Frhatru Vrortritiugo iu Varlicautut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP TEE WEEK.

HOWIE OP LOUD'S. Monday, August 15. Royal Assent, to Elections Bill, Entry of Seamen Bill, Naval Coast Volunteers Bill, Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Act Con- tinuance Bill, Sheriff-Courts Scotland Bill, Newspaper Stamp-duties Bill, Lunacy Bern, lation Bill, and several others—Pilotage Bill, committed—Thames Embank- ment Bill, passed—Universities (Scotland) Bill, committed—Courts of Common Law (Ireland) Bill, passed—Assessed Taxes Bill, passed—Transportation Bill; Com- mons' Amendments agreed to—Vaccination Extension Bill; Commons' Amendments agreed to.

Tuesday. August 16. Lunatic Asylums and Lunatics Care and Treatment Bills; Commons' Amendments agreed to—South Sea Dissentients Bill, read a second time —Betting-houses Bill, read a second time—Merchant Shipping Bill, passed—Uni- versities (Scotland) Bill, passed—Smoke Nuisance Abatement Bill, committed.

Thursday. August 18. Consolidation of the Statutes ; Lord Chancellor's State- ment—Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill, passed—South Sea Dissentients Bill, committed—Betting-houses Bill, committed—Pilotage Bill, passed—Smoke Nuisance Abatement Bill, passed—Customs Tariff Act Bill, passed.

Friday, August 19. South Sea Dissentients Bill, passed—Betting-houses Bill, passed—Metropolitan Sewers Acts (Continuance) Bill, passed.

Horan OF COMION13. Saturday, August 13. Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill, passed—Vaccination Extension B111, passed—Passengers Act Amendment Bill, committed.

Monday, August 15. New Writs for Dungarvan and for Stamford—India Bill; Lords' Amendments agreed to—Guano, Observations at Sea; Questions and Answers— Passengers Act Amendment Bill, passed—The Maltese Criminal Cede; Mr. Kin- naird's Motion—New Writ for Clitheroe.

Tuesday, August 16. Russia and Turkey ; Lord John Russell's Statement, and Debate—Charitable Trusts Bill; Lords' Amendments agreed to—Courts of Common Law Bill; Lords' Amendments agreed to—House adjourned till Friday.

August 19. Case of Edward Murray; Question and Answer—Case of the ' Question and Answer—Turnpike Acts (Continuance) Bill; Lords' Amendment agreed to. TIME- TABLE.

The Lords.

The Commis.

Hour of Hour of

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment,

Satur. Meeting. Adjournment, Noon lh 46m

5h Oh On Monday lb Illa Om Tuesday 13k 45m Tuesday 311 71a 30m Wednesday

No sitting.

Wednesday No sitting.

Thursday

5h , 6h 20m Thursday No sitting.

Friday

Oh.... 5m

Friday

ith .... 6h Ona

Roam AND TIIIIXEY.

The House of Commons met on Tuesday at the unusual hour of three

o'clock. On a formal motion of adjournment till Friday, Lord Jonx nIISSEII. made his promised statement on the relations at present existing between Russia and Turkey. By way of preface, he observed that the House seemed disposed to leave the conduct of the negotiations in the hands of the Executive ; and he vindicated the course of declining to produce papers, by a reference to precedents : the refusal of Lord Palmer- ston in 1840, when asked for the convention which the European Powers had signed with respect to Egypt ; and a similar refusal of the Tahiti papers by Sir Robert Peel, while the negotiations were pending. He also explained, that he had published the Medial despatch because he wished to appeal to the public opinion of Europe, and did not intend to proceed further. After this introduction, Lord John gave an outline of the steps in the Russian quarrel with Turkey as they occurred. 'When he entered office, his attention was called to the question of the Holy Places ; and he instructed Lord Cowley, at Paris, to give the subject his earnest attention. Soon after, Lord John learned that a special Russian Minister would be sent to the Sultan to put an end by some solemn act to the differences that existed with regard to the Holy Places. Lord John did not object to that ; and Prince Menschliroff arrived at Constantinople on the 2d March. From this point Lord John went over the subsequent events,—the resignation of Fuad Effendi; the message of Colonel Rose to Admiral Dun- des, sent at the request of the Grand Vizier, and subsequently retracted ; and the notification by the Turkish Ministers to Lord Stratford, in April, that certain propositions had been made to them to which they were un- willing to accede. "I should say," continued Lord John, "that up to this time the Government of her Majesty at home, andlier Majesty's Minister at St. Petersburg, had always understood that the demands to be made by Russia had reference to the Holy Places ; and were all comprised, in one form or another, in the desire to render certain and permanent the advantages to which Russia thought herself entitled in favour of persons professing the Greek religion. Lord Stratford understood from the Turkish Ministers, that it had been much desired by the Russian Ambassador that the requests which were made on the part of Russia should be withheld from the know- ledge of the representatives Of the other Powers of Europe ; and these fresh demands were as new to the Government of France as they were to the Government of her Majesty." The propositions were changed from time to time, until Prince Idenschaoff gave in his ultimatum, and left Constantinople. "I consider that this circumstance was one very greatly to be regretted. It has always appeared to sue, that, on the one side and the other, there were statements that would be admitted, while there were others that might be the subject of compromise and arrangement. The Russian Minister main- tained that Russia had5 by certain treaties—especially by the treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople—the right to expect that the Lbnatians in the Turkish territory would be protected; and he declared at the same time, that-Russia did not wish in any manner to injure the independence or in- tegrity of the Turkish empire. The Sultan's Ministers, on their part, main- tained that it was their duty above all things to uphold the independence of the Sultan, and to require that nothing should be acceded to which would be injurious to his dignity or would derogate from his rights ; but atthe same time, they declared that it was the intention of the Sultan to protect his Christian aubjeots, and to maintain them in the rights and privileges which they had enjoyed under the edicts of former Sultans. Such being the state- ments on the two sides, I own it appears to me that the withdrawal of the Russian mission from Constantinople, accompanied as that measure was by the preparation of a large Russian force, both military and naval, on the frontiers of Turkey, was a most unfortunate step, and has naturally caused very great alarm to Europe, while it has imposed great sacrifices both upon Turkey and upon the Turkish provinces adjoining Russia," These appear- ances became so serious that the fleet was ordered to approach the Dardan- elles; the French fleet aavanced at the same time ; and the Russians en- tered the Principalities. This Turkey had an undoubted right to consider a emus belli ; but France and England induced the Sultan to forego that right, thinking it desirable to gather tip the broken threads of negotiation and strive for some arrangement for maintaining peace. The French Min- ister for Foreign Affairs—" a gentleman whose talents, moderation, and judgment it is impossible too greatly to admire "—drew up a note, omitting what was objectionable on both sides. The Austrian Government, which had previously declined to enter on a conference, changed its views when the Russians occupied the Principalities, and'Count Buol took the proposal of M. Drouyn de Lhuys as a basis for a note. This note was agreed to by the Four Powers ; and the Emperor of Russia has accepted it, considering that his honour will be saved, and his objects attained if that note be signed by the Turkish Minister.

Supposing that note "to be finally agreed upon by Russia and Turkey as

the communication which shall be made by Turkey, there will still remain the question of the evacuation of the Principalities. It is quite evident, Sir, that no settlement can be satisfactory which, does not include, or imme- diately lead to, the evacuation of those Principalities. (Cheers.) According to the declaration which has been made by the General commanding the Russian forces, Prince Gortschakofi; the evacuation ought immediately to fol- low on the satisfaction obtained by Turkey from the Emperor of Russia. I will only say further, that it is an object which her Majesty's Government consider to be essential : but with respect to the mode in which the object is to be obtained—with respect to the mode in which the end Is to be secured —I ask the permission of Parliament to say nothing further upon this head, but to leave the means—the end being one which is certain to be obtained— to leavethe means by which it is to be obtained in the hands of the Execu- tive Government. With respect to the question which has been raised is to the fleets of England and France at Besika Bay, that of course need not he made any question of difficulty, because, supposing Turkey were in danger, we ought to have the power at all times of sending our Beets to the neigh- bourhood of the Dardanelles to be ready to moist Turkey in case of any such danger, and we ought not to consent to any arrangement by which it may be stipulated that the advance of the fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dar- danelles should be considered as equivalent to an actual invasion of the Turkish territories. But, of course, if the matter is settled—if peace is se- cured, Besika Bay is not a station which would be of any advantage either to England or France."

Lord John said, he thought we have now a fair prospect, without involving Europe in hostilities, or exposing the independence and integrity of Turkey, that the object in view will be secured in no very long space of time. "I Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 7k 10m — this Session, 120; — 317Ia sos Sittings this Week, 4; Time. 14h Ism

— this Set:MOD. 175; — 1127h 58m

swill only say further, that this question of the maintenance of Turkey is one that must always require the attention, and, I may say, the vigilant atten- tion, of any person holding in his hands the foreign affairs of this country. This, however, can only be secured by a constant union between England and France—by a thorough concert and constant communication between those two great Powers." Mr. LAYARD made a first speech on the subject ; entering rather inis nutely into the question as regards the power and progress of Russia on the Danube.

Re had shown no factious desire to impede the policy of Government ; nor would he have brought himself into n.oticie had he not felt that he could throw some light on the queetion. He denied that he was anxious for war; but he regretted that the head of the Government had declared that his policy is essentially a policy based on peace. "Such is not the language of a Minister or a great statesman." If the honour and interests of England can only be maintained by war, let us have war. Why do we hear it said among men of all classes and 'opinions, that if the honourable Member for Tiverton had been Minister for Foreign Affairs, Russia would not have crossed the Pruth P—Not because the couttry wants war, but because peace is best preserved by a firm aud dignified attitude, letting the world know that, anxious as England is for peace, she is prepared for war. Any other attitude only encourages a lawless power like Russia to make demands that sooner or later must lead to war.

The real difference between himself and the Government turned upon the point, whether or not a great principle is involved in the present question ; and whether the conduct of Ressia is not part of a great scheme of policy. He affirmed that it is. The firman making concessions to France was shown to AL de Titoffi and not objected to, weeks before it was issued. Prince Menschikeff, on his arrival at Constantinople, demanded and obtained the dismissal of AL Garaschinin, the popular national Minister of Servia. In 1843, by the aid of Lord Aberdeen, Russia succeeded in forcing the Porte to annul the popular act of the Servian people, who expelled Prince Michael, the Russian tool. Since that time, Russia had checked every rising nation- ality. In 1848, all men of liberal and independent opinions were driven out of Moldavia and Wallachia; by the treaty of Baits Liman, Russia established her right to interfere in all the internal affairs of the Principalities; and they are now to all inn nts and purposes Russian provinces. Protestantism has spread among the Christian subjects of Turkey, mainly through the in- fluence of the American missionaries ; but the Greek religion is a perse- cuting religion, and the converts wore only saved—not from Turkish, but Greek persecution—under the &mans obtained by Lord Cowley and lord Stratford de jledcliffe. When persecution was no longer available, Prince Menschikoff appeared at Constantinople. The note which he gave in before he departed made a distinction between the Orthodox Eastern Church and the other rights and privileges of the clergy. The great end of Russia has been to crush the spirit of religious and political independence which has manifested itself of late among the Christian subjects of the Porte ; and in this she has succeeded.

In passing, Mr. Layard contended against the project for the establish- ment of a Greek empire at Constantinople. It is based on a fallacy. The Greek population is small when compared with other Christian races in Turkey ; and a Greek empire would lead to Russian domination in Turkey, and threw the Whole of Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia, into confusion. Some persons hold that it would signify little whether Constantinople were in the hands of Ramie, or not : but no British statesman could coincide with such an opinion. The object of Russia is to "render any other government but her own impossible in Turkey." In those designs she has entirely sueceeded on this occasion. "We have, in my opinion, committed two great diplomatic errors. In the first place, when Colonel Rose knew that Prime Dienschikoff had proposed a secret treaty to the Porte, a fad known to many other per- sees at Constantinople, and that he had declared that Russia would consider any communication of the fact to either France or England as a direct act of hostility against Russia,—and when we knew, not from mere rumour but from authentic reports, that Russia was accumulating great armaments on the frontiers of Turkey and at Odessa, preparing in fact for war,—we ought not to have been satisfied with the explanations and assurances which the noble Lord has told us were given us at St. Petersburg. We ought to have insisted that Russia should give us, by an immediate disarming, or by some other step, a proof of her pacific intentions; and unless she did so, we ought to have acted accordingly. Our not having done so was an error ; but that error having been committed, the results were inevitable. The next error was in not having at the very moment when Russia declared that she would pass the Pruth, informed her that we should consider that a casus bell; not perhaps that we might go to war, but that the treaties existing between Russia and the Porte, and on which those pretensions to inter- ference with and protection of the Christian subjects of the Porte were founded, would be abrogated ; and we should then have been in a position to declare to Russia that she should not again enter into any treaty engage- ments with Turkey without the concurrence and participation of England and France : and if we had taken that step, I for one believe that Russia would never have dared to cross the Pruth."

Mr. Layard had no doubt that Russia Will OW evacuate the provinces ; because they are already her own. We have lost a golden opportunity of

making them a harrier to Russian ambition ; and we say we have gained a peaceful diplomatic victory. "I doubt that victory." France and England have been humiliated ; Turkey has been invaded ; and we are endeavouring to induce her to accept those very demands which in the first instance we urged her to resist. Suppose Turkey to refuse her assent to the draught note so eagerly accepted by the Emperor of Russia, we shall then be called upon to assist Russia in compelling Turkey to accept an unjust proposal, directly sanctioning the right of Russia to interfere in behalf of twelve millions of

Christian eubjeets of She Porte. "You say it is a questionsettled ; but I contend it is only deferred." (Cheers.) Mr. Layard held that the results of our poliey will be, that every weak state in Europe which has depended on us will see that it is useless to atruggle any Langer against the encroach- ments of Russia.

Sir Jons PAKINGTON took up the debate in a -tone of complaint-. A longer notice should have been given ; so that Mr. Disraeli, who had left town the day before, might have been present. It would be inexpedient to express an opinion mows but he regretted that a more satisfactory state- - ment had not been made by Lord John Russell. He would not press for the papers ; Ministers must be the beat judges in that matter ; and until

he had the papers be could not judge of the policy pursued. It is satis- factory, however, to know that :Government look upon the evacuation of the Principalities as indispensable.

Lord DU.D.LRY &UAW attacked the policy of the Government as pu- eillanimous, and enlarged upon the aggreasive character of Russia in the East.

Mr. Mosiesrate lindens made,a Speech to show that he could not blame Government; and Ines/press his.opinion that a disousiion in the House of 'Commons would have strengthened their.hamls.

Lord Toms RUSSELL) in explanation, said that Mr. Disraeli must have '

been awaie that a statement would be made : no doubt, he thought Lord John would not enter into a discussion of the grounds and reasons on which the Government proceeded, but merely state some facts in reference to the present relations between Russia and Turkey. Mr. Layard's speech showed that discussion should be reserved until the papers were pro- duced. Ministers had never shrunk from discussion ; they bad only said that a discussion would not be for the public service.

" I think if any attempt had been made by Russia to conquer and subdue Turkey, the Christian subjects of the Porte would not have been very glad of the change. Their case would not have been very different from that which was told in an anecdote related by Charles the Second with his usual wit. When his brother, the Duke of York, one day begged of him to take care of his life, and not go in so unguarded a manner about the streets, Charles replied—' Why, my brother, I have always a most excellent guard over my life, for I don't think anybody would kill me in order that you should succeed.' I believe that the Christian subjects of the Porte would not rejoice to see the power of the Sultan overthrown in order that tho Russian power should take its place." (Cheers.)

Mr. Myrna said, if we had had a different Minister—a Minister who would have told the Emperor of Russia that the crossing of the Pruth would be a easus belli—Russia would not have crossed the Pruth. But the Emperor knew that nothing could induce us to go to war, and that en- couraged him in his career.

The only questions mooted by the Government now were simply what would be the expense, and would war be agreeable to the different tradesmen of the nation ? All sense of what England once was had been entirely bat. If Oliver Cromwell had governed this country, Russia would not have in- vaded Turkey. What did he do with France ?—he interfered there without any consideration of expense ; with him it was a question of right, and not of pounds, shillings, and pence. But the question with England now really was, and the feeling had been growing up year after year, one merely of pounds, shillings, and pence ; sacrificing all honour, all right, and all inde- pendence, to that mercenary feeling. Mr. Bsexerr pointed out that Lord John Russell had been si is lent as to the occupation of the Danubian Principalities ; and that every one -would assume that no mention was made of that evacuation in the note which the Emperor had accepted.

Mr. COBDEN said, there did not seem to be any great difference of opin- ion on the question ; but still there is uneasiness; and the reason is obvi- ous—nobody would face the real cause of it. We do not like to acknowledge that the "integrity and independence of the Turkish empire" is a mere empty phrase. But the fact is, that for tho last twenty years people have begun to look upon the Turks as intruders in Europe ; we cannot maintain hiahomedanism, nor prevent Russia from en- croaching on Turkey. If we or America had been the next neighbour of Turkey, we should have swallowed her up long ago. You cannot maintain the independence of any country if she cannot maintain it herself. Then the Christian element in the Turkish question is important ; that fact has never before been brought so prominently forward. In the interior these Christians are persecuted as much as they were three hundred years ago. We are bound to consider the wish of the Christian population, and on that subject we are not sufficiently informed. Sending fleets to Besika Bay would not stop Russia, nor settle the Eastern question. We have only brought financial ruin on Turkey. As we shall have to settle the question next session, let us settle it like men of sense. What are we to do with Turkey and its Christian population ? It has been said we should maintain Turkey on account of its commerce : as a Free-trader, Mr. Cobden begged to enter his protest against fighting for a market at all. He never would fight for a tariff, for he denied that we should get it if we did. We fought for a tariff in Spain ; and Spain and Portugal repaid us by the most restrictive tariffs in Europe. We kept the French out of Sicily, and what sort of a in- rift' did Sicily give us ? But he had too much faith in Free-trade principles to think that they needed fighting for. He believed that free trade would spread in peace. It is making converts every day all over the world. Let not the noble Lord (Dudley Stuart) therefore talk of going to war in order to maintain tariffs. The noble Lord had also moved for some delusive re- turns with respect to the exports to Turkey ; for it was not Turkish com- merce to which the noble Lord had referred. Very little of it was con- sumed in the countries under the dominion of the Turks ; and, although he was no partisan of Russia, but, on the contrary, was glad to see the great representative of the despotic principle humiliating himself by the mean plotting and contriving to which he has resorted in the course of these transactions, still he asserted that all the commerce which we have in the Black Sea has been owing to the encroachments of Russia upon its coasts. Our grain and flax we do not now get from Turkey, but from Russia; and would not Russia be as glad to send us her tallow, hemp, and corn, whatever aggressions he might make on Turkey, as she is at present? Again, we have a trade with Russia in the Baltic. Our imports there are certainly not very large, because Russia has followed our policy of thirty or forty years ago, and has put a heavy duty upon imports. He discarded alto- gether the idea that Russia is a country that does not encourage trade ; but what prospect have we of a trade with Turkey ? It is a country without a road. You cannot go three miles from Constantinople upon a wheeled car- riage, but must proceed on horseback. There is not a pavement, or a lamp, or a scavenger, except the dogs, and scarcely a stone or brick building in the whole capital of Constantinople. Well, can a country like that contribute to the commerce of the world? Let us not deceive our- selves by supposing that in maintaining Turkey instead of Russia we are maintaining a more commercial people. Let us look at St. Petersburg, at her quays and wharfs and warehouses, and the whole city, combining the splendour of the buildings of Paris with the magnificent river (only twice the width) which flows through London. -Go to 1108CiW, and then pass down to Constantinople and compare the two. One is a most favoured spot by nature, and yet, as has been described by an American traveller, it is but a city of boxes with the lids open all day and shut up at night. The other -is little favoured by nature, but it is a busy mart of commercial industry and enterprise. What natural alliance, then, can we have with such a country as Turkey ? There can be none whatever ; and he protested against its being argued that we are bound to protect Turkey in those rash and fer- tile territories.

Then as-to the balance of power, let not the people of England be misled. -It is absurd to talk of Russia invading England. She could not invade Hungary without borrowing six millions, on the pretence of completing the Moscow railroad. England is ten times more powerful than ever she was -before. Not in ax months, but in six days, we could -bring an amount of mechanioalskill to bear which would make Englandthe most formidablenation on the face of the earth. Russia has not such resouress. But if waehroke out, we should suffer far more than those who-talk so much about war imagine. England has increased her resources; -but she ha also given hostages to Fortune. A war would be attended with -consequences -winch the present generation has little reflected upon, or they would not talk so glibly about it. In 1793 they could treat America like a powerless-child ; She hips .of the United States could not come to any port of Europeif -we °holm-to-seize

them on the high seas. But if we had now a war with any country of Europe, what would be the first thing we should be called upon to do ? Why, America would require us to disavow the right of search ; and we could not refuse that, or anything that would place her in the position of our rival in the carrying trade of Europe. It must be remembered that we have repealed our Navigation-laws. (Some ironical cries of " Hear ! "from the Opposition benches.) In 1793, when our commerce was insignificant compared to what it now is, we sent out our large fleets of merchantmen under convoy twice a year from Spithead to bring back the produce necessary for our manufactures and consumption. We then had a monopoly of the seas ; others were obliged to wait for our supplies; and we had no rivals in manufactures. But suppose we now engaged in a war with a maritime power which issued letters of marque, the insurance upon freights at Lloyd's would rise in proportion to the risk of capture. The repeal of the Navigation-laws has thrown us on to the competition of the world in shipping as well as in anything else. He begged Mr. Blackett to consider that no port would suffer more than that which he represents if we had a collision with any maritime power in the North of Europe. Mr. Cobden begged pardon for having gone so far. ("Hear, hear ! " and a laugh.) All he wished to say was this, that the Government has done wisely in disregarding the cry of thoughtless men- (" /fear !" and a laugh)—and in refusing to listen to newspapers, some of them calling themselves Democratic newspapers, who are clamouring for war, as if Democracy ever gained anything by war in this world. (" Bear ! " and laughter.) Government has also done wisely for its own Bake. The shallow men who call out for war would demand the removal and disgrace of Ministers in six months if war broke out. He was sure they would get rid of the difficulty about the Danubian Provinces, and obtain the credit of having been as peaceable as the people would permit them to be. Lord PALMERSTON replied with vigour and humour to Mr. Cobden ; whose praise he could not accept on the grounds upon which Mr. Cobden had been pleased to place it.

"He began by assuring us that he considered it to be a proper maxim of policy to maintain the independence and integrity of Turkey—to prevent Russia, especially, from getting possession of those territories which we call the Turkish empire; but in the course of his speech he did every- thing he could to show that Turkey was not worth defending. Why, if the honourable gentleman had stood here as the avowed advocate of the ag- gressive and ambitious policy of Russia—as a defender of that system of policy which he professed so loudly to denounce and condemn—I do not think, in the present state of feeling of this House and of the country, he could have dared to pursue a course more calculated to assist and facilitate the views which he pretended to oppose. I never heard a speech so full of incessant contradictions. Though the honourable gentleman did not tell us exactly what he told the country on a former occasion—that Russia could be crumpled up like a sheet of brown paper—he told us that Russia was so weak that she was utterly incapable of resisting any serious effort on the part of this country. But then the honourable gentleman tells us that war with Russia would be inevitable ruin to England. Now, how can we reconcile these two statements ? ("Hear, hear ! " and a laugh.) At one time the honourable gentleman tells us that Russia is a sort of barbarous power, with scattered territories and feeble resources ; and then he launches out in great praise of the beauty of St. Petersburg, and says that because St. Petersburg is a finer city than Constantinople, Russia, forsooth, ought to be possessed of both. (Laughter.) The honourable Member is a Free-trader ; he made a great tour in Europe, and because he was received with that courtesy and civility to which his personal qualities so much entitle him, he fancied he had per- suaded all Europe that no system was to be adopted but that of free trade. Now he says the efforts of this country in favour of tariffs have signally failed; and I should like to know, therefore, what has been the result of his Euro- pean tour ?" (Much laughter.) We never made war for tariffs, but for the independence of Spain and Portugal and the liberty of Europe. "They were undertaken from far higher considerations—to establish the liberty and in- dependence of nations, and to uphold that balance of power which, although it may be treated with contempt by men who do not seem to understand its importance, all those who have been thought worthy of giving counsel to nations have considered it necessary to assert and to maintain as essen- tial to the liberty and wellbeing of mankind." With all his Free- trade partialities, Mr. Cobden seemed entirely to forget his principles when he compares the commercial system of Russia and Turkey. "Does he not know, and, if he does know, why does he attempt to withdraw the attention of the public from the fact, that the commercial sys- tem of Russia is eminently restrictive and prohibitive, and that the com- mercial system of Turkey is the most liberal that exists in any country with which we have commercial relations ? The honourable gentleman says it may be quite immaterial, in a commercial point of view, whether the Turk- ish empire belongs to Russia or no : but it is not true that the commerce of Turkey is immaterial to this country. The commerce of Turkey is very material to this country. Turkey has natural products quite as valuable as any we draw from any part of Russia ; and it possesses mineral and natural resources the development of which tends every year to make our commerce with Turkey more and more valuable. The honourable gentleman says, however, that we are under a misapprehension—that we look to a return moved for by an honourable Member of this House, which gives us as the commerce of Turkey all the commodities which pass through Turkey to other countries. I would ask the honourable gentleman, whether, if Turkey be considered a consumer herself, or a channel through which articles of con- sumption pass to other parts of Asia, it is not, in any view, of great import- ance to the commerce of England that Turkey should remain an independent state, with her liberal system of commerce ? "

Though he is so great an advocate for non-interference, Mr. Cobden com- mits to the future deliberation of Parliament this question—what shall we do with the Turkish empire ? how are we to dispose of the destinies of the Mahomedans, Greeks, and other races inhabiting that empire ? (Laughter.) Lord Palmerston did not admit that the Turkish empire is in a state of de- cay. The maintenance of its integrity and independence is not only desir- able, but worth contending for. Mr. Cobden was wholly misinformed as to the state of Turkey for the last thirty years. "I assert, without fear of contradiction, that Turkey, so far from having gone back within the last thirty years, has made greater progress and improvement, in every possible way, than perhaps was ever made by any other country during the same petier thtiapare the condition of Turkey now with what it was in the reign of the Sultan. Mahmoud, either with regard to the system of govern- ment as bearing upob the interests of the inhabitants, the state of the army , and nevi, the administration of justice, the condition of agriculture, manu- factures, and commerce, or religious toleration. I venture to say, that in all these respects Turkey has made immense progress during the period I have mentioned. So far, therefore, from going with the honourable gentle- man in. diet sort of political slang which is the fashion among those who wank to partition and devour Turkey,—so far from talking of Turkey as a dead body, an expiring body, or something that cannot be kept alive,—I am satisfied that if 3,0_ I/ Till only keep out of it those who want to get into it- (_ughter aw4 cheigng)—if you will only leave those who are in it to deal 'V it in the 'ay in which they are now dealing with it—there are countries in Europe to which the honourable gentleman has referred that are in much more danger of sudden dissolution from internal MBES than Turkey. Turkey, it is certain, has no Poland and no Hungary. (Cheers and laughter.) I must say, I never heard a speech more likely than that of the honourable gentleman to discourage a Government from pursuing the course of policy which he os- tensibly recommends, or more likely to damp the proper feeling of the country in support of that Government. I am happy to say, however, that it is the only speech of such a nature that we have Iheard tonight, and I trust that it will not mislead any persons beyond the limits of this country who might be misled by such statements. (Cheers.) I hope that language may not excite abroad feelings which might be likely to mar the efforts of her Majesty's Government in endeavouring to settle these matters in a manner satisfactory and honourable to this country. (Cheers.) I trust that the great prepon. derance of proper feeling and of proper sentiment upon the subject which the discussion of this evening has elicited will prove to all Europe what are the sentiments of the British Parliament, and what is the fixed determina- tion of the British nation. (Cheers.) This discussion will show that the policy of her Majesty's Government has the support of Parliament, and the consent and approval of the country ; and that, although there may be per- sons who may wish to see Russia extend her conquests over Turkey, such is not the wish of the British nation; but that the Government of England, supported by the people of England,. are determined to maintain the inde- pendence of a country which we think it essential to maintain independent, both for political and commercial reasons." (Cheers.) Government would not go into a re-arrangement of the Turkish dominions, or decide what shall be their form of government. It has been our policy to give such advice to the Turkish Government, with a view to the internal improvement of the country, as may add to the strength of the country, and contribute to the happiness of the people. Those endeavours have been attended with the most beneficial consequences. "I am convinced that if that system be pur- sued, and if England, united with France, shall say that Turkey shall not be molested by any other power, their dictum will be enforced. I am satis- fied that Turkey has within itself the elements of life and prosperity ; and I believe that the course adopted by her Majesty's Government is a sound policy, deserving the approbation of the country, and which it will be the duty of every British Government to pursue." Cheers.) The debate was brought to a close by Mr. B. D. SEYMOUR; who com- plimented Lord Palmerston on his "proper spirit," and the country in showing that it was not dormant.

CRIMINAL CODE OF MALTA.

Mr. KINNAIRD called the attention of the House of Commons to an amended code of laws proposed in Malta, and sent to this country for the sanction of the Crown.

One portion of this code has given just offence to the Protestant inhabitants of Malta. In the second book are seven separate articles relating to offences against the respect due to religion, which remind one, in the punishments they award, more of intolerant enactments of despotic governments than of the enlightened legislation of a free country. They are unprecedented in the laws of Malta itself. The only argument in favour of these articles is, that they are the necessary result of our guarantee to the Maltese of the continued free exercise of their religion. But when was such a guarantee given ? Sir Thomas Maitland issued a proclamation when he took possession of the island in 1813, promising the fullest protection to the free exercise of religion. Recognizing this promise to the fullest extent, it could not fairly mean to accord to the Maltese more protection than we enjoy ourselves. In 1837, in the amended code of laws which was then passed, in the 83d article the penalty of forced labour and imprisonment was awarded to "whoever shall disturb with violence, or with intent to profane, the sacred functions or ceremonies, whether of the Roman Catholic or of the Anglican religion during the celebration thereof." This enactment evidently contemplated overt acts during public worship, and was not intended to interfere with the full right of discussion. The erdinance which was passed with reference to the press forbade the pnblicahIon of any writing reviling, zidiculing„ or other- wise insulting any fundamental doctrine of the Christian religion; or any doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, the Established Church of England, or of any society of Christians other than these churches, or the government, rites, and discipline of these several churches. If they turned to the proposed amended code they would find that the Roman Catholic Church was designa- ted for the first time the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church, while the Es- tablished Church of England, was entirely omitted by name and only in- cluded under the general term " dissentient " from the Roman Catholic Church : so that it was proposed that the religion of the Sovereign herself should henceforth in Malta only be recognized as a dissentient worship from the Church of Rome ! They would also find that the functions of the Roman Catholic Church are alone termed sacred: that term is not, in the proposed code, applied to the Protestant worship.. The proposed penalties attach to offences against the Roman Catholic religion without as well as within the places of public worship, but not so in the case of other religions; and the same observation applies to the so-called insults offered to the ministers of tile Roman Catholic Church, and to thefts committed in their private houses, which are invariably annexed to their churches. The term "blasphemy" is applied to offences against the Virgin Mary and the Saints, as though they were entitled to divine honours : so that our Sovereign, who has declared her conviction that it is blasphemy so to honour her, is, by assenting to this code, to declare an opposite doctrine. Forced labour for from four to six years is awarded to thole) who steal the euchariat, even from a priest's house ; to which might be added solitary confinement for six terms, or sixty days ; and all might be increased by one degree, which might mean adding any or all of the aggravations of Minishment instituted by the prison regulations. If such a law were really carried out, it would necessitate a motion in that House similar to that made with reference to the Madiai--with this difference, that we should have to lay our petition at the feet of a Sovereign who, in the person of her Ministers, has protested against similar enactments. In this amended code there is also a distinction made, altogether foreign to the spirit of British legislation, between offences done with intent to profane and those done without such intent

Mr. Kinnaird moved an address, praying the Queen to withhold her sanc- tion from the code until it have been maturely considered by Parliament.

In the debate which followed, Mr. PE= stated that the code which was replaced by this amended code was much more illiberal ; the new code protected all religions, not one alone. Mr. Thomas CrusinEns, Mr. Luxe BUTT, Mr. APSLEY PELLATT Mr. Huns, and other Members, pointed out several phrases in the code incompatible with the Oath of Supremacy or the general spirit of British ecclesiastical policy ; and ultimately Lord Joust' Russe.xx admitted that there were such phrases as required reconsideration, especially the parenthetical words regarding the Roman Catholic religion—' the maintenance and protection of which in its present position are secured by law." Bb promised to send back the code, to be revised by the Council of Malta, in such a way that Go- vernment could assent to it without objection. On this understanding the motion was withdrawn.

THE Isms Brix.

On the motion of Sir CHARLES WOOD the Lords' amendments to the bill for the Government of India, were, sifter brief debate on the omitted salt clause, agreed to without a division. .

SALT-DUTY IN INDIA.

Sir Tow( PAXINGTON complained, that he should have been present to save that the House do disagree with the Lords' amendment in the India Bill expunging the clause prohibiting the salt-monopoly, had he been aware that the House would meet at one o'clock ; but he should not have divided on the question, because a division at this period of the year would not represent the opinions of the House. Would Government effect any change ? Sir Casamts Woof) said, that every pains had been taken to give no- tice, by a special order, that the House would meet at one, and take the India Bill first. For his own part, he was anxious to see a reduction in the salt-duty ; but it must be regarded as a matter of finance, and left to the Government of India.

Sir Charles incidentally announced the conclusion of hostilities with Burmah.

Sir Joust PAKINGTON intimated his intention of renewing the subject of the salt-duty next session.

SCOTCH UNIVERSITY TESTS.

The Earl of ABERDEEN, in moving that the House go into Committee on this bill, stated its object and its provisions. The tests were intended to operate to the exclusion of Episcopalians from the Professors' chairs : but now they exclude members of the Free Church only. It is not pro- posed to make any change in the tests as regards the Theological Profes- sors: but there is no reason why the Professor of Latin should believe in all the points of the Westminster Confession of Faith, still less that he should be subject to the discipline and government of the Church of Scot- land. It has been alleged that the bill interferes with the Act of Union : but that act, like all acts, has been modified, and in this instance a great practical grievance calls for the modification. Lord RitnFADALE objected. The Earl of HADDINGTON supported the The Duke of ARGYLL made a speech in explanation of the reasons that induced him to support the bill : they coincided with those of Lord Aber- deen.

The bill passed through Committee.

CONSOLIDATION OP THE STATUTES.

The LORD CHANCELLOR presented the report of the Commissioners ap- pointed to consider the consolidation of the statutes. Briefly he stated the results which have been already attained. In the first place, a list has been prepared of all the statutes not obsolete, nor for temporary and local but for general purposes, which have been passed since Magna Charts. The number is 16,000; but, taking away 5300 repealed or vir- tually repealed, a number besides which relate to Scotland or Irelaud exclusively, and 3900 which the Commissioners have not determined on, there remain, say, 2500 acts for consolidation ; and these they have ana- lyzed. As there is some difference of opinion as to the best mode of con- solidation, specimens on different principles have been prepared ; and one of these a digest of the law of distress for rent, is in the report. Mr. Goode has completed a digest of the Poor-laws. What Lord Cranworth now proposed was to see whether the whole of the provisions relating to one subject might not be put into one statute. Each of the Commissioners has been requested to take a subject and frame a scheme of consolida- tion with that view. The House would see that these gentlemen have not been idle ; and Lord Cranworth was sure the scheme would be found useful to the public. LAND IN Viexonis.

In reply to a call by Sir least PAKINGTON for correspondence, Mr. Psim gave an explanation on the subject of land in Victoria. Great and serious difficulties have been felt by the Government of Victoria, and to a certain extent, though to a less degree, of New South Wales also, In putting up to sale by auction land in sufficient quantity, and in the locali- ties to which a preference was given, to meet the wants of those persons who, acquir' ing wealth in consequence of the gold-discoveries, were desirous of investing their gains in the purchase of land. The difficulty arose out of an order in Council adopted in 1847, which was based on an act of Parlia- ment passed the preceding year. That order in Council gave the holders of Nstoral runs certain rights to leases and rights of renewal and preEmption. He was unable to say what course the Government would take,—whether they found it necessary to amend the order in Council, or whether they found that they had sufficient powers reserved to them under the existing order in Council. The question is under consideration, and it is intended to dispose of it before the control over the waste lands should be transferred to the local Legislatures.

COINAGE.

Mr. THORNELY asked, whether measures would be taken to remove the great inconveniences arising from the want of silver coin ? Mr. WILSON explained the position of the Mint.

Within the last eight weeks, terminating on Saturday last, 244,800/. in silver coin had been coined; an amount unprecedented in the annals of this country. It would be followed by the issue of a million of half-sovereigns. The Master of the Mint had sent him an account of the coinage of silver from the 1st of May till last Saturday, from which it appeared that the coin- age of gold in 1850 amounted to 66,0001.; in 1851, to 4,199,0001.; in 1852, to 4,453,0001.; and this year to 9,099,000/., being more than the aggregate of the previous three years. With respect to silver, there has been a great addition to the coinage ; in 1850 the amount coined was 129,0001. • in 1851, 19,0001.; in 1852, 32,0001.; and this year no less than 416,0001. ihe House would see that, whatever complaints might be made, or whatever inconve- nience the country might suffer, the blame was not on the part of the Mint. With respect to the coinage of florins, no less than 383,824/. had been coined. The coinage of half-crowns ceased entirely in 1850.

MISCELLANEOUS.

In Committee of the Lords on the Pilotage Bill, the Earl of HARD- WICKE proposed to delay the operation of clause 10 for a year in respect of Liverpool. The clause provides that in case the pilotage authori- ties refuse, the Board of Trade may grant licences to masters to pilot their own vessels. The motion was negatived by 14 to 6.

The Commons' amendments to the Charitable Trusts Bill were agreed to by the Lords, except that in clause 19, which places proceedings with reference to the smaller charities under the control of the Attorney-Ge- neral: that was held to be contrary to the spirit of the bill. In this amendment the Commons have acquiesced.

In reply to questions, Mr. CARDWELL stated that instructions had been issued by Sir James Graham to the Pacific squadron, to take the ut- most pains to report immediately any possibility of the discovery of islands productive of guano. He also informed the House, that Captain Beechy, on behalf. of Great Britain, would attend the conference with Lieutenant Maury at Brussels about to deliberate on arrangements to enable the navies of all nations to make meteorological observations at sea, in concert.

In Committee of the Commons on the Passengers Act Amendment Bill, Mr. Pnza, explained, that the bill was intended to rectify some anomalies in the present law, and to facilitate emigration from China to the West Indies. It is necessary to guard against crimps ; and for this Govern- ment control is required. The bill empowers the Governors of Colonial possessions to reduce the present allowance for each emigrant [15 super- ficial feet] to 12 feet ; and it was thought that might be safely done with Asiatics. The emigrants sent from tha East Indies to the Mauritius, 8000 ifs 1850, had only an allowance of 12 feet. If the space were not reduced for the West India emigration, it would go on without Govern- ment control, ELEc-riox ComurrrEns.

The two Committees on the borough of Peterborough have reported nearly simultaneously. The Election Committee appointed to inquire into the validity of Mr. Whalley's claims to the seat have decided, that as Mr. Whalley had been found guilty of treating at the preceding elec- tion, he was not qualified, and had not been duly elected ; and that Mr. Thomas Hankey junior had been duly elected. The Committee on the allegations made by Mr. Bright, founded on a peti- tion, against Earl Fitzwilliam for interference in the elections of Peter- borough have issued a report. They state in detail the facts that have come under their notice, and close with these general inferences-

" The Committee have now detailed the material facts proved before them with respect to the elections in July and December 1852, and the petition presented against Mr. Whalley's return ; and they are of opinion, that though Earl Fitzwilliam did take part in the selection of the candidates, he did not personally interfere in the progress of the election; and that although per- sons who were the servants and agents of Earl Fitzwilliam did take part in the conduct of the elections, there is no proof of their doing anything that they were not entitled to do as electors of the borough. The Committee are further of opinion, that it is not proved that Earl Fitzwilliam instigated or originated the petition against Mr. Whalley's return, though he sanctioned it, subject to counsel's opinion, and contributed largely towards the expense of prosecuting it. On the other hand, it is established to the satisfaction of your Committee, that there is a very general impression among the electors and inhabitants of Peterborough, grounded on their knowledge of Earl Fitzwilliam's influence upon the householders and scot and lot voters, under the circumstances above reported, that any candidate would have little chance of success who had not his approval ; and there is no doubt that this im- pression does seriously interfere with the freedom of election in that city."