NEWS OF THE WEEK.

We shall state as much as we can of what was said on each of these great topics ; minor proceedings must be cast into the shade.

1. PORTUGAL. ViSCOUTIt MELBOURNE moved for "Copies of all correspondence between the Government of this country and our Ambassador in Portugal, from the year 1826 tothe Period of his re- turn ; copies of all communications to or from Sir Frederick Larrillefrom the 1st of March 1828, together with all communications respecting the Queen of Portugal, and generally all communications respecting the affairs of Por- tugal during the last four years." The Government, Lord Melbourne contended, had compromised its honour by the mode of its interference with Portuguese affairs. We had" recommended, sanctioned, and carried a Constitution to Por- tugal," and afterwards abandoned those who were faithful to it. Our interests in that country had consequently been sacrificed. Portugal, in fact, had been thrown into the arms of some Foreign Power.

"But if this question," he observed, "affects the interests of the country, still more gravely does it affect its honour ; and on this subject I must con- fess that I feel more than usually sensitive; for in looking back to history I do not think that it appears that fidelity, or good faith to foreign kingdoms, has been the distinguishing virtue of this country—nor that it is that por- tion of our annals to which we can look back with the greatest satisfaction. On this head the whole course of our history presents a series of abandon- ments. Witness the abandonment of the French Protestants by Charles I.; the abandonment of Holland by Charles II.; the abandonment of the great alliance of Europe by the Treaty of Utrecht; the abandonment of the Em- peror, when Alsace and Lorraine were wrested from him • and the abandon- ment of Prussia in the peace of .1763. All these circumstances should make vs anxious to preserve our good faith now, without the possibility of contra- vention. I know that it may be said, that what I am recommending leads to an adoption of that meddling policy which my noble friend (Earl of Aber- deen) has always condemned. But he must be well aware that a course of absolute non-interference cannot be strictly adopted with respect to a coun- try that has relations, connexions, and colonies in all parts of the globe." For his own part, Lord Melbourne, in his diplomatic capacity, had always, from anxiety not to compromise the honour of this country, declined countenancing revolutionary schemes, however much he might approve of them ; but in the ease of Portugal he feared we were compromised. It was proved that the Constitution had been recom- mended by the British Government ; it was evident that we were in Part the cause of the calamities produced. He thought that our po- licy towards Don Miguel had been too much of a temporizine. nature. We should not have dealt in half rebukes, but have at once declined all intercourse with him.

"He now approached a portion of the papers presented to Parliament, to which he could not allude without pain and regret—he meant the corre- spondence between the noble Premier and the Marquisses Barbaccna and Palmella, respecting the Portuguese troops that had been landed in this country. It was, in his opinion, one of the greatest blessings of our consti- tution, that under it the very highest offices in the state were open to every individual in the country. He could not avoid observing, however, that the present noble Premier should endeavour to give to his Administration as much of a civil character as possible, in order not to afford his enemies an opportunity of saying that that act (he meant the conduct adopted towards the unfortunate Portuguese troops) could only have been conceived in the mind of a mere soldier, and that it would not have been tolerated for a mo- ment in the mind of any other individual in such an exalted station."

Our treatment of the Refugees had been at once ungenerous and contrary to the law of nations. The conduct of Government called loudly for the investigation of Parliament. The Earl of ABERDEEN maintained that this country had, through- out, observed the strictest neutrality in regard to Portuguese affairs. We had not guaranteed the Constitution. 111r. Canning had from the first disclaimed any such intention, in his correspondence with all the courts of Europe. We had not even suggested the expediency of such a Constitution. A reference to dates would prove that it was hatched in the space of a week in the brain of Don Pedro himself. The Cortes had chosen Don Miguel for their King, and a vast majority of the nation had acquiesced in that decision. We surely had no right to interfere in the matter.

" I am ready," said Lord Aberdeen, "to admit that Don Miguel is false treacherous, and perjured, and there is no possibility of denying that he is. cruel ; and, as cruelty is in general the offspring of cowardice, that he is cowardly may also be admitted ; but I am by no means prepared' to assent to all that has been said respecting him. I am persuaded that there is in the invectives poured out against that personage much of exaggeration-- so much so, that,the general truth of the greater part of them I very much question—they are such as the mind must revolt from believing. I would' add to this observation, that we ought not to inquire too minutely into the. personal character of Princes, especially of the foreign Princes towards, whom we desire to stand in amicable relations. It is of little importance to us whether Don Miguel be a Nero or a Titus. Our business is not with the personal chaarcter of those who reign, but with the public interest of hotly countries. * * The periods of our closest intimacy with Portugal were

not during the reigns of its most amiable Monarchs; and no doubt, wher4the• proper time comes for the recognition of the Power established in Portugal by this country, our relations with her will be placed upon as cordial a foot-

ing as ever. * * I learn from the public newspapers—I profess, ow

this point, to have no other sources of information—that the Brazilians

Government not only avoided all cause of hostility with Portugal in this matter, but manifested considerable uneasiness under any imputations of the sort. How exceedingly uncalled' for, then, would our interference have been, had we done that which the dominions of Don Pedro himself had re- frained from doing."

In reference to the affair at Terceira, he contended that Govern- ment was bound to issue the orders which it did. The Portuguese were not entitled to be considered neutrals, after using false pa,pers and false clearances. How were the troops in question paid? Their Lordships were not perhaps aware that the Portuguese loan 4ue English creditors had'. :en inteicepted by the Brazilian age;its, applied to the maintenance of these troops. "He did assure their Lordships that every step taken in tlre ousbAss had been the result of a sense of duty, and not of any applicatkm from the pre- sent Government of Portugal; and he thought that whea the Portuguese Government learned that persons calling themselves the agents of Don Pedro. were allowed to exercise sovereign powers in this cormtry, granting orders and rewards, it would have reason to question our strict neutrality. It was his opinion that even if the information asked for by the Noble Lord were proper to be granted, yet no practical use could be made of it ; believing the information on the table of the House quite sufficient to explain the actual state of the relations between England and Portugal."

Viscount GODERICH contended, that the conduct of the British. Government towards the adherents of Donna Maria was indefensible. He begged at the same time to vindicate the Marquis Palmella, whom he knew to be a man of the highest honour ; and he wished most. fervently, that "the transaction of Terceira could be blotted Out Or , the annals of this country."

The Earl of CARNARVON concurred with Viscount Goderich re- specting our conduct towards the Portuguese loyalists on their way to Terceira.

"It was said that thatAsland was the seat of civil war, hut where wes the proof? He was convinced, that all the civil war—all the intestine rage, of which so much had been said—was confined to the correspondence of the- noble Duke opposite and the Marquis de Palmella. He said this advisedly;. for he knew it as a fact that Count Villa Flor, whose glorious defeat of the - armament of the usurper all England—at least all out of office—heard with. acclamation, had the satisfaction of an honourable victory, unalloyed by a_ single inhabitant of the island being engaged on the side of the enemy. It was attempted to justify our conduct by the law of nations. But were we- the sole interpreters of the law of nations ? How differently was the law of nations with respect to these brave men interpreted by the French Govern- ment, who unhesitatingly permitted the refugees to land and to proceed as. they pleased. The declaration of the noble Secretary of State for Foreign- Affairs, that Don Miguel would not be acknowledged till he had ratified a.

treaty or act of complete amnesty and restoration of all his opponents—af- forded him great satisfaction. He trusted that it would be felt by the brave

and unfortunate victims of Don Miguel's tyranny—the extent of whose' sufferings, he begged leave to say, was but little known in this country—that- their restoration to their families and political condition was wholly owing: to the influence of the British Government."

The Duke of WELLINGTON defended the policy of Government at great length. For the affair at Terceira, the Marquis of Bubacena's. duplicity was to blame.

"He really must say that his noble friend opposite had not considered Oaten the difficulties of the case, or the difficulties of the position in which the Govern,. ment was placed. He was sorry to say that since that time those persons, hey means of subterfuge and passing from one country to another, had sucemdestlit arriving atTerceira. He hoped this country would feel no inconvenience from this occupation of the Azores. He must tell their Lordships that if the other Governments of Europe had done their duty in the way in which we had per... formed ours, Europe would have had a better chance of a permanent peace resulting from recent transactions between Portugal and Brazil, than.itpos,-, sessed at the present moment, Not that our Ciovernmeat entertained.

apprehension of war ; but he must say, that the state of things at Terceira at the present moment was not that which ought to have been and would have been, if the other Powers of Europe had done their duty as the Government of this country had done. He had made their Lordships acquainted with his objections to the production of the paperirealled for by the motion. The question stood at the present moment in precisely the same state in which it stood when it last came under theif Lordships' consideration, and he hoped their Lordships would not insist upon the production of the papers until Mi- nisters should advise his Majesty to lay them before Parliament."

A division took place, and the motion was negatived by 52 to 21.

2. GREECE. The affairs of this country were brought again under review by Lord Joule RUSSELL ; who, after alluding to the state- ments made last week in the House of Lords, made the following motion.

" That this House learns with satisfaction, that his Majesty has recently concerted with his Allies, measures for the pacification and final settlement of Greece ; and it trusts that his Majesty will be enabled, at an mix period, to give such information as may explain the course his Majesty hasrpursued in this important transaction.

" That it is the confident hope of this House, that such final settlement will be found to secure to Greece territory sufficient for national defence ; and that the Government will be provided with full powers to adopt those insti- tutions which are suited to the wishes and wants of the people."

Mr. PEEL stated that the King had been pleased to order that all papers connected with the affairs of Greece should be submitted to Parliament. This would shortly be done. He therefore begged to decline farther discussion at that time.

" The noble.Lord avows that his main object is, if possible, to procure an explanation on two points which he deems of pressing importance,—Ist the nature of the institutions provided by the Allies for the future Government of Greece ; 2d, the territorial limits to be assigned to the new state. On the first point I apprehend I shall be enabled to give complete satisfaction. I assure the noble Lord, that in the arrangements' the bases of which have been laid by the Allies, who are parties to the treaty of the 6th July, although the noble Lord seems to have heard rumours to the contrary, no attempt has been made to dictate despotic monarchy to Greece. No provision is made in the arrangements which can control the establishment of such institutions as may he compatible with the present situation of Greece. I can also venture to disclaim, certainly on the part of my own country, and I believe on the part of France and Russia, any wish to interfere with the formation of such institutions as are best calculated to secure the liberty and promote the hap- piness of Greece. (Cheers.) Into the second point, which relates to the limits of the new state, I can scarcely enter without an infringement of the principle to which I referred at the commencement of my observations. On the 22d of March was issued a protocol, to which the noble Lord referred, and which in some way or other obtained publicity in the Continental journals, relating to the limits of Greece, and the noble Lord has expressed his appre- hensions that the boundaries now about to be assigned will be less than those mentioned in the protocol. I can venture to assure the noble Lord, that the arrangement now in progress for the independence, happiness, and security of Greece is, in my opinion, much more favourable than that which was con- templated in the protocol. The territorial limits may be less extensive, but the compensation for the more confined limits will, I think, be found ample." 11 Mr. Peel then entered into a defence of Ministers from the charge of haying betrayed Turkey ; and proved, by a reference to dates and documents, that they were not in the slightest degree responsible for the war between Russia and Turkey. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH expressed himself satisfied with Mr. Peel's statements.

Lord PALMERSTON was very differently affected by them, and closed a speech of some length, in which he reviewed the policy of this country towards Greece, with a declaration that he would support the motion.

Mr. PEE/. complained of the "unpremeditated impromptu of his noble friend," and objected to the further discussion of the question at that time. His noble friend had made certain statements about en- larging the limits of Greece.

" He did not, however, know in whose confidence his noble friend might he or whom he might undertake to represent in making that statement, unless he came to that conclusion from having been in office at the time of the execution of the treaty."

Lord PALMERSTON made a hot rejoinder.

"My right honourable friend has told the House that he does not know whose representative I am. I will tell him. I stand here, humble as I am, as one of the representatives of the people of England; and next, as the representative of my own opinions—opinions, Sir, which I will never shape to suit the opinions of any other individual, let his situation be what it may, either in this House or out of this House. I stand here as the representa- tive of my own opinions ; and I think I can appeal to the recollection of my right honourable friend himself, to bear witness that those opinions have not changed since I had the honour of acting with him. I also stand here, I trust, as one of that body which represents, or which at least ought to be the maintainers of the honour and interests of England ; and I can assure the House that I shall never be deterred from that duty by any taunts which my right honourable friend may not think unworthy of himself, or by any taunts which may extract a reluctant and unfrequent cheer from those who sit behind the Treasury Bench. (Cheers.) My right honourable friend has in- sinuated that I have availed myself of information obtained while in office. Now, my belief is, that I have stated nothing which every man who reads the newspapers of Europe, or who mixes in the society of any country he may happen to be in, might not have stated just as fully ; and if the Ministry think that nothing of all this is known beyond the corner of Downing Street, except that which they are pleased to communicate, they are most grievously mistaken, for much more of the political state of Greece is known to the whole of Europe than perhaps they would desire." Mr. PEEL explained, and Lord PALMERSTON assured him that nothing which might pass between them in the House should impair their friendship.

Lord Jourr. Russem. consented to withdraw his motion.

a. LAW REFORM. Preparatory to the reforms contemplated as the result of the late inquiries, Mr. PEEL brought in a Bill "to regulate the appropriation of fees to public officers in the Courts of Common

In applying for leave, he explained at great length what the -Worms would consist of,—the forms of pleading to be simplified ; the

CountAt Law Courts to be extended, so as to preyed in

some cases a resort to Equity ; arbitration in matters of account ; the proof or admission of written documents before trial ; the Welsh jurisdictions to be incorporated with those of England ; the number of Exchequer Judges in Scotland tohe diminished, the Admiralty, Commissary, and Jury Courts, to be engrafted into the Court of Session. Mr. Peel concluded by observing, that

" Whatever may be the value set upon our institutions, it must surely be conceded that they may be with propriety altered, when that alteration is attended with an improvement in the moral state, the public prosperity, and private comforts of the people. And surely nothing can tend more strdngly to this effect than measures calculated to preserve the rights and vindicate the wrongs of individuals, as expedition, purity, and dimi- nished expense in the administration of justice must assuredly do." (Loud Cheers.)

Mr. BROUGHAM approved of all the proposed reforms, so far as they went. The abolition of the Welsh judicatures would lessen the

dangerous patronage which Ministers at present possessed. With regard to Scotland, " He could not help thinking, that nothing would go farther towards a- tending trial by Jury there, than the assistance. of some English barristers, who, thoroughly versed in the rules of evidence, and in the practice of our Jury Courts, would open their minds to the manners, the habits, and the usages of the people of Scotland. In a word, he thought it would be ex- tremely advantageous to remove the restriction which now confined the no- mination of Judges to the Scotch bar. He feared that Mr. Peel would find it difficult to equalize, as he proposed, the amount of business in the courts in Westminster Hall. Suitors preferred the Court of King's Bench."

Mr. O'CONNELL warmly commended the speech of Mr. PEEL; and proceeded to give his own views on the subject.

" What he wished to see effected was the simplification of the laws in the adoption of some general and simple system—a system so simple that all who ran might read. He, wished to see courts for the recovery of debts es- tablished throughout the Country. He had heard that there was an intention to establish small debt courts in the country ; but if courts were fit to de- cide upon small debts, why were they not to decide upon large debts ? Ile would never hear it said that there need be one law for the poor and another for the rich—that a law was not suited to the rich and wealthy, but that it was good enough for the poor. He would not, therefore, have a grand em- porium in London, where all were compelled to resort for justice, but he would have the tribunals brought nearer home. The technical system of pleading he hoped would be entirely abolished. Was it not a disgrace to a civilized nation that such a system of pleading should exist as was an out- rage upon the understanding of those who could penetrate it, and utterly in- comprehensible to the great mass of the people ? He wished to see cases decided upon their merits, and not upon points of form. With respect to fees, he wished to see them abolished altogether—there should he no turn- pike gates on the road to justice. But what he wished almost above every thing, was to see the whole laws reduced to a code, as Mr. Peel had already codified the criminal laws."

4. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved for leave to bring in a bill having for its object the restoration of its

constitutional influence to the House of Commons. He assured the House, that if they meditated political improvement, they must revert to the Constitution as it existed five centuries and a half ago.

"Citizens and burgesses of great towns should choose their representa- tives at election by scot and lot, upon the principle which operated when the great Selden was a member of that House. According to the plan which he had in contemplation, a Committee should be chosen by ballot in ten days, which might take a review of all cities and boroughs in the kingdom, exa- mine into their present state, and make a report to the Secretary for the Home Department of those which had fallen into decay, or in any manner forfeited their right to representation on the principles of the English con- stitution as anciently recognised by national and parliamentary usage. The Home Secretary would be expected to act forthwith on this official report ; and all such places might, in consequence, be relieved henceforward from

the burden of sending members to serve in Parliament. (Laughter.) The fact that they had ceased to elect representatives being immediately an- nounced in the Gazette, they should cause the vacancy in the representation to be filled up by those towns which were unrepresented hitherto. All elec- tions would be held by scot and lot, and electors should vote on the authority of the oldest qualifications which were known to the law and constitution of the country. There was also another old law which he deemed it expedient to revive as a wholesome custom in itself, and conformable to ancient prac- tice when the constitution was in its vigour ; he alluded to the custom of paying wages to members for their attendance in Parliament. (Loud laughter.) If this principle should be adhered to, it would be, in his opinion, a material preventive of abuses. If he were asked where the principles of the constitution that he spoke of could be found, he would reply that they were interspersed throughout the earlier pages of our history and statute- book. Some would be discovered in Magna Charta, some in the act for fix- ing the qualifications of burgesses and the rest in various other parts of the Parliamentary records of the kingdom, which it would not be difficult to spe- cify seriatim, if such minuteness were required. But there was an aggregate of constitutional authority in abundance.'

Mr. 'ICEHOUSE expressed his determination to vote for every ge- neral measure of Parliamentary reform.

"He had lately met with an old paper, being a Plan for a Reform of Par- liament, supposed to be proposed for the Parliament of Charles the First's reign. It was found about eighty years ago among some old Parliamentary Papers : probably some of the members had met with it as well as himself, but as it was pleasant he would just quote the heads of it. It was called a scheme for the better governing the nation, and it pretended to have been submitted to the Protector, Oliver Cromwell. In the first place it recom- mended the total abolition of the House of Peers, as a body that was expen- sive, inconvenient, and unnecessary. (Laughter.) Next of the House of Commons. In order to obviate the confusion of frequent elections by large bodies of men, and in order to put an end to bribery, it proposed that the, Protector should have the nomination of all the members ; who were to be in all five hundred, and were to be the representatives of all the cities and counties of Great Britain. The Peers might be members of this body, if the Protector pleased. The members were not to purchase their scats for dif- ferent counties, as was customary; that practice was to be repealed, and they were to pay down 1,000/. a-piece, which was to go to the Treasury. They were for this 1,000/. to receive 350/. a-year, paid out of the Treasury ; and this sum was not to be paid if they absented themselves without leave, or voted against the Protector. (Laughter.) Each time they voted against him they were to be fined Si. for the first vote, la for the second, and so on. They were to pay a ma also for every speech they made against the Protector. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT spoke at great length in favour of reform, and reprobated Pitt's betrayal of that cause. He then alluded to the law of libel. " He had himself been a convicted libeller. (Hear.) Yes, a convicted libeller ; and he should not scruple to venture again, when he conceived that the rights and liberties of the people demanded the risk. (Loud cheers.) He did not forget, however, that by the new law of libel, a law which was a dis- grace to the statute-book, he might, by a second conviction, suffer the pun- ishment of transportation. For aught he knew, he might be again tried for libel ; and if he were convicted, as convicted he most probably would he— for he knew not of what stuff juries must he composed, to return such ver- dicts as they had recently seen—he might be sent to pass the rest of his life at Botany Bay, or at any other foreign dependency of England ; and if he quitted England, it would he to him of little importance where he might end his then miserable life. That would not, however, deter him ; nor would it, he trusted, deter any honest Englishman from pursuing that course which was dictated to him by a sense of public duty. Though he was not willing to invite any man to court danger unnecessarily, nor to oppose himself single- handed to the united force of a powerful and, perhaps, a vindictive Govern- ment, he would himself never quail before it, nor stand in awe of our atro- cious libel law. Say it he must, be the consequences to himself what they might, that as the House was now constituted, our personal liberty, the liberty of the press, every liberty that we enjoyed, were enjoyed one and all as mere sufferance. (Hear, hear.) What the right honourable Secretary might be inclined to do—what his honourable.and learned friend the Attor- ney-General might be instigated by the Cabinet to do, he could not venture to predict. Of his honourable and learned friend he wished to speak with affection—even with gratitude, for he had been his able, and honest, and in- trepid defender. He could not believe that he had instituted the late prose- cutions of his own accord; he could not believe that he had followed them up, except with great compulsion ; but be that and be all things as they might, he hoped that he should have the fortitude never to desert those great principles of constitutional liberty which he had set out in life by asserting, and which he was not reluctant to die in defending." (Cheers.) Sir JAMES SCARLETT would not accept the compliment that Sir Francis Burdett. paid him at the expense of the Cabinet. The prose- cutions—he said it without reserve—were approved by him, for he thought them necessary to the well-being of the community. (Great cheering.) But these were matters for a separate discussion, already announced ; and they ought not to be brought before the House by a side-wind. Mr. PEEL opposed the motion for reform ; and was somewhat jocular at the expense of Sir Francis Burdett. He then objected to such a Committee as the Marquis of Blandford had recommended, and to the plan of paying members of Parliament.

"They had that night been occupied in discussing the propriety of reform ; and yet the bill which was to effect that reform contained a proposition en- abling them to appropriate to themselves 250,0001. annually—a very modest proposal, and one well calculated to recommend the House to public confi- dence. (Laughter ) The noble Marquis was for allowing two guineas a-day to every borough, and four guineas a-day to every county member ; thus showing that he estimated a county member at double the value of a borough member. Now, taking three guineas as the average sum paid to each mem- ber, supposing the House to sit six days in every week, and the session to last for twenty-five weeks, the sum annually paid to 658 members would amount to a little more than 250,0001." (Roars of laughter.)

Mr. O'CONNELL contended that all who paid taxes, directly or in- directly, were entitled to a vote in the election of the representatives who were to dispose of those taxes. " He as a Radical Reformer would always maintain that principle. He would, as a Reformer, appeal in support of it to the great principle of demo- cratic liberty which made England the great and productive country which she had been for centuries. France and Spain were broader and not less fer- tile, but it was the great spirit of democracy which made the land of smaller dimensions overtop those which possessed the blessings of nature and all physical advantages, without the moral benefit of free institutions—yes, he would repeat, it was that democratic spirit that imparted to her all of na- tional glory that she ever possessed. He would not refer to ancient states- thosewould be mere schoolboy recollections ; but he would ask what gave to Venice eight hundred years of glory abroad and of happiness at home, but that same democratic spirit ? What but the same spirit gave four hun- dred years of freedom to the wild mountains of Switzerland, and enabled her sons' irresistible valour to bear down the iron chivalry of Europe ? What but the spirit of democracy gave to the states of Northern America, the prosperity, the wealth, and the solid glory which were raising them to an elevated station amongst the nations of the earth ? What but the spirit of democratic freedom? That spirit then he would invoke for the resuscitation of England, for giving security to the Throne, and placing the national pros- perity-upon a permanent basis. (Cheers.) He never could be brought to believe that two hundred individuals were better judges of the interests of the people than the people themselves. He hoped that as the French Budget had been rejected, so would the Supplies be refused in that House till the prospect of a liberal system were held out."

Mr. Holmes Twiss thought the Bill a mockery ; he should leave its overthrow to the satire of its mover, and the sarcasm of its friend the member for Westminster (Mr. Hobhouse).

Mr. BROUGHAM listened to such imputations with infinite indigna- tion. Let the honourable member for Wootton Basset bring forward or second motions for the good of the country, with half as much talent, disinterestedness, and sincerity, as the noble mover and the member for Westminster, and he should hail his accession to the list of patriotic members. Mr. Twos said he had been misunderstood. Mr. BROUGHAM said, in that case, Mr. Twiss ought to be indebted to him for the opportunity of showing that akthe members of the House had been mistaken.—(Laughter.) Mr. BROUGHAM proposed an amended motion to the effect, "that this House is of opinion that a reform in the representation of the people is expedient." To this the Marquis of BLANDFORD agreed. Mr. PEEL, however, suggested that the Marquis of Blandford's mo- tion should be put first. It was negatived by 160 to 57; and Mr. BROUGHAM declined pressing for a division upon his amendment, many members having left the House.

5. RETRENCHMENT. Here Mr. Hums took the lead. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on Monday, moved the order of the day fur a Committee of Supply, Mr.. Hume submitted to the House, " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, recommending the repeal or modification of all taxes in our civil, military, and naval establish- ments, as a means Of affording immediate and effectual relief to the country."

Mr. Hume enforced this proposition bY one of the most elaborate statements he ever made.

" There was not a King's Speech from the year 1817 in which the expe- diency of economy in all the departments of the public service had not been

mentioned ; but notwithstanding these declarations from the Throne, if the House would look back they would see that the expenditure of the last year exceeded that of the preceding year, and of 1817, by upwards of a million

and a half. No sooner did any office become vacant, than it was instantly filled up. Yesterday the vacant sinecure office of the Treasurer of the Navy, which a majority of the Finance Committee had declared might he abolished, was filled up. On the appointment of a new Governor of a Colony, or on any other appointment, no alteration was made in the rate of allowance, or any other means resorted to for diminishing the public expenditure. He was anxious, therefore, to press upon the House the necessity of pledging themselves to reduce the taxation ; and then to canvass and consider every vote in the Committee of Supply, in order to meet that reduction. The House would scarcely believe that in the fifteen years which had elapsed since the conclusion of the war, the sum of eight hundred and ninety-six millions had been levied upon the people in taxation ; a sum sufficient for the pay- ment of the whole debt. Of the seven hundred millions collected in the twelve years, from 1817 to 1828, three hundred and sixteen millions and a half had been applied to the support of our civil and military establishments, and three hundred and fifty-eight millions to the payment of the interest of the Funded and Unfunded Debt. The amount, therefore, with which the House had had to deal was three hundred and sixteen millions and a half. Now there could not be the smallest doubt, on the part of any man who care- fully examined the details of that expenditure of three hundred and sixteen millions, that with economy half the amount might have been reduced. With that sum a hundred and fifty millions of the debt might have been paid off ; giving a permanent annual relief to the people in taxation to the amount of six or seven millions."

He pleaded strongly for a return, in all our establishments, to the standard of 1792. He fixed upon this period because the establish- ments of 1792 were amply sufficient ; and because the Finance Com- mittees of 1817 and 1828 had so considered them. He then showed the increase in the expenses of the Army, the Navy, and the Civil List. He expatiated at great length on the expenses of the Crown.

" He would now come to the palaces. Windsor Castle, according to the estimates, had cost 794,000/. and Buckingham Palace, without furniture, the mere shell, had cost 496,000/. Ministers ought to he impeached for this, for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Robinson, had said that he would be responsible, and promise to the house that there should be no mismanage- ment relating to this expenditure. Besides this 496,000/. for the Palace, 356,000/. had been spent for Lodges and other such buildings. The House ought not to vote the Supplies until his Majesty was brought down to his right senses. (Laughter and Cheering.) How were they to do this ?— why, let the first vote of Supply be refused until the House-had a clear view of when there was to be an end of this folly and extravagance. Could the House concur in reducing the allowances of the lower clerks and junior officers, when the very sum thrown away in brick and mortar at Buckingham Palace sweeps away all that is saved by such reductions ? "

Mr. Hume entered into calculations onthe amount of retrenchment which he deemed possible, and afterwards proceeded to specify the taxes which he should recommend to be repealed.

"In the army he proposed that there should be a reduction of 1,800,000E. in point of expense—first, by disbanding only 20,000 men ; next, by making the Military Asylum pay its own expenses; and thirdly, by bringing the staff within its proper limits. Instead of having officers of high rank—Major Generals, for instance—commanding trifling possessions, he would reduce the whole to a condition approximating to the state of 1792. In the Naval Department, he would most materially lower the Dockyard and Transport Establishments, both of which were kept up at a monstrous and totally need- less charge. He thus would save 1,200,000/. By transferring the Artillery from the Ordnance he should be able to spare fifteen hundred men, and pro- duce a saving there of 350,000/. In the Miscellaneous Expenditure he should recommend reductions to the extent of 1,400,0001. In the Miscellaneous services he would recommend a reduction of one million, to be effected in the following manner :—By lowering the duty on tobacco and other articles which encouraged smuggling, he would save nearly 500,0001., being the ex- pense of seamen employed on the coast blockade, and buildings for the same purpose kept up at an enormous cost. These items together would yield a sum of 5,600,0001.; and to this saving he would add 300,000/. to be taken from the Civil List. He would recommend an address to his Majesty, re- quiring him to reduce the diplomatic' branch of the Civil List ; and he would not ask it as a favour, but as a right. When the Civil List was in difficulties, the country had increased it ; and now that the country was in difficulties, it ought to he diminished. He would effect a further saving of 500,0001. by the sale of the Crown Lands, or by letting them at rents proportioned to their real value. That whole department ought to be broken up as useless and extravagant, and it would be easy to wind up the concern by the dis- posal of all the lands. These sums would make a total of 6,450,0001.; to which he added 1,450,0001. from the surplus revenue, forming an aggregate of more than eight millions ; and reduction to that extent, he was satisfied, would be found perfectly easy, if Ministers fairly and honestly set about the attempt." Retrenchment to that extent would, he contended, enable Govern- ment to repeal the duty on coals, amounting to 833,0001.; the duty on soap, amounting to 1,413,0001.; the duties on candles, on leather, on beer, on cider and perry, on windows, and on foreign corn. The CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER answered Mr. flume's scheme of reduction by a denial of its practicability. The retrench- ments which had been recommended would destroy the efficiency of all the establishments in the country, and paralyse the efforts of any Ministry to be useful.

"What set of honourable men would consent to fill the posts of Government, if, in the spirit of these wild and extravagant speculations, they were deprived of all official control? Mr. Hume proposed to reduce the taxes by 9,000,0001. But how did he propose to effect that reduction? Did he recollect, that 29,000,000/. of the taxes annually raised went to pay the interest of the na- tional debt; and that if the dead weight and other expenditures to which the national honour is pledged be added to that interest item, there remains but from 10,000,0001. to 11,000,000/.; from which, forthwith, he proposes to de- duct 9,000,000!.!" He felt himself called on to object to the Budget (for so he mast term it) of the member for Montrose. It was the intention of Mi.. nisters to lay before Parliament a statement of the reductions in the public service which they deemed practicable ; but if the House should entertain Mr. Hume's premature and unprecedented motion, he must " abandon the station to which he had been raised by the favour of his Sovereign."

Mr. HERMES begged to remind Mr. Hume that the Government had not only proposed measures of economy, but on some occa- sions had been disposed to carry them further than the House would O.

Mr. PEEL said, " It was unusual, before Ministers laid the Estimates on the table, and stated their views with respect to taxation, to propose a resolution not to re- peal any particular tax, but a general resolution that the House would pro- ceed to repeal a certain taxation. What was to be gained by such a propo- sition ? If the resolution were not agreed to, the member for Montrose would be just as much at liberty to propose the repeal of any particular tax as if the resolution were carried. In fact, it was the duty of the House to repeal whatever taxes could be repealed consistently with the public benefit."

Mr. M ABERLY expressed his intention to vote for the motion, though he did not deem a reduction of the taxes to the extent of more than four millions possible. Mr. WESTERN would support the motion, although undoubtedly the Cause of the present distress was the state of the currency. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT thought the state of the currency the cause of nine-tenths of the present distress. All the reductions which Mr. Hume had recommended would, even if carried into effect, be of no avail in liglitening the pressure of which every man complained, with- out recurrence to a paper currency.

"At the time when the alteration took place, and the paper was called in, the whole currency of the country was estimated at the sum of about seventy millions, while the whole of the income of the productive industry and labour of the country was calculated, in the currency of the time, to amount to seven hundred millions. In that case, the House would see that the currency, in the year 1819, was just one-tenth of the whole productive industry of the country. Now, if they altered that test which formed the currency, they altered the whole of the income of the country to the same extent. In like manner, if they diminished the currency five millions, they altered the whole income of all the farmers, landowners, and manufacturers of the country, to the extent of fifty millions. This was the consequence of the alteration of even five millions. For, since all prices depend on the currency—and it surely could not be denied that all farmers, landlords, manufacturers, and mer- chants, made their incomes by prices—it followed that any contraction of the currency on which these prices depended, contracted to the same extent all the income derived from them. Now, lie would ask, was it possible for a re- duction of eight millions of taxes, or any reduction, to reinstate the produc- tive interests of the country in the same state as before prices were altered by the alterations ia the currency ? He would say boldly, and with a perfect conviction of its truth, that no means were left them for relief, but by raising money to the same state as it was before their distresses arose."

Mr. PEEL hoped that sonic of the gentlemen who objected to a gold currency would bring forward a motion on the subject, and take the trouble to prepare the enactments by which the standard should be depreciated,oand remedies provided for the depreciation.

"He did not understand the doctrine that a reduction of 5,000,000/. in the circulating medium necessarily produced a reduction of 50,000,000/. in the value of things. If we were to add 5,000,000/. to the circulating medium, would that add 50,000,000/. to nominal values? And he could not see how the reduction of 5,000,0001. could reduce ten times the nominal amount of the incomes of the different classes."

When the House divided, 69 voted for Mr. Hume's motion, and 184 against it. The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved a postponement of the subject. Mr. TENNYSON and Mr. MABERLY called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to state the amount of the Estimates at once. This the Chancellor declined doing; and the House divided on the Marquis of Blandford's motion :

For the Speaker leaving the Chair, 189

For the amendment, . . . . 9 Ultimately, however, it was found advisable to adjourn.

Last night, the CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER proceeded to state the amount of the reductions which Government intended to make upon the Estimates. The House, he observed, would not for- get that the Estimates for last. year were less by nearly 200,000/. than those for the year preceding, and that the Estimates of 1828 were less by 500,000/. than those for 1827. Tile reductions for the present year would amount to 1,300,000/. Of that sum, 1,031,980/. was saved from the Army, Navy, Ordnance, and Miscellaneous expenses, and 180,000/. upon the interest of Exchequer Bills. Upon the Miscella- neous Estimates it had been difficult to make reductions • for many works to which the House had given its sanction, must, if farther re- duction should be attempted, be left unfinished. The Army Esti- timates (0,123,1121.) were less than those of any year sincei80=1. He trusted the House would look on those reductions as an earnest of the desire of Government to economize as far as possible. Mr. Huma denied that the Army Estimates were the lowest that had been made since 1804. Those estimates had been 1,600,000/. higher last year than in 1822. The proposed reductions only brought them to the level of that year. There was room for reduction on the Army, Ordnance, and Dead Weight, to the extent of 2,100,100/. The expenses of the Ordnance had been gradually increasing of late years. In fact, Ministers seemed to expect to be called on to take the field for a second Waterloo. It was preposterous, when our insular situa- tion was considered, to maintain such military establishments as we did. Why should not the expenses of the militia be greatly lessened? Why should not the yeomanry corps be dispensed with altogether? The Irish Estimates were disgraceful ; and the expenses of our Cola ides, the troops required to maintain them, the salaries paid to Governors and officials, were frightful. The Dead Weight was, an intolerable burden the number of pensioners seemed always to

increase.

Lord ALTHORPE would not withhold his praise from the reductions as far as they went, but they were not sufficient to give effectual relief. He knew that the arrangements about the Ordnance depart- ment reflected the highest credit on the gallant officer (Sir H. Hardinge) who presided over them ; but he must say, that that de- partment was conducted on much too extravagant a scale. Taxation must be reduced : it rested with the House to compel Ministers to effect such a reduction. He could not at the same time withhold his approbation from the Minister, for relinquishing more patronage than any other Administration had ever done.

Sir E. KNATCHBULL thought the reductions inadequate to afford relief. Our establishments were all on too expensive a scale. The salaries of public men ought to be reduced. He had always opposed what was termed liberal policy without a great reduction of taxes. Government must either give up free trade or lessen the public bur- dens.

Mr. Wiastar HoaroN admitted that there could be no doubt of the necessity of reducing the taxes, but would a reduction of taxes tend to relieve all classes of the community ? Would, for instance, the labouring classes be much relieved by a reduction which should in- crease their numbers by 25,000 men from the Army ? If indeed these men could be permanently removed from the country, the case might be different.

Mr. BARING thought that Ministers were desirous of carrying re- trenchment as far as possible. For his own part, he thought the national debt ought to be reduced ; and, though the opinion was un- popular, he was inclined to think that there ought to be a Sinking Fund ; and should a surplus revenue actually exist, no one could object to leaving it in the hands of the Minister. This would enable Govern- ment, besides, to meet the deficiency in revenue of a particular year without addins, to the public burdens. He thought it might be expe- dient to satisfy the country whether any, and what taxes would be remitted, because the uncertainty at .present prevalent on these points had led to a stagnation in some branches of trade. He doubted whether reduction in the Army Estimates could be carried much further than Government proposed ; but he thought some of our Colonies, the Ionian Islands for instance, ought to be abandoned. It should be recollected, that though nearly sixty millions a year were raised in taxes, Government had only to deal with about eleven mil- lions,—" a picture unparalleled among the nations of the earth." Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN repeated his testimony to the general distress, and declared that the abolition of the window-duty would be highly agreeable. Mr. MABERLY differed from Mr. Baring in all he had advanced. The Sinkine. Fund was an exploded fallacy. The only relief was to be looked for in an abatement of taxation. The proposed reductions were not such as would satisfy the country. They ought to have been to at least double the amount. Mr. Baring had asserted that the expenditure of Government amounted to but eleven millions, while in truth the Chancellor of the Exchequer had to deal with twelve mil- lions, independent altogether of a revenue of six millions which Scot- land supplied. Here then were eighteen millions from which reduc- tions could be made ; and if the House pressed such reductions, Ministers would find the means of effecting them. They might remit taxes to the extent of four millions.

The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, Sir HENRY HARDINGE proceeded to state the Army Estimates. He specified reductions in the number of Staff. Officersand of Medical Staff Officers, in the Military establishments, in the Retired Full Pay, and in the Half Pay. The Pension List, too, had been mate rially reduced, and had been placed on a better footins.. There had been some reduction also in the number of men. employed on home service, while the Colonial force was not greater than it had been in 1792, though the proximity of Jamaica to St. Domingo with its black population might perhaps have warranted an augmentation. On the subject of the savings that had been effected in the Pension List, he took occasion to pay an eloquent compliment to Mr. Francis Moore, who, though his ftirtune was extremely moderate, had re- signed 800/. out of a pension of 1800/. per annum, because he spent his income out of the country. In conclusion, he had to state that the saving on the present year would amount to 213,0001.; and that, he submitted, was as large an amount of saving as the circumstances of the service would allow.

Colonel DAVIES rose to speak, but the House seemed determined not to listen to him ; till Mr. HUME rose and said- " If the Committee be not disposed to listen now te the observations of my honourable and gallant friend, it is for us to move, as I shall certainly do, and divide upon it, that the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again. If a full assemblage of the House, such as this, be not disposed to listen to the well-founded objections which my honourable and gallant friend has to offer to the estimates then on the table, the only remedy left to us is, to move, as I have Said, that progress be reported. I appeal to you, Sir, as the Chairman of this Committee, to keep the peace; I appeal to honourable members for decency's sake to listen to what may be urged ; and I hope the honourable members near me will support me in moving that we postpone the consideration of these Estimates till we may meet in a better spirit, and more disposed to listen to the dictates of common sense and common decency, and the obvious suggestions of our duty in promoting economy." Colonel DAvias proceeded to observe, that the condition of the country by no means warranted such high Army Estimates. The French army, which was nearly twice as numerous as ours, was maintained at less cost. The troops that had been necessary for the pacification m of Ireland might now be dispensed with. Why, fact, should not England trust to its militia, as America did ? And why should officers in colonies receive such enormous salaries ? In the 'United Service Club, Sir H. Hardinge might find, meritorious officers willing to dis- charge the duties of such situations for comparatively a small sum. Taxes should be repealed before supplies were voted, but they had heard nothing about such repeals. He proposed, as an Amendment on Sir H. Harenge's motion for " 88,S4S men for the Land service," "That the grants for troops should only be made to the 25th of May 1830, instead of the 25th December 1830." Mr. HOBHOUSE should vote for the amendment. He preferred a good weak Government to a good strong Government, because the former might be forced to make ,concessions for the benefit of the coun- try. He wished to know whether the Chancellor of the Exchequer meant to reduce the taxes ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would take the earliest pos- sible opportunity of putting the House in possession of his intentions. At present the duty which he owed the public, must prevent him from doing so. Sir R. FERGUSON did not think that our military establishments in the Colonies could be lessened.

Sir R. WILSON thought that the East India Company should defray the expense of all the troops in India. Sir H. HARDINGE confessed that the sum .of 60,000/. which the East India Company contributed, was in his opinion too small. Lord ALTHORPE approved of the amendment. Lord PALMERSTON did not believe that the public establishments could be further reduced ; and therefore, though not insensible to the distress of the country, he could not vote for the Amendment. Sir GEORGE MURRAY observed, that the troops employed in the Colonies were not more numerous than circumstances demanded.

The amendment was negatived by 225 to 93. Another amendment, by Mr. HUME, for a reduction of 5000 men, was negatived by 167 to 57. The original res'olution was then agreed to.