The road to Pinkville
Sir: Permit me to toss in my ha'penny's worth into the marathonic dialogue being orchestrated over the war in South Vietnam in general, and the more recently alleged 'massacre' at My Lai in particular.
At one time, in this section of the SPEC- TATOR, I expressed my unqualified endorse- ment of my country's military involvement in the war in South Vietnam, and resented the 'poison pen' letters which it stimulated. However, after having completed a great deal of research into the subject, I withdraw my previous endorsement, and publicly apologise to those letter-writers who aroused my indignation.
To begin with, I have learned that the 'official' reasons given for my country's original intervention in the internal affairs of Vietnam, as well as for the subsequent escalation of our military commitment, could not stand up to close inspection. For example: 1. the so-called 'domino theory', could be classified as the figment of some- body's imagination; 2. Congress, as well as the White House, would find it extremely difficult to explain in detail exactly what Is so important on the mainland of Asia to American security warranting the American investment in lives, disabling casualties, and national treasure; 3. the theory of waging an undeclared 'no win' war has absolutely no precedent in the history of organised sod- eties; 4. by 'executive orders', two presidents actually breached the American commit- ment to sEviro — Kennedy and Johnson; 5. Senator Fulbright's investigation into the specific 'incident' which erupted into the so- called 'Gulf of Tonkin Resolution', and which gave Lai a blank cheque to escalate the war in South Vietnam, indicated the possi- bility of exaggeration, or fabrication, before his (Fulbright's) investigation was suddenly brought to a halt; 6. on 24 September, 1969, Murrey Marder, of the Washington Post, revealed that the Nixon administration, after having made a thorough search for such a document, could not find evidence proving that Saigon actually requested military as- sistance from the United States; 7. behind the shield of American guns and lives, and the dissipation of national treasure, certain American business interests are wallowing joyfully in a $100-billion pork barrel parked in South Vietnam!
With the domestic 'fall-out' from the American military adventure in South Viet- nam being as bad as it really is, it is not unreasonable to assume that this is the reason why my country was 'advised' to get sucked into the Vietnamese quagmire.
Therefore, before any serious judgment can be passed on the alleged massacre at My Lai 4, irmust be taken into considera- tion, also, that an 'atrocity' has been com- mitted against the American people. And, if Lt Calley is to be tried before a special tribunal for war crimes, it would seem logi- cal to assume that justice demands that the entire Johnson administration stand trial with him.
The London Agreement of 8 August, 1945, drawn up by the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and France, on behalf of the United Nations, and which established the basis for the issuance of the Charter of the International Military Tribu- nal authorising the Nuremberg Trails, is the bona fide legal precedent!
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