SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

Por.firical, CORRESPONDENCE, Letters of Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, to the Chevalier de St. George, and some of the Adherents of the House of Stuart. From the Originals in her Majesty's Possession. Vol. I. [The Stuart Papers. Printed from the Originals in

the possession of her Majesty the Queen. Correspondence. Vol. 1 ] Wright. NATIONAL. Posurr,

A Lytell Geste of Robin Rode, with other Ancient and Modern Ballads and Songs relating to this celebrated Yeoman; to which is prefixed his History and Charac- ter, grounded upon other Documentathan these made use of by his former Biogra- pher, " Mister Ritson." Edited by John Mathew Gutch, F.S.A. ; and adorned

with Cuts by F. W. Falitolt,T.S.A. In two volumes. Longman and CO. NATURAL SCIENCE,

Chemistry of the Four Seasons, Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter : an Rainy principally concerning Natural Pluenomena admitting of Interpretation by Chemi- cal Science, and illustrating Passages of Scripture. By Thomas Griffiths, Professor of Chemistry in the Medical College of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, Author of "Re-

creations In Chemistry," Sec Churchill. Fieriest,

The Jesuit in the Family; a Tale. By Andrew Steinmetz, Author of " The No- vitiate ; or the Jesuit in Training." Stealth and Elder •

BISHOP ATTERBUR.I'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE FIRST PRETENDER.

IT is common knowledge that, on his death, in 1807, Cardinal York, Ahe last representative of the Stuart line, bequeathed to George the Third the Stuart Papers, as a mark of gratitude for the pension which the King had allowed him when the Revolutionary invasion of Italy swept away his income. Since that period, they have enriched the archives of the house of Brunswick; accessible in certain cases, as to Lord Mahon for his History, but for general purposes a sealed book. If we rightly understand the scope of the present undertaking, it is intended to publish, under the Royal auspices, all of the collection that is not "entirely worthless." It begins with the Correspondence of Atterbury ; of which the first volume, extending from 1717 to 1725, is before us.

The birth of Francis Atterbury, in 1662—his education at Westmin-

ster and Christchurch—the intellectual power of his preaching—his High Church principles—his rapid rise, especially on the accession of the Tories to power under Queen Anne—his alleged offer on her death to Oxford and Bolingbroke to accompany the heralds in full canonicals to proclaim the Pretender at Charing Cross—his prosecution in 1722-23, on a charge of corresponding with the exiled family—his consequent banishment—and his death, at Paris, in 1731—may be read of in any biographical dictionary. Till the publication of Lord Mahon's History, the extent of Atterbury's correspondence with the exiled Stuarts was a matter of some doubt, because the evidence against him rested on letters with cant names and designedly obscure in their allusions, even if they were correctly deci- phered. The justice of his conviction is for ever settled by the pre- sent publication. Atterbury .appears not only as a correspondent, but as an active and influential agent of the Pretender; and if it be treason to aid and abet the King's enemies by advice, the Bishop of Rochester was probably guilty of treason.

It has also been doubted whether Atterbury was not neglected in his banishment by the Pretender. This doubt is setat rest by the correspond- ence. The Bishop's hot temper and self-opinion might induce the exiled Court to keep matters from him that he would have disapproved of, and to have occasionally adopted a species of management, by which flattering

learai"WW3.41Pin."".4 .C". made a substitute for trust : but there is no doubt of the high consideration which tilt .e for Lad for him, and the value he attached to his services ; or that his confidence would have been unlimited but for Atterbury's temper. This is the more creditable as the Stuart followers were almost to a man enemies of the Bishop, on account of his infirmity; and anticipated ill from him even in success. One of them writes of him in these terms immediately after his death.

" As to the poor Bishops death, it was indeed dreadfully sudden, being choked in three minutes after the violent fitt took him, without haveing time to as God help him. I hope at least your Majesties affaires will be far from suffering by his death; for bad he lived to see a restoration, I am affrayd he had proved very un easy to your Majesty on many accounts. He was otherwise a great man both as to naturall and acquired parts, but his many faults made his parts useless, or tin easy to those who had to dean with him."

For a man of Atterbury's abilities, literature, and experience of life, the Correspondence is not so attractive as might have been expected. Just observations, shrewd remarks on men, and biting though evidently true pictures of the Jacobite party and the politics of foreign courts, will be found scattered through the letters ; but there is little of historical inte- rest. This arises from no deficient comprehension, but from the hard necessity of the case. The exiled Jacobites (it was known before, but it is here more forcibly impressed) were powerless—a party without a plan—dependent even for hope upon what foreign courts might choose to do for them • and all that these courts ever did was to amuse them, or, when it suited their own purposes, to play off the Jacobites against Eng- land, but without the slightest intention of risking even trouble on their account. At the period over which this volume extends, the house of Bourbon was hand and glove with the house of Hanover ; and seems, as Atterbury divined, to have furnished Walpole with such information as applications to the French 'Ministry supplied. The hopes and projects of the unhappy exiles travelled as far as Muscovy. They hoped that if Russia and Sweden were at peace some assistance might be derived from that quarter ; then they hoped something from Peter alone, then from his Empress, Catherine. Spain, or the Emperor of Germany, it was also hoped, might do something ; and Pope's celebrated Wharton tra- velled to Vienna to endeavour to persuade that poor, powerless, and slow-moving court, to embark in a 'business in which it had not the slightest concern. Before his exile, Atterbury had described the Tory party at home as "living upon the hopes of schemes which have no great colour of probability in them " ; though he adduced it as a proof of their steadiness. On another occasion he is equally distinct : writing to General DPI/111,11e says, in reference to a previous letter, " There is nothing in it that will give you any new lights as to matters here, but all.tends still to assure you of what 1 have always said, that you can have no reasonable expectations from hence; and that though nine in ten of the kingdom do most certainly wish well, they will wish only, without stirring a step towards what they wish, unless a body of foreign troops comes to our relief, of which I find now there is no reasonable hope."

The absence of real matter, the scheming character which necessarily pervades the Correspondence, deprives it of substance, and renders still more unattractive those detailed particulars that more or less attach to a complete series of business letters. The epistles of the actual agents of these abortive attempts might very possibly contain sketches of men, and of the arta of politicians, that would have an interest in themselves. Such, indeed, is occasionally found in the illustrative extracts in the notes and the appendix : but there is little of this in the letters of Atterbury. The infirmities consequent upon ill health and age almost confined him to the house; and he replied to written or verbal information, rather than dealt with living men. His writings consequently partake more of the opinion of the chamber counsel than the report of the living contest. The interest of the book, indeed, is individual or biographical; and consists in the personal traits which are indicated, or the characters of the writers, as they occasionally unfold themselves. These do not, indeed, afford a very favourable opinion of the Jacobite party ; for the passages generally originate in quarrels with each other, or in some matter of supposed treachery or contemplated desertion by "a hot friend cooling": but they possess the interest that arises from strong character or an under cur- rent of passion. The preface, in which the editor gives an account of the seizure of Atterbury's papers after his death, by orders from the Pre- tender, and the struggles of Mr. Morice, the Bishop's son-in-law, and his friends, to gain possession of such parts of them as they required, is interesting for the biographical particulars it incidentally exhibits, as well as for the story itself. The appendix contains the full particulars of a cu- rious quarrel between Atterbury and the Honourable James Murray, who was residing at Paris as a sort of minister of the Pretender. There are several letters from both parties on the subject, but the following extract from one of Murray's. contains the fullest account of the origin of the difference, and well illustrates the character of both disputants.

" THE HONOURABLE JAMES MURRAY TO THE EARL OF INVERNESS.

" Paris, 30th April 1725.

"M Lord—You will find by what I write to the King by this post, that I have found myself under a necessity, which you may believe was very disagreeable to me, to break entirely with the Bishop of Rochester. The occasion of it is some- thing so extravagantly out of the way, that I'm sure you will be astonished it should come from any man in his senses. Could you believe that it would have been imputed to me as a crime, to endeavour to unite France and Spain in order to serve the King? yet after a great deal of very absurd discourse on this subject, delivered in very ill humour, telling me that I dipped in popish measures, and that he would not have the King restored by a popish army, and far less at the Pope's intercession, he at last told me with a most insolent air, that he would ra- ther have cut off his right hand, than have written my last despatch. I was so far master of myself that 1 made no answer, but got up with some vivacity and left the room. I imagined this whole conversation must have only been the effect of a sour humour to which he is extremely subject, and therefore, having waited one day in hopes to have heard from him, I sent him a message the next by Mr. O'Brien, to let him know in the most respectfal manner, that such a way of reasoning was not allowed of amongst gentlemen, and that I took his manner of expressing himself amiss; not doubting. but on reflexion, be would have excused the matter: but having received no satisfaction, nor seen the least mark as if he felt he had been in the wrong to me, I wrote him a letter, to which he writ an answer, justifying; thq part 0,ery solution v mm more. it is but fair to let Atterbury say a word for himself. The following shows a much better temper than Murray displays, if it be not altogether, as Mr. Glover characterizes it, "eloquent and most touching." " 1 have seen two or three letters written to Finlay (Mr. Murray] from your parts, during these seven weeks past. I hope for the future we shall live in a stricter conjunction. Assure yourself, if we do not, it shall be none of my fault. Pray perswade him not to magnify little differences, or make them the subjects of solemn complaints. If that be the case, thete will be no ease or confidence be- tween us. We are old friends and mean the same thing, and cannot well interfere with each other, in our views, on any point. If I err in an expression, or even in an opinion, my age, infirmities, and sufferings, may be allowed to plead my ex- cuse and to cover it in silence. But enough and too much of this matter."

The only approach to an independent plan of action by the Jacobite party through the whole volume, was on occasion of the act for disarming the Highlanders; which James and some of his advisers thought a fa- vourable opportunity for an insurrection of the clans. James, however, vacillated ; and the Marquis of Seafort took upon himself to "send word to the Highlands, through England, that they should submit." His au- thority for this was a private news-letter from Rome; but it was so far accurate, that Atterbury held instructions for Seafort to the same effect, though they were afterwards countermanded. In the Bishop's opinion, the Marquis did it "having entered into measures with the other side" ; which turned out to be the fact. The unhappy prince seems to have possessed his soul in patience; which he well needed, for the quarrels, jealousies, and liberties of his volunteer subjects, must have tried any one sorely. Seafort wrote several letters upon the matter; to one of which (that is lost) the titular King replies—" I shall not take any par- ticular notice of the stile in which it is writ, nor of the complaints made by it ; my circumstances having but too often exposed me to freedoms in both these respects, which I am willing to overlook in those who I believe to be my friends.' The letter in which the Marquis seems to have finally taken leave of the King and the topic, may be quoted as a model of the cool way in which a helpless superior may be reproached and affronted.

" THE MARQUIS OF SEAPORT TO JAMES.

" Sir—I take the liberty to acquaint you, that my friends have obtain'd leave for me to return to Britten].

" Last year I lay'd before your Majestie for your approbation, the proposal made me by my people, and (as on all former occasions as often as I beg'd any favours) your Majestie was pleas'd to decline it, supposing it not consistent with your interest or my honour. But since I can satisfy you it is contrary to neither, I have now embraced it, rather than starve where 1 have been so many years un- regarded- "Had your Majestie don me the honour to herken to me, without presumption

I can affirm, I might have been more usefull. But so far from that, that after losing my estate, venturing my life, and keeping up my men for the space of eleven years in readiness to receive your commands, you even refus'd to shew them or me any countenance, or marks of your approbation of our conduct, and won'd neither hear nor see mee, nor admit me into any of your Concils, but leave me to be at the beck of such as either did not understand your interest in our

pai,;ts, or wilfully made it give way to their own. Severall months ago when your Majestie was pleas'd to write your thoughts of the disarming the Highlanders, your Minister here [Atterbury] wou'd not so much as let me see your letter address'd to myself (of which and its contents I had advice) but contrary, Sir, to your sentiments, wou'd have me go to Scotland to oppose the measures that were resolv'd on there. I was no stranger to what we cou'd do: nor did I doubt but I cou'd disappoint them for that season, but to the inevitable destruction of my people; because we cou'd not always keep the field: and when they wou'd return to their respective homes, must expect to be pick td up one after an other, by troops quarter'd on their skirts for that purpose; and pursuant to act of Parliament, sent as soldiers to the Indies, thence never to return, on pain of being hang'd. By which means, thepresent set of inhabitants must be lost, and the country planted with others [who] won'd be as much my enemies as these now are my sincere friends. Might not mankind in that re- spect, censure me as an ungrateful! wretch, that won'd venture the ruin of that brave and faithfull people who were ready to hazard all was dear to them for me. Your Majestie'a minister told me I might depend upon foreign aid: but you'd not let me know from what quarter. I did not question his fidelity, nor his being as great a statesman as the world allows him a scholar; but before I cou'd pin my beliefs upon any man's sleeve, in a ease of that consequence, I must needs sup- pose him as mach inspied in politicks, as others have been in Divinity: which I thought not; because I knew he was misinform'd in things [that] were as much within my sphere, as they were out of his. For my further encouragement he say'd he wou'd prevail with your Majestie (on condition of my complyance) to grant me whatever was in your power. But the reason already offend, was suffi- cient to withstand all temptations: and if I were to be honour'd with your Ma- jestic's favour I shou'd not be fond of owing it to any but your self. I enquir'd of him what we'd be the reason of your Majesties refusing every thing I offer'd at; he answer'd that I had writ disrespectful] letters. I have since perus'd the copys of all I ever gave my self the honour of writing to you; and can not (according to my way of thinking) find any wad give offence. The situation of your affairs, Sir, seem'd to require that my letters shou'd be more sincere than courtly : and I was willing to show that I cou'd distingnish between the frown and smile of my prince. But if by too plain dealing that way I have offended, I humbly ask par- don, for 'twits beyond my intention. I am apt to think that those who you'd cut your throat with a feather, wrote in a more smooth stile: but I love candour, and beg leave to appeal to your Majestie whether it were not a hardship to serve any prince on earth that us'd me, as I suppose your enemies advis'd you to treat me, and whether as a faithfull and loyal subject I ought not rather to retire where I can subsist inoffensively than follow a court longer. " Infine, my men are disarm'd, and so am I of cours; my honour is engag'd for theirs and my peaceable behaviour, consequently eqaall to your Majestie's interest —whether I return to what was my home or remain longer abroad. Tis allow'd at all hands, that conquest doe justify a subject's submission. Whether the kingdom be conquer'd or not, I think, I am. If any is an loyall as to judge other- wise, let him do more than I have done, if he can: and that man and no other, is more justly intitled than my self, to be esteem'd " Sir, your Majesties most Dutiful' and Obedient humble Servant and Subject. SEAPORT.

" Paris, 30th July 1726."

This volume is edited by Mr. Glover, the Librarian at Windsor Castle, with the greatest pains: almost every fact is illustrated by notes or in the appendix; illustrations being drawn from the Stuart Papers them- selves. rith documents of this kind it is difficult to draw the line; be-

cause their historical use being the first consideration, nothing should be left obscure for the practical inquirer. We suspect, however, that Mr. Glover has somewhat over-explained, both in the number of things se- loeteil and in the elaborate manner in which the explanation is given.:m the foot-notes. This remark does not apply to flit matter the appen- dix; which, from its topics, the completeness of their exposition, and the variety of the writers, is often the most generally interesting part of the book. A considerable contraction of the scale of the foot-notes would seem desirable in the ensuing volumes.