ROBERT STEPHEN RINTOUL.

The interest which attaches to the biography of a man like Ro- bert Stephen Rintoul does not arise from stirring adventure or startling transition. The times in which he lived were indeed full of rapid and astounding changes, and he was in the throng of some of the most exciting struggles, but his history as an indi- tdual is a tale of healthy, equable development of vigorous na- tural powers, of an honourable though not dazzling success at- tained by the incessant, regulated exertion of well-balanced facul- ties; of the love and esteem of a wide circle earned by sterling integrity. The career of the intellectual labourer is rarely pic- turesque. In general we may say of such a career-

" It is no tale ; but, if you think,

Perhaps a tale you'll make it."

Born in 1787, Rintoul attained the age at which the mind first begins to take an interest in public affairs, at a time when Scot- land was literally paralyzed by a reign of terror. The harshness and indeterminateness of the penal law of Scotland with reference to political offences' the truculence of the judges, and the subser- vience of juries Intel crushed the Reformers in 1794. The spirit awakened in the Scotch people by threats of invasion had ren- dered popalar the party which had confirmed itself in power by a scandalous abuse of antiquated and defective laws. To be re- garded as a democrat, to be even an avowed ,partisan of Charles James Fox, was enough to blight any man s prospects in life,

and in some districts even to exclude him from. society. But already elements were at work which were destined to dissipate this palpable Egyptian darkness which had settled down upon the land. Church politics have always exercised a powerful influ- ence over the public mind in Scotland. The skilful tactics of Robertson and his successor Hill, and the secession of the Er-

skine. aad their, adherents, had left the popular party in the Kirk of Scotland—the party characterized by rigid Calvinism and a sturdy assertion of the right of congregations to a voice in the election of their ministers—a small minority in the Established Church. A sense of weakness, and sympathy of sentiments and opinions, led this minority to cultivate a good understanding with the seceders from the Church, whose strength lay in the middle classes, and not a few of whom had been compromised in the heat of the political persecution. An antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the populace on the one hand, and the clerical ma- jority in the Church Courts on the other was produced by this state of affairs, which rendered that majority—the moderate party as it was called—morbidly jealous of everything. that re- sembled a popular movement. Under the influence of this feel- ing they attempted harshly and injudiciously to prevent the esta- blishment and diffusion of Sunday schools and distinguished themselves by an inveterate opposition. to the efforts of the dis- ciples of Joseph Lancaster to improve elementary education, and of the intelligent burgesses who exerted themselves to elevate the character of their burgh schools. I habit of cooperation rather than a conscious alliance was thus established between the ortho- dox clergy and the small party which cherished in silence the prin- ciples of popular government. Another connecting link between them existed in the person of Sir Henry Moncrieff, the leader of the orthodox party in the Church Courts, a man of rare strength of character anti great benevolence, of old family, and a staunch Whig. This tacit alliance was cemented by the jobbing spirit of the moderate leaders in the Church, who attempted to monopolize certain literary and scientific chairs in the Universities for their clerical partisans, and thus brought the orthodox clergy to make common cause with the Playfairs, SteWarts, and Leslies. The alienation of the popular mind from the moderate churchmen, (and the Tories with whom they had identified themselves,) was increased by their standing aloof from the Bible and Missionary societies, which began, with the zealous cooperation of the ortho- dox clergy, to ramify: extensively. By these various processes the dominant party in Church and State became, to a great extent, isolated from the living iutellect of Scotland long before the movement assumed a political form. At the same time the self-elective constitution of the Councils of the Royal Burghs gave rise to great abuses, and much local excitement. The funds of the burghs were scan- dalously misappropriated, and some of them actually became insolvent. A conviction of the necessity of Municipal Re- form thus became prevalent among a class which would have shrunk timidly from the imputation of concerning themselves with_politics. As the election of the burgh representatives for the House of Commons was vested in the Town Councils, the proposal to remodel their constitution had necessarily a politi- cal bearing ; but this Burgh Reformers, partly from timidity and partly from prudence, kept as long as possible in the back- ground. These were the influences which mainly contributed to resuscitate a healthy political spirit in Scotland. The influ- ence of the .Edinburylt Review was no doubt great, but it was principally confined to the educated classes, and contributed more perhaps to the reconstruction of a Whig party in the Legislaturer than of a popular party in Scotland. The educated liberals scattered over the country, watched attentively the working of public opinion with a view to turn it to account. There were various centres of Whig political action in Scotland ; and the county of Forfar, in which Dundee is situated, the residence of Mr. Ramsay Matile (afterwards Lord Paninure), Lord Kinnaird, Jiinloch of Kinloch, and other staunch politicians of the Charles James Fox school was not one of the least importance. Rintoul was destined to be not a mere recipient of these social influences ; he was to play an active part in developing them to important issues. Our information respecting his carly fortunes is meagre. He does not appear to have enjoyed a University edu- cation, but to have been well grounded at the grammar school. The exact nature of his original connexion with the Dundee Ad- vertiser is uncertain, but there io no doubt that before 1813, before he had completed his twenty-sixth year, he had become editor of that journal. The manner in which he set himself to the discharge of his editorial duties was characteristic ; the account we had from his own mouth. His first aim was tc make his paper as complete a record of contemporary history as possible. In order that no- thing of importance should be emitted he sought to economize space ; in order that none of the contents should be overlooked by the readers he sought to perfect their distribution and arrange- ment. Even at that early period of his career he attempted to elevate the compilation of a newspaper into an art. The selection, condensation, and classification of news, and discussions in each successive issue was carefully studied with a view to make the paper complete and attractive as a whole. To attain this end he, at least, on one occasion, actually re-wrote the whole contents of a number of his journal. Such conscientious efforts to excel were rewarded by the rapid extension of the circulation of the Adver- tiser and its growth in popularity.

Rintoul was favourably circumstanced for obtaining materials which might contribute to the substantial, as well as the formal improvement of the journal intrusted to his care. The great i number of bursaries n the University of St. Andrews, (in compa- rison with the number of students,) has at all times induced a larger proportion of the young men of the immediately adjoining counties to resort to it than is usually the case in Scotland. The district clergy too, from maintaining a more than usual intimacy with the Alma Mater in after-life, used to keep alive more of their early literary tastes than was common with the class else- where. The burgh schools of Dundee were even at the com- mencement of Rintoul's career of a superior character, and the more intelligent of his townsmen were earnestly and success- fully labouring to improve them. He was at once fond of intel- lectual pursuits, and fond of society—in which his natural sagacity and an original vein of humour made him highly popular ; and he was thus enabled to gather round him a circle of attached friends well qualified to lend him literary advice and assistance. Among his occasional contributors—as early as 1813—was Thomas Chalmers, who was already emerging from the obscurity of a country parish. Chalmers was then at the turning-point of his career. At an earlier period his aspirations had been exclusively intellectual. The devotional part of his nature was now in a state of rapid de- velopment, and the "religious public" was eagerly welcoming so distinguished a convert. In this transition stage he had not learned to adjust so successfully as he afterwards did his intellec- tual aspirations, and his practical investigations into the natural laws of social economy with a 'predominant devotional turn of mind. After earnest efforts to accommodate himself to the con- ventional tone of the religious circles, into which he was after- wards to inspire a higher spirit, he would at times seek relief in the conversation of his older associates, and Rintoul was often resorted to for that purpose. In their walks in the environs of Dundee the views developed in Chalmers's "Stability of National Resources" were often canvassed between them. And Rintoul was even then one of those who repay the communication of a new idea by reproducing it in a modified form and suggesting its association with other trains of thought. Besides Chalmers he was in habits of familiar intercourse with Duncan and Fleming, names honourably known in Scotch science, and with many culti- vated intellects who have passed away and left no name behind them.

Aided and encouraged by such auxiliaries the Advertiser took a prominent part in advocating educational improvements. Al- though not a religious journal, its columns were always open to communications from the friends of missions, and the asserters of pure administration in Church and State. The active part taken by the principal proprietors of the Advertiser in burgh politics brought Rintoul into intimate relations with another class ; men fond it might be of a somewhat rude sociality, but who in their business pursuits had developed a robust sagacity. In combina- tion with these men he made his paper a formidable assailant of the corrupt proceedings of the close corporation of the town. The increasing wealth and population of Dundee called for public works, the importance of which their local rulers were incapable of comprehending. The occupations of the counting-house re- quired a better educated class of young men than the defective established schools of the district could supply. From 1813 to 1822 was a busy and exciting period of Rintoul's life, agitating for the improvement of the burgh schools the extension of the har- bour accommodation the exposure of focal fiscal mismanagement, controversies respecting the best modes of pauper relief, &c. &c. He was thus unconsciously training himself for public discussion on a wider field.

The local influence obtained by the Dundee Advertiser at- tracted the attention of the Whig leaders in the district to the paper and its editor. A friendly intercourse had always been maintained between Mr. Ramsay Mauls and the Reformers of the Forfarshire burghs. Rintoul's intelligence, and a certain racy originality in his conversation rendered him an especial favourite at Panmure House. There in the year 1818 he first met with Joseph Hume. It was at a great dinner given for the purpose of introducing the future financial reformer to the notabilities of Dundee and the sister burghs. One remark which fell from Mr. Hume in the course of the evening left a deep impression upon Rintoul, for we have frequently heard him advert to it. Sir Francis Burdett was then at the zenith of his popularity, and some of the guests were loud in their praises of him. 'Hume listened at first with indifference ; then with slight symptoms of impatience ; and finally broke out with, " He talks well, but what has he done ?" The rest of the company, it would appear, were rather startled by such a heretical doubt of the political value of their then idol ; but Rintoul sympathized from the first with the declaration in favour of real *ork. The " do-some- thing " creed, however, soon became the political creed of the dis- trict. Subsequent to 1818 events which were calculated to accele- rate the diffusion of sentiments and opinions hostile to the then ex- isting system of government followed each other in rapid succession. The death of George the Third, the Manchester disturbances, the trial of the Queen, every-thing conspired to augment the numbers and increase the confidence of the Opposition. A series of annual dinners at Edinburgh, at which Macintosh and other distinguished members of the Whig party attended, were resorted to from all parts of Scotland. The Dundee Reformers were not absent, though they sympathized more with the advanced opinions of the Westminster liberals than with the eclectic and cautious polities of the Edinburgh Review. Douglas Kinnaird, the friend of Byron and Hobhouse, was connected with Forfarshire ; and Joseph Hume already avowed the principles to disseminate which the Westminster Review was subsequently founded. A emu_ parative lull in political excitement prevailed for some years after the death of Lord Castlereagh, but it was only the prelude to fiercer contests. The Cabinet had even before that event become conscious that concessions must be made to the ad- vancing spirit of the age. A weekly newspaper—the Guardian-- was actually established by Government money in London, about 1820, for the purpose of writing up the principles of the Holland House Whigs and. the persons of the Liverpool Ministry. The object was to prepare the Tory party for acquiescence in liberal measures. This extraordinary stroke of finesse was desisted from soon after the Queen's arrival in England ; the Govern- ment subvention was withdrawn from the paper ; but it had already effected enough to render possible the subsequent coali- tion of the Canningite Tories and the Holland House Whigs. During the administration of Mr. Canning and the brief and feeble Cabinets which succeeded him, the "educated radicals".-. as it had now become the fashion to call the disciples of Bentham, and James Mill—had not been idle. Though not numerous they were an active party ; their leaders were men of clear views and great energy; their head-quarters were in the back shop Of Francis Place at Charing Cross, but the bookselling agency of the Westminster Review was a most efficient missionary organiza- tion throughout the kingdom. But before these diversified in- fluences had been fully brought into play, Rintoul had been re- moved from a provincial to a metropolitan sphere of action. About the year 1825 he terminated his connexion with the Dundee Advertiser. The reasons for his taking this step have no interest for the public. He first attempted to establish a news- paper at Leith ; but that experiment was soon given up. He then accepted the editorship of the London Atlas which had recently been started. This engagement was brought about by the media- tion of Douglas Kinnaird, who had had ample opportunities of observing the ability of Rintoul as an editor, and his skill and energy as a partisan. The recommendations of Kinnaird and Hume were excellent passports to the circles of independent liberal politicians in London ; but Rintoul's first care was to collect around him an efficient literary staff. The cooperation of Haz- litt, Fonblanque, Southern, and also of able critics in the depart- ments of music and the fine arts, was secured ; and everything promised a long and prosperous career for the Atlas. But diffi- culties arose between the editor and the proprietors. The en- gagement was rescinded. A fund was raised for the establish- ment of a weekly newspaper ly subscriptions of a few friends and connexions of Rintoul. His literary coadjutors, for the most part stood true to him. He was invested with absolute power as edi- tor; and on the 5th of July 1828, the first number of the Spec- tator was published. His history from that day to the day of his death was the history of this journal. He was now free to experiment in the art of compiling a news- paper as unrestrictedly as when he first became editor of the Dundee Advertiser. His ambition to produce a perfect paper was as great ; personal intercourse with men who occupied dis- tinguished positions in the literary and political circles, had expanded his mind ; and the lapse of three lustres had somewhat abated the headlong impetuosity of youth. He had naturally a propensity to examine every question from all points of view. He was anxious to free his mind from all prepossessions that might obscure the truth. The fusion, or confusion of parties, at the time the Spectator was started, predisposed the general public to support a journal conducted in this unpartisan spirit. The coalition of Whigs and Tories under Canning had effaced the dividing line of parties, and the preference evinced by Parliament or the pub- lic for one minister over another was dictated by personal rather than political considerations. Measures more than men were the preva- lent subjects of discussion ; and liberal conservatives and prac- tical reformers were alike disposed to entertain measures by which administrative government might be improved. The Spectator professed to be "a family newspaper," to record every event of social or political importance, to devote particular attention to literature, popular science, and the fine arts, and, to be inde- pendent of all party connexions. The matured skill of the editor, and his care to engage able assistants, were rewarded by a decided success, and his path was at first open and free from thorns. The emancipation of the Catholics—the first question of moment that occurred—was easily dealt with. Peel's wise determination, to prevent a civil war by doing justice to the Romanists, met with the approbation of every candid and dispassionate mind. But the vindictive rage of the bigots who opposed Emancipation, prompted them to raise the question of Parliamentary Reform by way of re- taliation. They vainly imagined that the populace were as intole- rant as themselves, and that an extension of popular influence. in Parliamentary elections would enable them to reestablish sectarian principles of government. The Tory Marquis of Blandford was the first to propose a measure of Parliamentary Reform. The question being thus raised the real Parliamentary Reformers were not slow to enter the field, and more than one plan of reform was brought forward as an amendment upon that of the Marquis of Blandford. Still the question was dispassionately and even lan- guidly discussed. But an unexpected impulse was given to the move- ment from without. The expulsion of the elder line of the Bourbons, and the establishment of the throne of the Barricades excited a strong and far from hostile sensation throughout England. The self- control and humanity of the successful insurgents were the theme of universal praise. Meetings were held in many districts to congratulate the French people on their recovered liberties, in which men of all shades of opinion took a part. These meetings had no reference to English politics, but an emulative spirit naturally took possession of the public mind, and increased the desire to follow the lead of France and obtain for the people a preponderant voice in the branch of the Legislature which was said to represent them. The partyaverse to constitu- tional change saw, when too late, the mistake it had com- mitted. The onward march of Reform could no longer be arrested. The Wellington Ministry opposed itself to the move- ment, and for its meed was beaten down and marched over. A new Ministry was installed in office with Parliamentary Reform for its programme. Of these events Rintoul had been an observ- ant and deeply-interested watcher. He was a reformer both by conviction and sentiment. He was no party-man, but here was a national not a party movement. The sympathies of all his most valued political advisers were with the Reform movement. After mature and dispassionate reflection, he came to the conclu- sion that, as a journalist, it was his duty to throw himself into the scale of reform. From this conclusion some of his own connexions who had aidedin the establishment of the Spectator dissented. This did not cause a moment's hesitation on his part. Arrangements were made for buying up their interest in the concern, and the Spec- tator pronounced for Reform. Rintoul's was no half-hearted ad- hesion to the cause. When Earl Grey's Bill was brought forward he, after an impartial scrutiny, came to the conclusion that it was adequate, and the Spectator was the first to raise the cry, "The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill." The phrase took the popular fancy, and contributed greatly to prevent the interposing of obstructions in the form of counter-projects from self-willed and crotchety individuals. But even in the heat of the Reform Bill struggle Rintoul did not forget that the bill was merely the means to the attainment of an end. He had not forgotten Hume's pregnant words about doing as more valuable than saying. He sought Parliamentary Reform because he believed it would facilitate the attainment of legislative and administrative reforms. And with this view the first series of Spectator Supplements was published, directing attention to those reforms in the financial, war, and other departments of Go- vernment, to which a reformed Parliament ought, without loss of time, to direct its attention. In publishing these supplements, .Rintoul took up the ground which more than twenty years after the "Administrative Reformers" attempted to take up, but with- out success. "The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," carried the day ; but the legislative and administrative reforms recommended by the originator of that cry were indefinitely post- poned. The period immediately succeeding the passing of Lord Grey's Reform Bill was a barren and disappointing era. The first general election under the new law gave an enormous majority to Ministers in the House of Commons. Ministers were startled by the immense load of responsibility thus thrown upon them ; none of them were prepared to adopt a bold course and the more timid were already looking back to air alliance with the conservatives. Their want of decision excited vague discontents, especially, in Ireland, and under the pressure of the aristocratic section of the Cabinet a Coercion Bill for that country was introduced. Lord Durham, Mr. Abereromby, and other influential Whigs, remonstrated against this adoption of a Tory policy, but the temporizing policy of Brougham and the self-will of Stanley prevailed. These internal discontents came to an outbreak at the entertainments given to Lord Grey in Edin- burgh, and Lord Durham in Glasgow. In this unhappy contro- versy the Spectator zealously advocated what came to be called the Durham test—the completion of the work of Reform by ex- tending the suffrage, shortening the duration of Parliaments and the adoption of secret voting. These inherent dissensions led to the first abortive attempt of the Conservatives to snatch the reins of government, and to the brief interregnum of Sir Robert Peel, followed by the establishment of the Melbourne Government in consequence of the Litchfield House compact. To this result the advanced reformers with whom Rintoul cooperated had mainly contributed ; but their hopes were disappointed. "Under the Mel- bourne, as under the Grey Cabinet, irresolute counsels prevailed.

It now became clear to Rintoul that the popular movement which had carried the Reform Bill had spent its force. He grew weary of the aimless contests of so-called Reformers and Conserva- tives. He reverted to the policy upon which he had acted along with Hume and other "educated radicals" before the Reform agitation commenced. He redoubled his exertions to make this journal a truthful and attractive record of all social movements, and of all that was accomplished in art, science, or literature. And he set himself to promote social and civil reforms irrespective of party. Mr. Grote's labours for the adoption of vote by ballot, and Mr. Rowland Hill's original and efficacious plan of Post-office reform, were ably and efl'ectively advocated by the Spectator. But for many years a prominent feature in this journal was the discussion of questions connected with Colonial policy. It has been intimated above that the principles of economical science were a favourite theme of discussion with Chalmers and Rintoul before the former left Kilmany for Glasgow. One point upon which they agreed was, that Adam Smith's enumeration of the elements of the production of national wealth was defective, inasmuch as he ought to have added a profitable field of invest- ment, to labour and accumulated capital. Neither of them, how- ever, followed out this idea to its practical applications. That task was reserved for Edward Gibbon Wakefield, whose subtle

and restless intellect busied himself with this problem to relieve the ennui of his confinement in Newgate. One important con- clusion at which Wakefield arrived was, that much of the dis- tress and discomfort which pervaded society among the lower and still more (motif the middle classes, was owing to the want of an adequate field of profitable investment for capital and. labour. Two modes occurred to him of extending this field ; the one was the removal of all artificial obstructions to productive in- dustry ; the other the reclaiming of waste lands by colonization. These views were first submitted to the world in the book en- titled " England and America " ' • a work which remained some time in MS. in the publisher's hands, and was ultimately pub- lished at the earnest instigation of Rintoul. Previous to the ap- pearance of "England and America," much attention had been directed to emigration as a means of relieving the distress of the working classes ; the question of colonization was therefore the first that attracted general notice. Several circumstances con- curred to increase the interest thus awakened in colonial ques- tions. The state of society occasioned in New South Wales by the enormous influx of convicts had led to an eitensive agitation in the colony, with a view to render it no longer a penal settle- ment. The more intelligent of the West India proprietors, with a view to avert the ruin which they apprehended from the abo- lition of Negro slavery, were beating about for the means of ob- taining adequate supplies of free labour. The discontent of Ca- nada was a permanent source of weakness to the empire, and that discontent seemed traceable in no small degree to the impedimenta thrown in the way of settlement by injudicious and jobbing ad- ministration. Of these questions that of systematic colonization was first taken up. The Spectator was for a time the only advocate of this movement in the press. Sir Henry Ward's Committee of the House of Commons on Colonization in 1836, and the operations of the various companies formed for colonizing South Australia and. New Zealand, afforded topics for illustrative dissertation. Sir William Molesworth's Committees on Penal Transportation afforded the means of showing that systematic colonization was the best remedy for the evils under which New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land were labouring. The rebellion in Canada led to the Commission under Earl Durham ; and the valuable reports of that Commission, prepared by Mr. Wakefield and Mr. Charles Buller, threw new light on the principles expounded in "England and America." Lastly, the proposed equalization of the sugar-duties having concentrated the attention of the more intel- ligent West Indians on the most likely means of rendering the transition from a state of protection to a state of free-trade innoxious Mr. Burnley (the brother-in-law of Mr. Joseph Hume) recommended the adoption of a system for procuring free labour to the use of our settlements in the Antilles, based upon the

i

prciples expounded "England and America." All these various groups—Australians West Indians, Canadians, opponents of transportation as a penalty. for crime—were agreed in recog- nizing the truth of the principles of Gibbon Wakefield. Each applied them to its own case and in its own way. All were sys- tematically thwarted by the Colonial Office. Rintoul and his coadjutors in the Spectator, incessantly, reminded them that their cause was a common one ; encouraged them to perseverance ; laboured to diffuse through the general public a sense of the im- portance of the questions at issue ; assailed the Colonial Officio with sarcasm or with reasoning as occasion offered. "Whoever wishes to know the result of this agitation, has only to compare the state of our colonies and colonial administration as it was before 1836 and as it is now. The change is prodigious, and shows how much may be effected by one unaided journal, when its editor is animated by profound convictions, and has the tact to rally round him a band of earnest and able coadjutors.

Another opportunity of enforcing the recognition and applica- tion of the doctrine of a sufficient field of investment was offered when the agitation of the Anti-Corn-Law League commenced. This principle places in a dearer point of view than any other ar- gument, the suicidal folly of restrictive corn-laws. Radon', therefore, though he had no part in originating the agitation com- menced by the League, was from first to last one of the most effi- cient assistants of that body in the press, though he always re- mained independent of them—their ally, not their servant.

The agitation of questions of colonial and commercial policy had the advantage of emancipating the minds of many from the tram- mels of party. The Members who cooperated with Rintoul in ori- ginating and directing the colonial movement, belonged to that vigorous and highly cultivated class who are at all times superior to a narrow party spirit. The sturdy and less logical oppo- nents of the Corn-laws were taught by experience that they had as little to hope from professing Reformers as from avowed Con- servatives. Thus was brought about the state in which the pub- lic mind was found at the time of Sir Robert Peel's last accession to office. The discomfited Whigs attempted, when too late, to retrieve their position, by affecting an eagerness to promote re- forms—the repeal of the Corn-laws among others—which they had systematically obstructed while in office. But before they could obtain credit for the sincerity of their conversion, Peel had cut the ground from beneath their feet, by introducing mea- sures of financial reform and on the first opportunity, of Corn-

law Repeal. Rintoul had thoroughly disabused by experience of his belief in a professing Reform Government. He was con- vinced that the name of Reform had become a mere cloak for ob- structive practices. He foresaw that the time must coma when the nominal Reformers would lose their hold on the

country and when Peel—the only alternative—would come into office. He saw that the administrative and social reforms for the sake of which alone he had advocated Parliamentary Reform, weld only be attained by enlightening the public mind and bring- ins it to bear upon Parliament. He had deliberately made up his mind beforehand, that in the event of the formation of a Peel Cabinet, he would offer it no opposition, but would support its measures if good, oppose them if bad. The announcement of this policy in the columns of the Spectator drew down upon it a storm of vituperation and calumny, partly from baffled jobbers, partly from well-meaning men who could not emancipate their minds from the prejudices of party. We do not say that Rintoul was insensible to these attacks ; but he gave no signs of feeling them and pursued the even tenour of his way. And verily he had le reward of his unostentatious and fearless independence. Even in a pecuniary way he lost nothing. Such had always been Mt to be the excellence of the Spectator as a reliable record of events, that even those subscribers who were most irritated by the course it pursued could find no substitute and continued their subscriptions. They swore at their leek, but they ate their leek too. By far the greater part of the regular readers of the Spectator have alwaysbeen of a class that is not affected by partisan spleen : its circulation being chiefly, as it must always aim to be among the men of cul- ture, who like to listen to all sides of controversies, provided the argument is conducted with fairness and moderation. The Specta- tor exercised a powerful influence upon public opinion, but it did this not by telling direct on the masses, but by swaying those members who ultimately form public opinion. Amid the howl of faction therefore the Spectator preserved unabated its influence and its prosperity: The general publics slowly but steadily grew reconciled to its views. Alienated friends came back to the edi- tor one by one. A most gratifying instance of this kind occurred only a few weeks before the death of Mr. Rintoul. A distin- guished statesman who at present administers one of the most important of our colonies, had vehemently attacked him at the time of Sir Robert Peel's accession to office. The controversy became virulent and personal, and ended in the rupture of a friendship of old standing. Not long before the death of Rintoul he received a letter from a common friend to the effect that he was charged to convey to him, on behalf of the gentleman alluded to the expression of his sense that he had done him injustice that he felt our friend had acted an honourable and useful part through- out; and that he regretted the interruption of their intimacy. This spontaneous expiation of an old offence was alike honourable to him who offered, and gratifying to him who received it. It would be superfluous, in the columns of the Spectator, to dwell upon the many other services rendered to the public by its late editor. Our main object, in this very imperfect sketch, has been to present the broad outlines of his editorial career ; to show that he was animated throughout by a guiding and controlling principle ; and to explain how his natural disposition and the cir- cumstances in which he was placed, contributed to the develop- ment of that principle. In undertaking this task we have had a higher object in view than even that of doing justice to a loved and lamented friend. We have desired to exhibit Rintoul as a remarkable example of the extent to which the cultivation of knowledge, and the adherence to principles of integrity, may con- tribute to success in the career of journalism. He saw that in- tegrity, and ability are the only legitimate sources of success for a journalist. He studied every political question—both in itself and in its relations to a general system—before he took his side. Having taken his side he adhered to it, without respect of per- sons, through good report and bad report. He was ready to co- operate with any statesman or any party for good ; he was above being made the mere instrument of any clique or person either by intimidation or solicitation. By adhering to these simple maxims he earned for this journal a character which it has steadily main- tained. His success was not of the kind which the world calls brilliant, but it was enough for one whose greatest pleasure was to study man and society in all their phases, and to enjoy the consciousness of having promoted what was just and beneficial without caring who got the credit of the achievement. Were there more such editors, journalism would be more universally respected and more useful even than it is.

• We have spoken only of Rintoul the journalist. There was no- thing romantic in the incidents of his steady, regulated career. Thus much, however, we may be allowed to say. Never was a kinder heart concealed under a somewhat brusque and peremptory exterior. His charity was large, but he literally obeyed the in- junction not to allow his left hand, to know what his right was doing. His capacity for labour was unsurpassed ; but when he allowed himself a rare holiday, an hour of leisure, he had a singu- lar faculty of entirely throwing off for the time every trace of the cares of business. That his conversation was interesting and in- structive will be believed from the fact that it was courted by men like Wha.tely, Grote, Molesworth, and Buller. That he was a just, kind, and considerate master will be believed from the fact that none wept more bitterly over his closing tomb than the prin- cipal members of his publishing establishment, who have been with him throughout the whole thirty years of the Spectator's existence. Mr. Rintoul married some years before he quitted Scotland, and he leaves a wife, a son and daughter. We will not betrude on the sacred grief of a household into which Death has -entered- for the first time after thirty years' enjoyment of perfect confidence and affection.