, (unless, as Ihave before stated, some previous regulation has been adopted on the subject,) it must remain at the disposal of the state. The discretion of the Government in disposing of property captured by its military force in war must be go- verned by a variety of considerations arising out of the particular case. In most cases it has been deemed expedient by the British Government to grant the whole amount to the captors ; but this has always been an act of the Government, where it has been possible for the Government to be con- sulted. Where the amount of the property taken has been very consider- able, a part of it only has frequently been granted to the captors in the form of a donation ; and cases might be stated wherein the pretended right of the army to the whole property, taken under similar circumstances to that at Seringapattam, must lead to the ruin both of the army and ofthe state.

" This is the law of nations, and the tenour of the King's and the Com- pany's orders on the subject of booty taken in war by the combined forces of his Majesty and the East India Company. " My sincere good wishes for General Harris, as well as my. anxiety to avoid the public (Traces:non of a very disagreeable question, have induce me to abstain from any official statement of these arguments ; but I request you to represent to General Harris on my part, in the most serious manner, the discredit which he will bring upon his own character, and the confusion of which he will be the responsible author, if he should permit the army to proceed to a division of the prize taken in Seringapatam without submitting the whole of the question to the authority of Government. He will occa- sion a mischief nearly of equal extent if he shall encourage the army to ex- pect that I can, consistently with my public duty, grant the whole amount of the prize to the army without a previous reference to the Company and to his Majesty. I cannot, without a gross violation of my trust, proceed further than to grant one-half of the prize to theeaptors, reserving the re- mainder for the determination of his Majesty and of the Court of Directors.

"In this private communication I have no hesitation in declaring, that if the whale of the treesture land jewels found in Seringapatam should not amount to a mach larger sum than that which Ihave heard stated, namely, about a crore of rupee, after granting fifty lees immediately to the army, I shall recommend in the strongest terms loth to the Court of Directors and to his Majesty's Ministers to grant the whole of the remaining fifty hies to that gallant body, whose conduct I shall ever remember with admiration and gratitude. " he whole of the ordnance, ammunition, and military stores, must ab- solutely await the determination of his Majesty and the Court of Directors."

When the question of prize-money was settled us to right, a fact turns up of some interest as regards the biography of the Duke and the character of the Marquis.

" My share of the prize-money, amounting in jewels to about 3000 pago- das and in money to 7000, will enable me to pay the money which you ad- vanced to purchase my Lieutcnant-Colonelcy, and that which was borrowed from Captain Stapleton on our joint bond. I will put it into the Eight per cent Loan, and will send you the securities with a statement of the account as accurately made out as possible from my memory. It is better that I should put it in the Eight per cent Loan than endeavour to send it to you in any other manner, as I conceive that my example may have some influence over the conduct of other officers in the army."

To this the Governor-General replies.

" Fort St. George, 19th June 1799. " My dear Arthur—To your letter of the 14th I answer, that no consi- deration can induce me to accept payment of the sums which I have for- merly advanced for you. I am in no want of money, and probably never shall be : when I am, it will be time enough to call upon you. In the meanwhile, I should think that through Henry you might easily convert your Eight per cent Bonds into Decennial paper at Calcutta."

Here is a hint to officers going on a campaign as to what is the cheapest table-service.

"Fort St. George, [Madras.] 14th Oct. 1798.

" My dear Henry—As I think it probable that we shall take the field, and as in that ease I shall be obliged to keep a table, I must get some plate, which is the only certain method of having anything to eat off, and in the end it comes cheapest. If Mornington has bought that plate of Hunt's, and does not want it, I shall be glad to have the soup-tureen and dishes at the price which he paid for them ; and I shall be obliged to you if you will order for me at Bakes as many dishes of the same pattern, in addition thereto, as Lamette will think necessary for a camp dinner for twelve people. If Mornington wants Hunt's plate, order for me at Itaitt's a soup- tureen and dishes for twelve people, and desire him to make them of the pattern of the two plates which I got from him before I left Bengal.

" Send them to me by the first ship. I shall not -want plates, knives, forks, nor spoons, as everybody in an Indian camp brings those articles for himself : the host finds eatables and dishes only."

There are several indications of civilian incapacity and interfer- ence, as well as a picture of the Bengal Army, which show that some of the evils now turning up were rife in India sixty years ago, and so allowed to remain by the Company. Except in this way, we do not perceive that the volume has so much bearing on present affairs as has been said. It abounds with military obser- vations, and hints of various kinds, from which the student can derive instruction, and with many maxims of general utility, or with terse remarks characteristic of the man.