POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

The two Houses of Parliament last night, on the invitation of the Ministers of the Crown, took into consideration the Queen's Message an- nouncing the declaration of war against Russia, and unanimously voted an appropriate address on the subject. The debate, however, afforded a sample of the " support " to her Majesty's Government in prosecution of the war which may be expected from an Opposition less powerful than factious; as it also showed which party it is whose genuine sympa- thies oblige it to subserve Russian purposes. The Queen's Message having been read, the Earl of CLARENDON rose to move the address to her Majesty. The opening of his speech was solemn and impressive- " My Lords, in rising to move your Lordships to agree to the address which I shall have the honour to propose to you in answer to the gracious message of her Majesty, it will not be necessary for me to detain the House at any great length upon a subject with which your Lordships are already so well acquainted, from the papers which have been laid before you, and from the discussions which have taken place. But, my Lords, on an occasion like the present—an occasion so solemn in its character and of such grave im- portance—when the doubts and anticipations of the last few months have been dispelled—when the peace which we have so long laboured to maintain is at an end—when the war which for years past we have thought impos- sible is about to begin—and when your Lordships are now called upon to reply to the appeal which her Majesty has made to your loyalty and devotion to assist her in the course she is about to adopt in defence of an injured

• ally—I admit that I cannot approach the subject, familiar as it is, without feelings of the deepest anxiety. My Lords, I do not shrink from the expression of this feeling, because I believe it is a feeling in which your Lordships will entirely participate ; because it is not inconsistent with the national honour—not inconsistent with the courage which animates Englishmen—not inconsistent with that firm determination, and that steadfastness of purpose, which in past times has borne us safely, as it will again, through every danger—calmly to contemplate the wide field of calamity which war opens to the view, or to reflect upon the vast and vari- ous interests which are at stake—upon the social progress which will be im- peded—upon the burdens which will be increased upon the people. But, my Lords, these considerations—presenting themselves, and weighing heavily as

they must do, upon every reflecting mind—have not proved.sufficient either to abate the determination or to quench the ardour, I should rather say the enthusiasm, with which the country has risen, as we know, at the sacred call of duty, to vindicate the national honour in a holy, just, and righteous cause. My Lords, I trust that nothing will fall from me this evening to mar this unanimous feeling, with which it is, on every account, important that our proceedings should be characterized, or to impair the great and good effect which I know has been produced throughout the whole of Europe by the unanimity of the people of this country, and the imposing attitude which England has in consequence assumed slime the question of war sagged to be open."

But in saying this, he did not wish to avert inquiry and criticism : nor had he to complain of the spirit in which that inquiry and ceiticism have been hitherto conducted. Lord Clarendon gave ,a clear and succinct narration of the steps which have been taken since the beginning of 1863, making especial reference to the secret correspondence, as showing the strong assurances given by the Emperor of Russia; end bringing his narration down to the moment when duty, honour, and salf-reepect com- pelled her Majesty to appeal to the courageous feelings of her people.

Quitting the past, Lord Clarendon next addressed himeeljto the future. The agreements between England and France, and EtIlend, France, steel Turkey, he said, have been kept open in order to facilitate ,arrangements at Vienna. The convention with Turkey " contains to stikulation of any kind respecting a protectorate of the Christian subjects ctf the Porte." Addressing himself to Lord Derby, he continued-

" My noble friend asked what is to be the object of the war or in other words, what are the terms on which peace will be concluded.lint I think my noble friend will not press that inquiry, because he tau know the answer will depend on a vast variety of circumstances which it is impossible for any one to foresee. We enter upon the war for a definite objeot. It is-to cheek and to repel the unjust aggression of Russia. In -what manner that can be done, or in what degree our efforts will be successful, must depend en the proverbial chances of war—upon the success which attends our arms— upon the activity of our allies ; and I certainly, therefore, eau give no answer to that inquiry, seeing how unfounded any assurances I cen,gsve may sal- mately.prove to be. In 1808 a British army went to Spain. Zo assist the people in a struggle for their independence.; but could we my either in 1809, 1810, or 1811, that we would make no peece except upon them territorial arrangements which were afterwards Seed at Vienna? We enter upon this war in order to repel aggression, and to secure a peace honourable to Turkey. I believe that there is not a man in Russia that does not expect that Constan- tinople will ultimately belong to Russia. It will be our duty as far as possible to see that that expectation shall be disappointed. Because, were it to succeed .—were Russia to be in possession of Constantinople, commanding as she then would the Black Sea and the shores of the Mediterranean—helps able then, as she would then be able, to subjugate Circassia and Georgia, and convert the resources of those countries to swell her mighty armaments—having access to and command of the Mediterranean, having a vastnavai fleet in the Baltic, and determined as she now is to increase her naval power by all the facilities which steam and modern invention's give for the trasepott of troops —it is not too moth to anticipate that more than one power would have to undergo the fate of Poland. We cannot suppose that the intelligence and civilization of Central Europe would be any more a barrier to such encroach- ments than the intelligence and civilization of Rome were a barrier to the encroachment of the Huns. And, my Lords, the more we examine this question the more gigantic is the force it assumes. We are not now engaged

in the Eastern question, as it is commonly called, but it is the battle of civilization against barbarism, for the independence of Europe." In respect to Austria, Government has every reason to be satisfied with her conduct. She has done everything she could, at her own time, for the maintenance of peace and of Turkey. Lord Clarendon had seen the disposition of 130,000 Austrian troops, exclusively of those on the frontier; and Government had every reason to be satisfied with that arrangement.

"But, unfortunately, differences have for the moment arieen between Aus- tria and Prussia—differences about which I shall now say nothieg—but this I will, however, say, that neutrality, with such a war as is about to be waged on the confines of both countries, is impossible. At all events, it will be more exhausting, it will be more disastrous, it will be more fatal to the best interests of both those countries, than a short and decisive conflict. If the two great German Powers are divided, the result must be farourable to revolution, and therefore favourable to Russia. If Germany proceeds in ac- cordance with public opinion, which is rising more and more against Russian influence, the result, it cannot be doubted, will be in favour of German inde- pendence. But that power which leans to Russia will transfer all the popular sympathies to the power which does not do so, and to the hands of that power will be committed the future destinies of Germany. It is un- der these circumstances that I do sincerely hope that these two great powers will take an accurate estimate of their own interests, and join in united action. I trust they will take that part which befits them in the struggle, of which not only the immediate but the proximate result concerns them even more than it does England : and I trust, at the close of the conflict we shall find them at our side, reestablishing peace on a secure and solemn basis ; and that peace can neither be solemn nor secure unless the territorial extension and immoderate influence of Russia be repressed and for ever limited. And if we do secure equal rights and immunities for the Christian subjects of the Porte, it will not be by treaties or a protectorate, or by acquiring rights fatal to the independence of the power we pretend to support, but as a strong claim upon the Sultan, not the less binding on him be-

cause it will be an act by which he will beat consult his own interests and entitle himself to the gratitude of Europe. With these objects in view—with the Crown, meeting, as I trust it will, with the unanimous support of the Parliament and the people of this country—with the humble hope that the protection of Heaven will be vouchsafed to a cause which we believe is

righteous and just, I think we may look hopefully and fearlessly to the re- sult of the struggle on which we have now entered." (Prolonged cheers.) He then moved the address- " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, to return to her MetieetY the thanks of this House for her most gracious message, and for the communication of the several papers which have been laid before it in obedience to her Majestfs command. To assure her Majesty of the just sense we entertain of her Majesty's anxious and uniform endeavours to preserve to her people the blessings of peace. and of our perfect confidence in her Majesty's disposition to terminate the calami- ties of war whenever that object can be accomplished consistently with the honour of her Majesty's crown and the interests of her people. That we have observed with deep concern that her Majesty's endeavours have been frustrated by the spirit of aggression displayed by the Emperor of Russia, in his invasion and continued oc- cupation of the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia—in the rejection of equitable terms of peace, proposed under the sanction of four of the principal Powers of.Eu- rope—and in the preparation of immense forces to support his unjust pretension!. 'That these pretensions appear to U8 subversive of the independence of the Turkish empire. That we feel that the trust reposed in us demands on our part a firm determination to coOperate with her Majesty in a vigorous resistance to the ply- jeer/ of a Sovereign whose further aggrandizement would be dangerous to the inde- pendence of Europe." The Earl of DERBY discoursed upon the whole Turkish, Russian, and Ministerial questions at large ; expressing fears lest Ministers should un- derrate their great antagonist, and. hoping the country would not grow tired if in one campaign little progress were made. He described the secret correspondence as affording proofs, not that Russia had misled the British Government, but that the Emperor had been deceived. He re- vived the fact that the Emperor had spoken in terms highly compliment- ary of Lord Aberdeen. He regarded the memorandum of 1844 as of the nature of a private understanding between the Emperor and Lord Aber- deen, which the former began to carry out the moment the latter came into power : had not Lord Aberdeen been in power, we should not have had the present war. He made some criticisms on the financial policy of Ministers ; but oonoluded with an appeal to the patriotism of the country.

The Earl of ABERDEEN replied to Lord Derby's profession of support by trusting that the country would give support of a different kind. Lord Derby had made a personal attack upon him. He was not ashamed of the expressions of kindness regarding himself uttered by the Emperor of Russia. Lord Derby had also had his compliments : Prince Schwart- zenberg, distinguished among Austrian statesmen as the one bitterest foe of England, had complimented him on his coming into office in 1862; and Lord Malmesbury had returned profuse expressions of gratitude. Lord Aberdeen was ashamed to say that he had received the congratula- tions of the Emperor of Russia without acknowledgment, without that profound sense of gratitude expressed by Lord Malmesbury to the Minis- ter of Austria. Referring to the memorandum of 1844, Lord Aberdeen repeated an account of its origin, as a memorandum of opinions ex- pressed by the Emperor to the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; and then convulsed the House with laughter by reading and commenting upon an account of that origin in the Press news- paper. "My Lords, many of the observations made by the noble Earl on this memorandum, and upon the understanding which he seems to think had been entered into with Run* I have had the benefit of reading before. (Laughter.) Nay, I should not be very much surprised if they were being made at this very moment in another place. (Laughter.) I have seen them in a publication which is supposed to enjoy some authority ; and at all events, judging from its malignity and misrepresentations, the origin of it perhaps is not very difficult to discover. (Laughter.) I will venture to make a few observations on the last number of this publication. With respect to this memorandum, which the noble Earl seems to regard as his grand cheval de bataille, but which appears to me to be what is vulgarly called a mare's nest '—this article, which commences with a falsehood—but that was to be expected, says- "' In the year 1844 the Emperor of Russia visited our country. An estrangement having then taken place between England and France, his Majesty deemed the season appropriate for the advancement of a long-cherished project ; and he seized the op- portunity of personally aocomplishing it, with the coaperation of an English Minis- ter, between whom and the Court of St. Petersburg there had existed for thirty years relations of extreme confidence. That Minister was Lord Aberdeen, then Secretary of State in the Government of Sir Robert Peel.'

The falsehood to which I alluded is, that there was the slightest misun- derstanding between this country and France. I know this estrangement is intended to refer to the Tahiti affair, which did occur in 1844. Unfor- tunately, however, the Emperor of Russia visited this country in the first week of the June of that year, and the first intelligence of the 'Tahiti affair was not received until early in the following August : therefore that mis- understanding could not have invited the Emperor to advance his long. cherished project. The article goes on to state,—

On his return to St. Petersburg the Emperor instructed Count Nesselrode to draw up a memorandum embodying the understanding arrived at during his recent visit, and forward it to Baron Brunnow, accompanied by a private letter from the Emperor to Lord Aberdeen' in which he begged that if any inaccuracy were found in the document it might be corrected.'

Now, my Lords I can only say that I know of no such letter ; and I think that my Imperial and Royal correspondence is not so extensive but that I must have recollected such a letter had it been received. This article states that The Emperor succeeded in his first object : by the advice of Lord Aberdeen, he addressed himself to Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Welling- ton : his Grace was always favourable to the Russian alliance.'—Yes, his Grace was always favourable to the Russian alliance; and why ? His Grace was favourable to it for the same reason that he taught me to be favourable to it, and that was, because he thought it favourable to the interests of England : and I regret—though forced into a war which I believe to be just and indispensable—I deeply regret this rupture of our friendship ; and, therefore, not only was his Grace favourable to the Russian alliance, but I should hope that every man who valued the interests of England was also favourable to it. It would not do to criticize his Grace. No; that was reserved for me. The article continues— "'Sir Robert Peel, fill of tariffs, was entirely governed, with respect to external politics, by Lord Aberdeen. It was definitively settled in 1844, between the Empe- ror of Russia and the English Government, that the partition of Turkey, when it became necessary, should be transacted by Great Britain and the two Imperial Courts, without France.'

Yes, my Lords, the writer of this well knew Sir RobertPeel when he talks of his thinking of nothing but tariffs, and of his being with respect to ex- ternal polities entirely governed by Lord Aberdeen ! My Lords, I have al- ready said that the Duke of Wellington's opinion was shared by Sir Robert Peel, and I humbly endeavoured to act with them, and up to this hour it has been my endeavour to profit by their precepts and example. I wish to be led by their light and by their wisdom." Lord Aberdeen had deprecated and resisted war to the utmost ; but he trusted he shall not now be found deficient in carrying it on in such a vigorous manner as would lead to peace consistent with honour. In that he was consistent; and the House would recollect that the most virtuous character in the Civil Wars, even while arming himself, murmured, "Peace ! peace !" That feeling was uppermost in his heart, and he trusted that it was shared in by the whole House. (1,ouil cheers.) The speech of the Earl of MALMESBURY was one of complaint of the manner and matter of Lord Aberdeen's speech on so grave an occasion. He had taken up what he called a scurrilous paper, and had amused their Lordships by reading absurd extracts from it, without answering a single argument advanced by Lord Derby. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) The Prime Minister had not thought it worth his while to reply to the elo- quent and stinging address delivered by the noble Earl, but had merely re- peated that which their Lordships who had nothing better to do had read lastBatiirday: If the noble Earl had been paid by the editor to puff this paper and increaselts sale, Lord Malmesbnry could have understood his ob- ject in reading such intolerable rubbish. (Laughter from the Ministerial benches.). . Brief speedier; were made by Earl Gas/swum, on behalf of the Go- vernment, Lord Baouontat, commenting on the greatness of the contest and the IhterifitaX it would require; Earl Gear1 pointing out that the state of the finances would lead to embarrassment, deploring the. cern_ mencement of a war that carries so many fatal consequences in its train, and declaring he could not give hearty unreserved' itssent_foifie address; the Earl of ilhanwierm, urging the necessity of giving higher pay to ob- tain efficient crews ; and the Marquis of Larasnoweiy, who, in grave end measured language, defended the entire policy' of the Ocriernment, and so brought the debate to a close.

The address was then agreed to nem. con. , -

The address of the Commons, identical in expreAsiort, *as rnovssiby Lord JOHN RUSSELL, with a copious recapitulation of the transactions that had led to the war, and a recital of its manifest object in enabling Turkey to resist an aggressor who endeavoured to force upon that state the terms of a dishonourable peace. In the course of his speech, Lord John contrasted the recent conduct of Prussia with the most frank and straightforward communications from the Emperor of Austria. "My belief is, that if the Government of Prussia had acceded to the views of Austria, I now should be able to make a most satisfactory communi- cation to the House. But it did not appear to the Prussian Government that they could accede to our proposal. The Prussian Government has stated to the world its views upon this subject. I must say those views at present appear to me to be too narrow. I had always thought that Prussia was an European Power. I had always considered her as one of the principal Powers of Europe. But in the document to which I refer, allusion is made only to German interests—the interests of Prussia towards Germany—and no allu- sion whatever to her duties towards Europe. (Loud cries of "Hear I") I trust, however, that a short time may bring a communication of another kind. I cannot but think that if Prussia means to maintain her position in Europe— distinguished as she has been, distinguished as she is, both in arts and in arms— she can hardly allow that the disturbance of the balance of power of Europe and the immense aggrandizement of Russia which would ensue can be a matter of indifference to Germany less than to Europe. But, Sir, I state the case to the House as it ia—that negotiations are still going on, and that even the passage of the Danube by the Russian troops has not brought from AIM.. tria an immediate declaration that she will be in arms to oppose that ag- gression. I have stated that I think she would have been prepared had it not been for an apprehension that, Prussia not concurring in her course, danger might surround her if she proceeded to take that step. But I repeat again what I have always thought with respect to this subject : it is impossible that this war should proceed and that the great German Powers should not feel that it is their bounden duty, that it is their interest fully as much as it is the interest of England, to assert their independence and to check this unjust and unprincipled aggression." Mr. LAYA_RD reviewed the course of affairs in the East from 1829 to the present time, to show that Lord Aberdeen had uniformly sanctioned those encroachments by which Russia had obtained a footing in Turkey ; had confirmed that footing through the treaties upon which she now acts; and had established this practice of putting her own interpretation upon those treaties. He ascribed the choice of 1844 as the time for the Empe- ror Nicholas's visit to the fact that Lord Aberdeen was then at the Foreign Office ; and connected this story with the Emperor's attempt to consum- mate his policy when Lord Aberdeen was at the head of affairs. But the grand point of Mr. Layard's speech was made by his reading phrases from "an extraordinary series of articles in the Times newspaper,' early last year, which argued that the time for the dismemberment of the Turkish empire had arrived, and showing verbal parallelisms in the secret despatches of Ministers, which proved, as he maintained, a guilty knowledge and complicity between Ministers and that Russia-serving journal. Mr. BRIGHT entered his protest against the war ; starting from the assumption that Turkey is doomed to decay, and foreseeing as the results of the contest nothing but the annihilation of Turkey, with financial difficulties and embarrassments for England. This argument, worked out with more than Mr. Bright's usual vigour, received the compliment from his late antagonist, Lord Rahmaiteros, of an elaborate reply,— showing that the Christian sympathies of Russia were but the instrument& of spoliation ; and adducing the energy exhibited by the Porte, the freedom of her commerce, her reforms, and the sagacity evinced in the recent transactions, as disproofs of decay. On the financial point he drew a picture of Mr. Bright casting up the comparative estimates of the cost of resisting an invader or of submitting to him, and being guided by the balance as shown in £ 8. d. Lord Palmerston preferred the true balance of power—the combination of weaker states to prevent one strong

state from acquiring a strength dangerous to their liberties and inde- pendence of action—it is self-defence qualified by foresight. The ques- tion is, whether Europe is to be bestridden by one overwhelming power, or whether that power shall be taught that there are limits even to the ambition and conquests of a Czar, whose whole territory is a camp.

The other speakers were Mr. Jona BALL, agreeing with Mr. Bright, but at the same time supporting Government ; the Marquis of GRANBY, mistrusting Lord Aberdeen ; Lord DUDLEY STUART, "asking for more "; Mr. DISRAELI working, by the light of the secret correspondence and the Times, at the old stories of Aberdeen complicity with Russia; and Colonel Srernonr wishing that Lord Palmerston had the management of affairs. Lord TORN RUSSELL replied briefly, but closely, and principally to points raised by Mr. Disraeli. He denied that there was any difference between himself and Lord Clarendon ; and he completely established the fact that there was nothing in the memorandum of 1844,—declaring Russia and England "mutually penetrated" with the conviction that the Porte should be assisted to maintain itself,—which ought to have occasioned mistrust on the part of this Government. Finally, the address was carried, nem. con. On inquiry by Lord Jona RUSSELL, the SPEAKER agreed that the usual practice is for an address to be carried up by a Committee, but that a departure from this practice is open to the House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the address be presented by the whole House. Mr. Duntsau seconded the motion ; and it passed nem. con. Lord Jona Itraszhh in- vited the House to meet at half-past two o'clock on Monday ; intimating that her Majesty would be prepared to receive the address at three.

In reply to the Earl of RODEN, early in the evening, Lord ABERDEEN stated, that it is the intention of the Government to move an address to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be pleased to direct some day to be set spat t for humiliation, and prayer that the Almighty may give success to her Majesty's arms by land and sea.