tun.

MONDAY, OCTOBER 14TH.

THE certificates of the successful candidates at the recent Oxford Middle Class examination, held at Southampton, were presented to them 'on Friday, by Lord Palmerston. The announcement that the Premier would be present had attracted a large assemblage, and his Lordship was most enthusiastically received. After the distribution of the certificates, a vote of thanks to the noble Lord was passed, and his Lordship, in returning thanks, directed his observations to the subject of the competitive system of examination in general. He said : " Certain objections have been made to the system of competitive examinations. Some people say it leads to cramming. It often happens that when mankind seize upon a word they imagine that word to be an argument, and go about repeating it, thinking they have arrived at some great and irresistible conclusion. So, when they pronounce the word cramming,' they think they have utterly discredited the system to which that word is by them applied. Some people seem to imagine that the human mind is like a bottle and that when you have filled it with anything you pour it out again and it becomes as empty as it was before. That is not the nature of the human mind. The boy who has been crammed, to use the popular word, has, in point of fact, learned a great deal, and that learning has accomplished two objects. In the first place the boy has exercised the faculties of his mind in being crammed, and in the next place there remains in his mind a great portion of the knowledge so acquired, and which probably forme the basis of future attainment in different branches of education. (Hear.) Let nobody, therefore, run away with the notion that competitive examinations are not of great and infinite value, because there are men who instruct the candidates in those branches of knowledge respecting. which the examinations have to take place. Depend upou it that the boy who is crammed, if he is crammed successfully, not only may succeed in the examination for which he is preparing, but is from that time forward more intellectual, better informed, and more disposed to push further the knowledge which by that cramming he has acquired. (Cheers.) It ie also said that you are teaching young men a great variety of things which will be of no use to them in the career which they are destined to pursue, and that you are pandering to their vanity by making them believe they are wiser than they really are. These objections, also, are in my opinion, utterly futile. As to vanity and conceit, those are most vain and conceited who know the least. (Hear, hear.) The more a man knows, the more he acquires a conviction of the extent of that which he does not know. (Hear, hear.) A man ought to know agreat deal to acquire a knowledge of the im- mensity of his ignorance. (Cheers.)"

" If competitive examination is not liable to objection upon the score that it tends to raise undue notions of superiority on the part of those who go through it, so also is it a great mistake to imagine that a range of knowledge disqualifies a man from the particular career and profession to which he is destined. Nothing can be more proper than that a young man having selected a particular profession, should devote the utmost vigour of his mind to qualify himself for it by acquir- ing the knowledge which is necessary for distinction in that line of life; but it would be a great mistake for him to confine himself to that study alone, and you may be sure that the more a young man knows of a great variety of subjects, and the more lie exercises his faculties in acquiring a great range of knowledge, the better he will perform the duties of his particular profession. (Cheers.) That sort of general knowledge may be likened to the gymnastic exercises to which soldiers are accustomed. It is not that it can be expected that these par- ticular movements would be of any use to them on the day of battle; but these gymnastic exercises render their muscles flexible, strengthen their limbs, invigo- rate their health, and make them better able to undergo fatigue, and to adapt themselves to all circustances. So with a wide range of study ; it sharpens the wits ; it infuses general knowledge into the mind; it sets a young man thinking! it strengthens the memory and stores it with facts; and in this way makes him a better and more able man in the particular profession which he is intended to pursue. (Cheers.) It has been well said that in this happy land there is no barrier between classes, and that the highest positions are attainable by persons starting from the most humble origin. If he has only talent ; if he has only acquirements; if lie has only perseverance and good conduct, there is nothing within the range of the institutions of' the country to which any man may not aspire, and which any man may not obtain. (Cheers.)"

In conclusion his Lordship addressed a few remarks to the unsuccessful candidates:

" Let not these young men, and let not their parents, think that they, the un- successful competitors, have gained nothing by the struggle in which they have

engaged. Depend upon it, that although they may not have succeeded in ob- taining the distinction at which they aimed, they have succeeded in acquiring a great deal of useful knowledge ; they have succeeded in acquiring habits of mind and powers of thought and of application which will be of use to them during the rest of their lives. You all know the old story of the father who upon his death-bed told his sons that he had a treasure buried in a certain field, and that if they dug the whole field through they would find it. The sons, acting upon this advice, dug the field, but no gold was there. In the next year, however, there was that which was to them a treasure—a most abundant and valuable harvest. That was the treasure which the father wished them to seek for and which they found. So it is with unsuccessful competitors. They have not found the treasure which they sought for—namely, a certificate of attainments from the examiners—but they have gained a treasure which to them will be of infinite value—those habits of mind, those powers of thought, and that amount of know- ledge upon which a larger building may be erected ; and they therefore will have reason to thank their parents for having sent them to a competitive examination, thus rendering them better able to struggle through life in whatever career they may choose to pursue." (Loud Cheers.) — At the inauguration of the Liverpool School of Science, briefly mentioned in our last number, Earl Granville and Mr. Gladstone both addressed the meeting. Earl Granville moved the first resolution, and concluded a retrospect of the great progress in the study of science, andi is application to art, which had been made in this country of late years, by declaring that the Liverpool School of Science was then inaugurated. The resolution was seconded by Mr. Fairbairn, who adduced, as an instance of the truth of Earl Granville's observations, the fact that, while the extreme pressure upon the square inch in steam-engines at first was never more than seven or eight pounds, a pressure of more than two hundred pounds was now frequently em- ployed. The next resolution was moved by Mr. Gladstone, who en- tered upon the consideration of the various branches of science, to the study of which the institution then inaugurated would be devoted. Beginning with the science of mechanics, of which Mr. Fairbairn had previously .spoken, Mr. Gladstone observed that the advances made since the invention of the steam-engine might be calculated by a much more familiar test, the number of miles per hour at which loco- motives now travel, as compared with the five or six miles per hour which was the utmost speed that Mr. Stephenson would absolutely promise. With regard to chemistry, the beauty of the patterns which we now see m shops was owing to the application of new dis- coveries in chemistry to dyeing processes. Our own coal-fields and the discovery of gold in our colonies bear witness to the advantages of the study of geology. It was Sir Roderick Murchison, a man who had devoted himself to science, and not a practical man of business, who pointed out the region and circumstances in which gold would be discovered. While the moral uses of natural history were almost infinite, its material uses were also very great. Mr. Watt studied the construction of the shell of a lobster for the construction of a pipe to convey water under the Clyde ; Mr. Stephenson learnt from the bone what he did learn with respect to theconstructionof the tubular bridges with which his name is connected; the idea of Sir Isambard Brunel's great work, the Thames Tunnel, was suggested to him by the manner an which the earthworm bored its way through the earth; and Wedg- wood's most elegant works were all made m imitation of leaves or similar objects. The three most primitive but most fundamental of all human inventions—the oar, the wheel, and the plough—were all derived from the observation of nature. The oar was the result. of the observation of the wing of a bird-in cleaving the air; the wheel was learnt from the circular flight of certain kinds of birds ; the most probable account of the invention of the plough is, that it was de- rived from observation of the action of the pig when turning up the ground with his snout. After alluding to several of the most con- spicuous instances in which the cultivation of science had enabled men who began life as simple labourers to raise themselves to high position, and confer great and lasting benefits on their country, Mr. Gladstone concluded thus :

" Ladies and gentlemen, I for one admit, and would be among the foremost to assert, that all the material advantages that are to be derived from the observa- tion and the careful study of Nature in her many kingdoms, would not only lose much of their value, but would lose it all—nay, that they would be converted

into curses to mankind—if it were true that the moral influence of such studies was deleterious. It would be in vain that you should establish a dominion over the brute forces of the world if in establishing that dominion von were only to increase the moral disorder that unhappily prevails among the children of man- kind, and to render our restoration from that disorder more hopeless and more difficult than ever. But I must say that it is a perversion of those studies, and not their natural use, which alone can make them poisonous to man. (Applause.) Their natural use—their proper and their legitimate tendency—surely is to teach all the qualities, or, at any rate, many among the qualities, that best befit our dependent position. When a man comes to study and observe the kingdom of nature, he finds himself in contact with vast and gigantic forces that he cannot for a moment resist. He feels himself absolutely in the power and at the dis- posal of au Almighty Being, and hi sinks into humility before the majesty of that Being.(Applause.) But while he thus learns humility, and while he might almost be appalled by the evidences of power,—on the other hand, he sees those cheering proofs, multiplied from every side, of beneficent design, which encourage him to repose a filial trust in the goodness of that God who has so richly throughout the natural kingdom provided for the support, the comfort, and the advancement of human nature. (Loud applause.) And if we are told that intellectual pride is to be the result of scientific knowledge, all I can say is, that intellectual pride was not its result in the mind of Bacon, in the mind of Newton, in the mind of moat of those great men who have most faithfully and successfully dedicated themselves to those pursuits ; because they have always felt that whatever nature told to us was but a light which glanced upon other regions as yet unexplored, and which testified to the existence of an infinity of knowledge not as yet communicated, entirely transcending that limited province within which it has as yet been given to man to walk. (Hear, hear.) In that humility, in that modesty, in that thankfulness, in that sense of wisdom and goodness of the Almighty, which all His works, with one voice and from every quarter, proclaim—surely we ought to find lessons—ay, sermons I may call them—as effective perhaps even as those which may be delivered from the pulpit of religion, teaching us the lowliness of our condition, but teaching us also there is One who cares for us, and who, while we trust in Him, and strive to follow Him, will never abandon us in our low estate. (Applause.) So, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot but feel that while we do not presume to say that the truths of science lie in that highest region of our nature which is reserved for the Gospel of Revelation, yet that they are auxiliary and subsidiary in troth and effect to the purposes of that revelation; and my hon. friend who has exerted his munificence in founding this institution is entitled to cheer himself with the belief that he has not only been contributing to intellectual advancement and material progress, not only to cheerful and innocent recreation—an object of no small value—but likewise that he has been subserving a high moral purpose, and aiding the work of the teacher of religion. (Applause.) I trust, therefore, Mr. Mayor, that the work which we have begun to-day will make progress upon every day that follows. From the reception that the Free Library has met with among you, I think we are justified in entertaining the most sanguine hope that the sister institutions, too, will be welcomed with equal warmth, and that the working men of this town, in many cases, after the labour of the day, will be not indisposed to seek refreshment as well as improvement in the hall which has on this very day been inaugurated. That such may be the case is my most earnest and my most sanguine wish ; and I trust the Hall of Science will become one among the chief ornaments and distinctions which have raised Liverpool to such emi- nence among the various communities ofthis country, and which, I believe, will secure for her the continuance of her great and remarkable distinction. (Im- mense cheering, which was prolonged long after the right honourable gentleman had resumed his seat.)"

— The ordinary meeting of the Metropolitan Board of Works was held on Friday, Mr. Thwaites in the chair. Mr. Doulton moved a resolution requesting the chairman to represent to the First Com- missioner of Works the opinion of the Board that no plan for the embankment of the Thames would be completely satisfactory which did not make provision for an embankment and roadway on the south side. He was convinced that the urgency of the case for an em- bankment on the south side of the river was greater than it was on the north side. All the Commissions which had inquired into the subject had admitted the necessity of an embankment on the south side, and no less than from 80001. to 90001. a year was contributed from the establishments on the south side of the river to the coal tax, out of which the cost of the embankment was to defrayed. In com- mon justice, therefore, he thought that an embankment for the south side should be commenced at least as soon as the completion of that on the north side. Mr. D'Iffanger opposed the resolution, and depre- cated the agitation of the subject at the present time, as being- likely to embarrass Government. He also accused Mr. Thwaites of having opposed Government, an assertion which Mr. Thwaites denied flatly, whereupon Mr. D'Iffanger repeated it ; but after a short altercation, conducted in the spirit of politeness customary at meet- ings of the Board of Works, the resolution was carried, after an amendment to the effect that "the southern embankment be the second charge on the coal duties" had been substituted for the words requesting the insertion of the necessary powers in the bill of next session.

— The annual meeting of the Senate of the Queen's University was held, on Friday, in St. Patrick's Hall, Dublin Castle. The Lord Chancellor of Ireland, as Vice-Chancellor of the University, was in the chair, and the Lord-Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary were also present. The Vice-Chancellor delivered the annual address, from which it appeared that the numbers, both of attending students and of those who had passed their final examination, were much greater than those of previous years. After bonferring the degrees, the Vice-Chancellor alluded in terms of deep regret to the death of the Earl of Eglinton, who had always been a zealous friend to the Queen's University. The Lord-Lieutenant also touched.ou the same topic : "I cannot pass through the next room to that in which we are now assembled without perceiving in the long series of portraits of Irish Viceroys that two of them have passed away from us within the present month. (Rear, hear.) In that most short period we have lost the matured wisdom and unblemished recti- tude of Fortescue, and the generous spirit and chivalrous patriotism of Eglinton (hear), and I feel tempted to quote once more the apposite lineswhich I remember using in this place once before in a happier hour. We have lost from among us Virtue Scipiadie et mitis sapientia Lteli.'

(Applause.)"

The Chief Secretary, Sir Robert Peel, spoke at some length. In conclusion, after offering to establish three scholarships for a period of ten years, of 401. a year each, he said :

" I have, I fear, too long trespassed on your time (` No, BOP), but before I sit down I cannot refrain from saying that each succeeding anniversary acknow- ledges the justice—the nothing more or less than justice—that has been paid to the youth of Ireland by the extension of academic institutions. (Hear, hear.) Each succeeding anniversary acknowledges that the exertions of those who laboured to remove the difficulties which arise from various religious creeds have been crowned with most eminent success. (Hear.) Yes, ladies and gentlemen, the in-gathering of the fruits, so to speak, which we have this day witnessed is a proof of the wisdom of the past. It is the only reward, perhaps, but it is a reward, of the labours of those men who strove to improve the educa- tional soil of Ireland for that seed-time and harvest from which Ireland is now reaping such immense and recurring benefits. (Hear.) I say that man, no matter who he is or where he may be, must indeed be callous and indifferent to the welfare of his country who will not join in thankfulness to God for blessing the work from which social improvement and sound learning have flowed through all the channels of this country. (Hear.) One word more, and I have done. Go on, I would say to the youth of this University. Continue to advance in the career of knowledge and in the fear of God. Keep to those paths by which you have been enabled to master not only the rudiments of classical knowledge, not only to become proficienta in the various specialties of art, of medicine, and of law, but which have en- abled you thoroughly to appreciate those noblest creations of antiquity which, consecrated by the genius of Greece and Rome, have become hallowed by the dust of time. (Applause.) Yes, the youth of this University, many of whom now, for the first time, young and inexperienced in the world, are about to enter into a wider career—a career, perhaps of social, perhaps of political competition, but, at all events, before one and all of you lie open the struggles of life, its inequalities, its difficulties, its temptations, and its successes. Grapple with these difficulties and these temptations with spirit and determination, and success will crown your exertions (hear); but recollect and be not unmindful in that moment that your success and the rewards which will accompany it will not only be a source of gratification to your own individual feelings of just and honourable ambition, but that it will not fail to reflect a bright ray upon those who devoted in your youth their time to your service, and who have laboured that you might become, in the pride and manhood of your vigour, an ornament to society and a benefit to mankind. (Loud and prolonged applause.)"

This terminated the proceedings.

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 15TH.

— The Warrior made a trip off the Wight on Monday, previously to the official trial of speed which will take place next week. At 10.30, the frigate's anchor was weighed, and the engines turned on at "slow," doing about 22 revolutions a minute. As she got fairly out to sea, the revolutions were gradually room increased, until at 12 o'clock they reached 49t, the temperature in the engine om being 88, and that in the stoke-holes i -holes varying from 95 to 135. At 12.40 the engines were making 52 revolutions, and the speed attained was 121- knots. Trials were then made as to the time in which she could make a complete circle at full speed, a feat which was accomplished with her helm hard-a-port in 11 minutes 4 seconds, and in two trials with her helm starboard, in 9 minutes 7 seconds, and 8 minutes 30 seconds respectively. The minimum time in which the Mersey, our largest wooden frigate, performed the circle, was 9 minutes, and the maximum 13 ; the Warrior, therefore, bore off the palm in readi- ness of answering her helm. When the huge dimensions of the Warrior's machinery are taken into consideration, the facility with which the motion of the engines is regulated appears perfectly wonderful. From full speed her engines were stopped dead in 31 seconds, and after an interval were started ahead to full speed in 11 seconds. The change from full speed ahead to full speed astern was accomplished in 49 seconds. The disposition of the ship to rise buoyantly to the swell was very strong, the pendulum on the wheel standard registering at one time a roll of 15 degrees to starboard, and 12 degrees to port. The official trial of speed at the measured mile is fixed for Thursday. — Mr. W. Ewart, M.P., addressed his constituents at Dumfries, on Friday. After some animadversions on the practice of making long speeches in the House, and thereby driving business to mid- night, or even later, he referred to the new Education Minute :

" Great interest had lately been taken in the question of the recent changes which had been made by the minute of the Council of Education in respect to the education of this country. This was a deeply important subject, and for his own part, if he must give his opinion, he would candidly confess he thought the Government had been too hasty iu interfering with the arrangement; they would have acted much more wisely had they paused. (Hear.) He thought that when men undertook a business under certain offers on the part of the Government they ought not to be hastily interfered with ; and Ile was afraid Government had been somewhat premature on this occasion. (Cheers.) He be- lieved, however, that Government was right in looking as much as they could to results in education; but he-thought perhaps matters bad been pushed too far. He thought that by the age of eleven children might be given that species of education which would be of essential service to them in life, and enable them to advance in after life. If they gave to them the key of after knowledge, and gave them the means of educating themselves, he believed they would educate them- selves hereafter. (Cheers.) He saw that the Government seemed to think that it was sufficient to instruct them in reading, writing, and arithmetic. He be- lieved that if children were well instructed and grounded in these material grounds of education, they would carry on their ed.ucation to a sufficient extent themselves; but he never would subscribe to the theory that they could have education without religion—without that he thought no education had the slightest pretension to be perfect. (Cheers.)

With reference to America, Mr. Ewart

"Was of opinion that if the American States chose to separate from each Other, in the abstract they had a right to do so; and he believed himself that it would have been easier on the part of the American Government if, when the separation had taken place, they had allowed it to go on. (Cheers.) He be- lieved they were much more likely to have come together—if it was not an Irish phrase—if they had separated than if, as they had done, they had enforced union when the opposite party wished for separation. (Cheers.) Let it not be conceived for a moment that of the two parties which are separated Britain could take the part of the slave party. No, he held that if we took any part at all or adopted any opinion, it would be in favour of the freedom of the slave and his emancipation from fetters. (Cheers.) He trusted that when this most dreadful and fratricidal war should have ceased, when the circumstances should be left to correct themselves, that slavery, when left to recoil, as it were, upon itself, and to give its destructive effects on that society which it contaminates, would begin to diminish. He believed that, not by the means of war, but by the silent influence of time and by the condemnation of all liouourable and just and wise men, slavery would be put down in the United States, and that in a more effec- tive manner than by all the engines of destruction and all the implements of war. (Cheers.)"

Mr. Ewart regretted he could not place full confidence in the paciflo ntentions of France :

" It was a remarkable circumstance that while with one hand that remarkable man, the Emperor of the French, offered freedom to commerce, the other he held fast on the hilt of the sword. Long might he keep that sword sheathed ; bat SO long as be held that sword in his hand, however ardently we desired the pro- sperity of France, and wished to extend the chain of concord between the two countries, at the same time we were bound to hold our meant of defence in as great readiness as possible, and not forget that we have commerce to extend and rights to protect and defend in our own behalf. (Cheers.) He piid a com- pliment to the Volunteers, wbo, he hoped, would extend in numbers, and said he trusted that in the public schools the same spirit would extend itself. lie grieved to say there was the necessity for such a system of self-defence; • but if there were such immense preparations for war, there must be danger of that war. The very perfection to which they had brought the instruments of war would, however, finally lead to the suppression of war altogether. If we arrived at such a dreadful degree of proficiency, battles would be so decisive and certain that no war'coald continue long, and every improvement we made would be almost the mains of disarming destruction itself, and finally putting an end to war. (Cheers.)"

The meeting terminated with a vote of confidence in Mr. Ewart, which was carried unanimously.

— Sir Robert Peel's proposal to found a fourth Queen's College for the province of Leinster has become the subject of great agita- tion in Ireland; the supporters of other Universities alleging that its establishment will prove injurious to their interest. A pamphlet has been published, being a reprint of a series of articles in the Dublin Evening Mail, written by a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, in order to show that the Queen's Colleges have proved a failure, and ought to be converted into " Queen's High Schools," subsidiary to the University of Dublin. It appears that the annual average of students entered at Trinity College for the five years ending 1859, was : Church of England, '247; Roman Catholics, who represent 3 to 1 of the population of Ireland, 16, or 6 per cent.; Protestant Dissenters, who bear the proportion of 2 to 3 to the members of the Established Church, 12, or 4 per cent. These statistics, which are given in the pamphlet alluded to as show- ing the greater desire for education evinced by the Churchmen in comparison with Roman Catholics or Presbyterians, are also quoted by the advocates of the fourth Queen's College in support of their proposal. The Roman Catholic view of the question appears in an article in the Morning News, in which it is stated that the posses- sions of thirteen European States arc smaller than those of Trinity College, that her estates extend through 17 counties, and contain 199,573 statute acres-1 per cent. of the whole surface of Ireland— the poor-law valuation of which is 92,3601. per annum ; that she has studentships, exhibitions, &c. &c., to the number of 250, amounting to 20001. per .annum, and the income attached to several of her fellowships is greater than that enjoyed by Cabinet Ministers, and yet only 6 per cent. of Roman Catholics and 4 per cent. of Presby- terians are among her alumni. Under these circumstances, say the Roman Catholics, Trinity College has no reason to complain because Government.wish to extend the means of academic education to the mass of the middle classes.

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER. 16TH.

— At the Berkshire Michaelmas Sessions at Abingdon, the sug- gestions on the subject of collecting agricultural statistics, made in May last by Sir G. C. Lewis, then Home Secretary, were discussed by a bench of nearly sixty magistrates, among whom were Lord Over- stone, Sir R. G. Throckmorton, Sir Paul Hunter, the Right Hon. J. R. Mowbray, M.P., the Hon. P. P. Bouverie, M.P., Sir G. Bowyer, M.P., Mr. Benyon, M.P., Mr. J. T. Norris, M.P., &c. Mr. Morland (Clerk of the Peace) said that Sir G. C. Lewis had suggested the ex- pediency of collecting agricultural statistics by means of the country constabulary, and the points to which he had directed the attention of the magistrates were, first, the extent of the information to be collected ; second, whether any and what remuneration would be re- quired for the extra work ; third, *hether the information should be obtained annually or at periods longer than a year. A. memorial from the Faringdon Board of Guardians against the proposed employment of the police was read, setting forth the opinion of the Board that

" The very essence of tabular statements is their entire correctness, and that we believe the mode suggested by the Government for their collection is inquisi- torial in its character, and therefore destructive at the very outset of the end in view.

" We are convinced that returns respecting the culture of land, and the capital embarked thereon, would be incorrect unless obtained by compulsion, and that permissive legislation must therefore in this instance prove abortive. As county ratepayers, we are anxious to protest against the employment of the police force in any other way that that prescribed by the Acts of Parliament relative thereto.

" If the duties of the police are so easy as to enable them, without detriment to the public service, to act as collectors of the proposed returns, it is obvious that their number might be diminished, while the county burden would be light- ened and their efficiency maintained. " We would submit that an additional argument against thus employing the police is furnished by the difficulty of remunerating them for their extra labour, and we contend that, in the absence of any implied or expressed wish on the part of the public for these returns, the ratepayers ought not to be called upon to meet the increased burden of procuring them."

Mr. H. Tucker, as an ex-officio member of the Farringdon Board, stated that he did not concur in the statement expressed in the memorial. He also advocated the extension of the range of statis- tics to the number of rooms, and number of persons sleeping in such rooms, in every labourer's cottage. Mr. Benyon, M.P., said: a The question before the court seemed to be the expediency of collecting agri- cultural statistics by means of the county constabulary. It was not necessary for the court to enter upon a discussion whether the thing required was desirahle or undesirable, but simply as to the machinery by which to gain the information. It had been suggested by the Secretary of State that they should collect it through the agency of the county police, but he quite agreed iu a remark that had been made, that they might sacrifice some portion of the popularity now be- longing to them if the court were to direct them to be so employed. (Hear, hear.) He proposed that an answer should be returned to the Secretary of State, ' That, in the opinion of this court, it is not expedient to employ the county con- stabulary in obtaining these returns,' "

Lord Overstone said :

"This was a most important matter, and he feared they must acknowledge that the anticipated difficulty in collecting these statistics arose from a feeling of jealousy on the part of the tenant farmers, and he thought it to be highly impor- tant that the farmers, so far as was possible, should be convinced that such an apprehension on their part was an entire mistake. (Bear.) Certainly the object for which the statistics were to be collected was one of the deepest inte- rest to the farmers. They were necessarily the victims of uncertainty in the markets and the speculative action arising out of it. lf, therefore, they were put in possession of accurate information respecting the state of agriculture and the produce, they would obtain a substantial and sound basis upon which to settle agreements with their landlords, and to guide them safely through all the natural transactions of their farms. It was important that the magis- trates, in their individual capacities in their agricultural circles around them, should try to impress the farmers that these agricultural statistics, if ob- tained, would be more valuable for legislative purposes—would be more im- portant to protect them from the casualties to which they wore now ex- posed, and to guide them with confidence in all their transactions, than any- thing he could conceive. (llear.) With respect to the means to be employed for collecting these statistics, there seemed to be grave doubt whether the

ry

county constabulary should be the parties. There certainly did appear upon the surface ground tbr hesitating as to the propriety of bringing the constabulary into contact with the prejudice of the farmers. On the other hand, they found it not to be an insuperable or serious difficulty, as proved in the case of Ireland; and, surely, they could not think that the difficulty which arose out of a preju- dice would be more formidable in England than in Ireland. It would be a re- flexion upon the character of the English farmers to imagine that they would be determined upon withholding information which farmers in the sister isle furnished without even hesitation. Then, if steps were not taken to obtain these statistics, tire consideration would arise—What reply would the Court make to the Secretary of State? If other counties acceded to the request made, it would be an unfortunate thing if Berkshire stood aloof. He thought it desirable that a private communication should be made with the chairmen of quarter sessions of other counties, and they would then arrive at some general view of the thing throughout the country. He therefore proposed, as an amendment, That the consideration of the question of collecting agricultural statistics be adjourned until the next sessions, and that the chairman and members for the county be requested, in the mean time, to seek an interview with the Secretary of State, and to report to the next Court.' "

After some discussion the amendment was carried by a majority of one, and the subject dropped.

— General Peel and Mr. T. Baring, the two members for Hunt- ingdon, met their constituents at dinner on the occasion of the annual show of the Huntingdon Agricultural Society. Lord Robert Montague, M.P., and Mr. Fellowes, M.P., were also present. In responding to the toast of "The Army and Navy," General Peel referred to the lamented death of Lord Herbert :

" I assure you, gentlemen, that friendships do exist between the two parties who sit on the opposite sides of the House; and it is with unaffected sincerity that I express my deep sense of the loss which the army and country at large have sustained by the death of Lord Herbert. (Hear hear.) No man was more anxious than he to promote the welfare of the British soldier, and no man worked harder to secure it. (Cheers.) His great object was to impress on Parliament and the country that' prevention is better than cure.' (Hear, hear.) It is far better, by sanitary arrangements, to prevent disease than when once it has set in to endeavour to cure it. (Cheers.) It was that conviction which induced Lord Herbert to establish a medical hospital with a school attached to it, in which young men might be qualified to become members of that body, than whom there is no more worthy class of men—I mean the medical officers of the army. (Hear, hear.) Iliey devote themselves with much industry to the study of sickness and disease, and their services to the army are very valu- able. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty, since Lord Herbert's death, has been graciously pleased to command that the institution to which I allude should be called the Herbert Hospital.' I only hope that all Lord Herbert contemplated will be realized; and then, indeed, his name will go down to posterity as that of one who achieved great things for the British soldier. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, it is not from war that the soldier suffers moat. (Hear, hear.) It is from the constant change of climate and from the diseases to which the quarters in which from time to time he is stationed expose him. As a proof of this, I may refer to that lamentable account recently published which informs us that in India the 51st Regiment, in the course of fifteen days, lost one.fifth of its whole strength, including its gallant commanding officer; and that one wing of the 94th, in the same time, lost nearly one-fourth of its whole number, I think that was one of the most touching accounts I ever read. The general commanding did everything to keep up the spirits of the men. He ordered the bands to play; but, alas, the bands were numbered among the dead. If, by any means, science can prevent a recurrence of such a state of things as that, Lord Herbert's name will be remembered in the grateful minds of his countrymen. (Hear, hear.)" He then alluded to a report which had been circulated, to the effect that the increased effictency of the Volunteer force would be pro- ductive of a reduction in the regular army.

" Now, I must express my opinion that this is not the case. No doubt, there may be some reduction of the army, which has nothing to do with the Volunteers, and I hope the impression that it has will not be suffered to go abroad, f.r, if it did it might create a very ill-feeling between the army and the Volunteers. I am sure that no such feeling ever will arise if proper precaution be taken to pre- vent mistakes; but a sense as disappointment would be engendered in the minds of our soldiers if they thought that their services were about to be dispensed with on account of the Volunteers; and the Volunteers themselves would be equally displeased. Indeed, I have been told that many of them have said that they would retire from the movement if it were to have such an effect. There is no doubt of this, that if it were not for the Volunteers a larger standing army, and, as a consequence, a greater expenditure, would be required. In that way the country is much indebted to the Volunteers ; but the strength of the regular army must always be depended on for distant garrisons and foreign service. A large number of our troops must be kept in distant places, and a large number toast be constantly kept up at home with a view of relieving them. I do not know any more than any other gentleman here what may be the intention of the Government ; but I say that it is probable that some reduction may be necssarp in order to bring down the army establishment to the number voted by Parlia- ment. At the commencement of the present financial year there were 15,000 more men in India than there were on the Indian establishment. So long as they remained there they paid by the Indian Government ; but I, for one, always knew that when they did not require those troops the Indian Government would send them home. (Hear.) I am sure that the army will not be reduced below the number voted by Parliament. This is not a time when our army could be di- minished. We see Continental nations keeping up great armies on a war footing_ We ourselves are raising fortifications of great magnitude. Those on the south side of the Thames alone will require 61,000 men to garrison them; and there- fore I am perfectly sure that there is no intention of lowering the number of our troops below that voted by Parliament. (Hear, hear.) I place the greatest confidence in the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, and feel no doubt that he will uphold the power of the country and defend its honour. (cheers.)" Lord Robert Montagu and Mr. Fellowes having briefly returned

thanks for the toast of " The County Members," " The Borough Members" was given, and General Peel responded first. After com-

menting on the diversity of topics entered upon at agricultural meet- ings generally, he quoted the remark of the Times, that if speakers at such meetings touched upon agricultural subjects they were sure to be impertinent, and if they spoke on political subjects they were sure to be offensive- " Here you say that politics are excluded; but allow me to tell you that some of the speakers have entered on two of the most important of political subjects. A gentleman has spoken of tenant-right. If that gentleman had had as much experience of the discussion of tenant-right as I have had, he would know that the question was a most difficult one. (Hear, hear.) And I would say more— that any question between landlord and tenant ought to be discussed between the two parties themselves. (Hear, hear.) Something has been said about the want of labourers in the rural districts. Are the proprietors sure that they have not to answer for that themselves? (Hear, hear.) Are you sure you have paid that attention to to the labourers' comforts which ought to induce him to remain? (Rear.) These subjects have been ably handled in other places by my friends Sir J. Pakington and Sir Laurence Palk, men who have taken an active part in promoting agric,ultural interests; and again I say, depend upon it that they are subjects which you would do better to discuss among yourselves. There was- another agricultural meeting, attended by a noble lady who goes over every year to be present at a similar gathering. I refer to the meeting at which the Mar- chioness of Londonderry addressed her tenantry. An honourable and learned friend of mine, Sir Hugh Cairn; was also present. He said that it did not require that a man should be a farmer in order that he might have a sincere wish for the prosperity of the agricultural interest. I concur in that, for I am not a farmer ; I am, neverthelesss, a sincere well-wisher of that interest ; but the subse- quent part of my honourable and learned friend's speech almost made me afraid to. say even one word about farming. My honourable friend said that a farmer would require a knowledge of chemistry, mechanics, and various other sciences; so that I fully expected, when another farm became vacant, to see a competitive examina- tion of the proposing tenants. (Laughter.) I mentioned the matter to a prac- tical fanner, and asked him whether he thought a knowledge of mechanics and chemistry was necessary. He told me he thought there was one thing more necessary, and that it was ' (Laughter.) After again thanking the company, the honourable and gallant general resumed his seat amid loud cheers."

Mr. Baring, M.P., also responded. In the course of his speech he made the following observations on the present prosperous state of country :

" I am not going to touch on politics. I dare not touch on agriculture, for,. as one who has everything to learn, but does not pretend to teach anything on this subject, it would be ridiculous in me to discuss it. There is, however, one point on which we may all offer our congratulations, and that is that the harvest is an abundant one. In Scotland and Ireland I am afraid the returns are not so good, but the harvest in this country is one which must be cheering to the farmer, after last year, as it will enable us to keep up the position which Eng- land has so long maintained in agriculture. There is another matter for con- gratulation, that, whatever may be the changes which this country has to en- counter—whether from Providential dispensation or legislative enactments— there is an energy in the people which enables them to surmount difficulties-, there is an aptness to accommodate themselves to altered circumstances, which enables them to pnsh• on the country in its career of power and prosperity. (Cheers.) If you look to the past—if you look to the changes forced upon the people by legislation—if you look to the application of science and machinery in commerce and agriculture—you will see that there is an energs, in the people of this country which enables them to triumph over every trial. (Cheers.) We all know the stereotyped form of expressing that energy. You have all beard of the elasticity of the resources of the country.' (Laughter, and 'Hear, hear.') It is a phrase made use of by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. In times of monetary difficulty, or when an increase of taxation is necessary, you find the Chancellor of the Exchequer saying that he relies on the elasticity of the re- sources of the country. What is that elasticity? It is that characteristic of Englishmen which enables them under any altered circumstances to retrieve lost ground and still advance their country in that forward course of prosperity in which she has for so many centuries been proceeding. (Hear, hear.) That it is. which makes the resources of this country elastic; and I am sure that not only in the competition in which I am most interested—not only in the competition of commerce and manufacturers, but also in that of agriculture, the elasticity of our resources affords us two securities. First, a security against foreign in- vasion or foreign interference of any kind; and next, a security against our property being jeopardized by unjust legislation. Looking at the present aspect of affairs, I think there is a career of continued and increasing prosperity opened to those engaged in agriculture, which I do not say will surpass, but will cer- tainly equal, that which they have enjoyed during the last ten years."

— The great demonstration in honour of Earl Russell, at New- castle, took place on Monday. His Lordship, who was the guest of Mr. W. Hutt, M.P., at Gibside, attended at the Music Flail, on Mon- day afternoon, to receive an address from the inhabitants of the town, who assembled to the number of two thousand. The address, which dwelt upon his Lordship's constant labour in the cause of reform,. free-trade, and religious liberty, was read, and Earl Russell returned thanks. After a few preliminary observations, his Lordship read the following answer : " Gentlemen,—I receive with gratitude the address in which you have been pleased to estimate beyond their merits the services I have been able to render to my country. "It was my good fortune to take my seat in the House of Commons at a time when the struggles of a perilous war were drawing to a conclusion, and those claims of religious liberty and political reform which had been overpowered amyl the din of arms were heard and act nowledged. "The nature of our institutions and the genius of our people, while they sanction and promote the utmost freedom of discussion, are adverse to needless change ; and It therefore behoves every friend of progress to wait with patience, and to argue with calmness, till public opinion is fully convinced and the national mind puts its seal on the measures introduced into the Legislature. From this maturity of deliberation it follows, as a consequence, that our steps in the direc- tion of popular privileges are seldom or never retraced, and thatpath which has been painful and arduous in the ascent is easy and tranquil on the summit. "Yon must have seen this difficulty in attainment, and this ease when the object is attained in the change from religious disability to religious liberty, from protection to free-trade, from education neglected to education encouraged, from the representation of decayed boroughs to the representation of Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Sheffield, and other great seats of trade and manufacture. " These facts are encouraging to the friends of progress, and show the excel- lence of our constitution, which, while it represses every disorder, admits every improvement, and, like a well-built ship, combines speed with safety, buoyancy with stability. (Loud cheers.)

" Gentlemen, I again thank you heartily for this address."

In the evening, about 500 gentlemen sat down to dinner in the Town-hall, the Earl of Durham in the chair. Among those present were—Earl Russell, Lord Hastings, Viscount Araberley, Mr. Hutt, M.P., Mr. Headlam, M.P., the Attorney-General, Mr. W. B. Beau- mont, M.P. Mr. Ingham, M.P. Mr. Pease, M.P., Mr. Penick, M.P., Sir W. Armstrong, Mr. Adam, M.P., Mr. S. Beaumont, M.P., Mr. W. D. Seymour, 11,P., Sir H. Williamson, the Rev. H. M. Villiers, the Rev. B.. W. Goodenough, Major-General Beckwith, Dr. Headlam, Mr. IL J. Spearman, Mr. Ralph Carr, Mr. R. B. Sander- son, jun., Mr. S. Grey, the Mayors of Gateshead. Sunderland, Tyne- mouth, Durham, South Shields, Morpeth, &c. Sir James G am was expected, but the state Of his health prevented him from attending. The Earl-of Durham proposed the toast of the evening, briefly reviewing, in terms of warm eulogy, the long and consistent public career of the noble Lord. Earl Russell, on using to respond, was most enthusiastically received. After expressing his deep grati- tude for the flattering reception accorded to him, he said : " Gentlemen, if I have been successful in any of the measures that I have proposed it has been that I have proposed in more fortunate times measures which had tbe approbation of men who have gone before me, that I have endea- voured to follow in the footsteps of Lord Grey, Lord Holl:nd, Sir Samuel Ro- mflly,.and Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near me has justly and correctly alluded tothat which happened in 1880. Lord Grey at that time, being of the councils of his Sovereign, resolved to introduce a measure founded on throe principles of reform of which he had through life been the advocate. Lord Grey, as my noble friend has said, called to his assistance his noble coadjutor, Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) It was my happiness to have been associated in that work with Lord Durham. With us was joined a statesman whose absence I deeply deplore to-day, who would have been here to-day if his health had allowed him, and whose talents have been of the greatest service to this country—I mean Sir J. Graham. (Cheers.) With these, too, was Lord Dungannon, who was especially acquainted with many parts of our representative system. We planned the scheme of Reform (cheers), and that Reform, as you all know, was not only carried, but has now been nearly thirty years in operation; that it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt (cheers); and it has led the way to many other great measures which never could have been carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in public life I embarked with the view of carrying great measures into effect, and having great public objects before me. Gentle- men, many of those measures have been successful. We need not now refer to them, but there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to because it respects a principle which I think runs through many of our measures of later times, and shows an improvement in the general principles of government. What 1 mean is this, that a great part of our task, for instance, all our measures in favour of religious liberty, relieving first the Protestant Dissenters, then the Roman Catholics, and lastly and recently, the Jews, and all our measures with regard to Free Trade, have been measures not introducing newplans, not founded upon skilfully devised schemes, but have been merely unloosing the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on the dne liberty of the subject. (Applause.) To take the other instance to which I am alluding—viz. that of Free Trade, what struggles we have bad now going on for nearly forty years in order to enable men to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself, to exchange the products of their industry against the products of the industry of others which were ob- bects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment! (Applause.) I remember in the eguiling of these contests, when certainly the principles of Free Trade were rot understood as they now are, a petition being presented to the House of Commons, suggesting that your petitioners made gloves, but they were gloves which were very inferior to the gloves of France, and they were much dearer than the gloves of France, and therefore they prayed—what do you suppose?—not that people might be allowed to wear the gloves of France which were cheaper and better, but that the gloves of France might be utterly excluded in order that they might fumiah bad and dear gloves. (Laughter and applause.) Why, gentlemen, this is the whole history of Protection and Free Trade. (" Bear," and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, let me allude to two questions in which, indeed, we are now immediately concerned, and upon which the whole of this country is naturally interested, because they allude to cases in foreign countries that most deeply affect the whole world. I will allude in a few words to what has been my course since I have been entru sted with the seals of the Foreign Department ; that course has been to respect the independence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce others to do the same. (Hear.) There is one of those countries with which we have had much to do, and of which we have heard much of late years —I mean Italy. We have seen—we have all seen with pleasure—I see that a very distinguished man, Mr. Henley, says there is no one in the country who has not seen with pleasure—the Italians casting off their old chains, and exercising the powers of government for themselves, and putting themselves in the way of gaining that distinction which of old times belonged to it only. (Applause.) We all rejoice to see them assert that independence. We shall all rejoice if they establish a free Government, and thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and elevation of one of the finest countries and one of the most talented nations of the globe. (Great applause.) But, gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen to which gnat attention has been given. The Italians say, and they say with great apparent justice, that the independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated unless Rome, the capital, is in their bands. (Loud cheers.) I may say that I am sure they will be willing to found in that city an Italian Government, and that in a part of Italy associated with ancient glory and with ancient institutions; but then, as Italy has not Rome, they cannot make it a kingdom. Well, on th other band, the Roman Catholics of Europe say that they require that the inde- pendence of the Pope should be respected, and many say that it cannot be re- spected without a territorial Government. That is a discussion which has been going on for some time, and I observed in what I was reading this morning, an essay by one of the most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion is now gaining ground that the temporal power ought to become the right of the Eng of Italy, and that the spiritual power will be more felt, will be more respected, and will be exercised more fairly if the spiritual was separated from the temporal. In the conclusion of the discourse to which I have alluded he says that is what is wished by those in Italy, and that is what is wished in most civilized nations in the world. (Applause.) This, as I have said, is not a question upon which we can take the initiative, but this I will say, that I think that what that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is in consonance with the opinions given by that statesman now so much regretted, Count Cavour, will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and that it will be a great means of securing the after independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen, let us look for a momeut at another part of tbe world, at another country, which, for my part, I have also observ.ed with the greatest interest—the United States of America. It ap- pears to me that it would be a great misfortune to the world if that experiment in free government which; though not carried on in exactly the same principles as those of our own, was conducted on principles which had been devised with great wisdom—it would be, I say, a very great misfortune if anything were to happen to that State. (Cheers.) I am sorry to say that those events have hap- pened, and we now see two parties contending together, not upon the question of slavery—though that, I believe, is the original cause of the conflict—not contending with respect to Free Trade and Protection, but contending as so many States of the Old World have contended, the one side for empire and the other for power. Far be it from us to set ourselves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to what good end can it lead ? Supposing this contest ended, by the reunion of its different parts, and that the South should agree to enter again with all the rights of the constitution, should we not again have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along with them? (Hurrah.) That subject of slavery which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all agree must sooner or later cease from the face of the earth. (Cheers.) Well then, gentle- men, as you will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we not have those who differed from Mr. Lincoln at the last election carried back into the Union, and thus' sooner or later, the quarrel would recommence, ant perhaps a long civil warfollow ? On the other band, supposing the United States completely to conquer and subdue the Southern States ; supposing that should be the result of a longmilitary conflict ; supposing that should be the result of some years of civil war, should we not have the material prosperity of that country in a great degree destroyed, should we see that respect for liberty which has so long dis- tinguished our North American brethren, and should we not see those Southern men yielding to force, and would not the North be necessitated to keep in sub- jection those who had been conquered, and would not that very materially inter- fere with the freedom of nations? And if that should be the unhappy result to which we at present look forward, if by means such as these the reunion of the States should be brought about, is it not the duty of those men who have em- braced the precepts of Christianity to see whether this conflict cannot be avoided?

In conclusion, his Lordship paid a graceful compliment to Lord Palmerston:

"Much has been said on the continent of Europe in disparagement of my noble friend who is now at the head of the Government; bat on examining those strictures I have never been able to make out more than this, that he was reckoned to be too susceptible with regard to the interest of his country. (Cheers.) shall be at little pains to vindicate him from such an attack. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I own that my noble friend has constantly devoted his attention to keep clear and unsullied the honour of England (applause); to keep uninjured, unimpaired, the interests of England (cheers); and it is my privilege to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) I do feel that to be thus entrusted with such a task by the people of so great and so free a country as this is something that makes public life worth having (cheers), that relieves its labour (cheers), that lightens its anxiety (cheers), and I may add that while that task is thus rendered honourable, while it is one which a man may be proud to undertake, it is no small addition that if he has acted upon the whole for the benefit of this country, whatever errors and mistakes be may have made at times he will meet from such an assembly as the present a kind and indulgent acceptance of his efforts; and that, at all events, they will give him credit for the firm intention to do for' Old England' all that he could.'

His Lordship then resumed his seat amidst long and prolonged ap- plause. A great many other toasts were given, and the meeting

broke up about ten. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 17TH.

— There is a vacancy in the representation of Lincoln, caused by the sudden death on Sunday last of Major Waldo Sibthorpe, who has sat for that city in the Conservative interest since the death of his father, Colonel Charles de Laet Waldo Sibthorpe. in 1856. The Liberals have determined to invite Mr. J. Hinde Palmer, Q.C., who has already contested the city twice and is willing to come forward again. The Conservatives, after meeting with refusals from Lieut.-Colonel Sibthorpe, brotherof the late member, and the Lord Mayor of London, have obtained a candidate in the person of Mr. Bramley-Ifoore, a Liverpool merchant, and late M.P. for Maldon. He has issued his address, in which he terms himself a Liberal-Conservative, approving the general policy of the late Government, and not opposed to the foreign policy of the present one. He is in favour of moderate and gradual changes in home legislation, and is opposed to the ballot as

un-English. — A curious case of alleged kleptomania, was investigated before Mr. Henry, at Bow-street, on Wednesday. Two young women, giving the names of Susan Long and Hannah Murray, were charged

with giving stolen books from the shops of two booksellers in the Strand. Mr. Humphrey, who appeared for the defence, stated that the two prisoners were sisters, aged 18 and 16 respectively, though having been brought up in India made them look older. They were the daughters of a gentleman of high position, whose name it was not necessary to divulge. They were subject to what was known as kleptomania, a strange and inexplicable desire of persons brought up in affluence to possess themselves of what does not belong. to them. Evidence was then produced, from which it appeared that in two in- stances at least the prisoners had gone into booksellers' shops, and while ordering books to be sent to a fictitious address, had tilled a large leather bag, usually carried by Murray, with all the books they could lay their bands on. Mr. Humphrey hoped that, if the magis- trate did not think it absolutely necessary that the case should go to trial the prosecutors would not press the charges. He would engage that such a watch should be kept on the unfortunate young ladies as

• • would be an effectual guarantee against the repetition of any such • wets. Mr. Henry, however, said that ought not to influence him, and he must commit the prisoners for trial in the usual manner. — The annual meeting of the Frome Agricultural Association took place on Wednesday. The Marquis of Bath presided at the dinner, and the Earl of Cork, General Gascoigne, Lord E. Thynne, M.P., &c., were also present. The Chairman proposed " Success to the Frome Agricultural Association," coupling with it the name of the President, the Earl of Cork :

"He observed that some ten or fifteen years ago all the newspapers were full of caricatures of the agricultural meetings. If they looked at Punch there was sere to be a caricature of the British farmer, or if not of the British farmer him- self, of his horse, or his pig, or his oxen, and all that (laughter); and even now, if they looked at some of the principal metropolitan newspapers they would find that they were always attacking agricultural meetings, and trying to hit them off and put them down ; and certainly if the farmers of England had been of a different temperament to what they really were he believed the newspapers would have put these meetings down, and they would have given in ; but being obstinate and pig-headed, as their opponents called them, they stuck to their meetings through thick and thin, improving them where improvement was required, and the result was that at the present moment not only had these societies become vastly developed, but they were moat prosperous in every part of the country. (Cheers.) He for one trusted that that prosperity might long continue, being, as he felt convinced they were, of the greatest possible advantage to the country at large. (Hear, hear.) He did not altogether agree with those who thought that the great object of these meetings was the presentation of premiums for the encouragement of the best farming, but he thought that agreat deal of their utility sprang from the honour and distinction which they conferred in the district upon those who had exerted themselves, and proved by their meritorious conduct that they were worthy of the notice of these societies. (cheers.) That was the real thing after all, and the greatest benefit attending these annual meetings was, that they brought the farmers of the district toge- ther, and enabled them year after year to see the improvements which had taken place in agriculture, showing them what others were doing, and showing others what they were doing. (Hear, hear.) The annual gathering of agricultural associations generally took place in what might be termed the capitals of the large agricultural districts, and therefore they brought together not only the farmers of the district, but the manufacturing Interest as well as the commercial interests of the country were represented at them. They therefore promoted good-will and amicable feeling between town and country, and there was no place where the formation of an agricultural association bad done more to promote that amicable feeling than in the town of Frome itself. (cheers.)"

In reply, the Earl of Cork said :

" Only the other day an allusion was made as to what was termed the dulness of the oratory of agricultural meetings. Now, they knew that one very good rule of most of these societies was that they should avoid any topics which might create discord or excitement among the members, and, therefore, those who wished for exciting political speeches must go elsewhere and to other meetings to hear them. These meetings. however, would afford to people like the noble marquis in the chair and himself—who, whether they farmed or not, had in their place in Par- liament to look upon agricultural topics in a political sense, valuable information, which enabled them to express the opinions of the agricultural interest upon agricultural topics in the Houses of Parliament, and to represent it with the same degree of facility that the agricultural and commercial classes were repre- sented ; and certainly. if there was one thing more than another which tended to maintain the equilibrium of the constitution of this country, it was the bring- ing all classes together as they did at these meetings. (cheers.) He was not going to give them a lecture upon agriculture, but he was bound to say that everything they saw around them convinced him that the farmers of this country were under an absolute necessity, for the sake of the welfare of the nation at large, to improve the science and practice of agricul- ture, and he felt assured that the farmers of Somersetshire would not prove backward in that respect. (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Mr. Gladstone, the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, had told them in his place in Parliament that no less a sum than 30,000,0001. went out of this country last year for the purchase of corn. (Hear hear.) Surely they could so improve the yield of land, that how- ever bad the harvest, the people of England would not have to send abroad such a sum as that for the purchase of corn. (Hear hear.) If it was necessary to do so atpresent, they must take care that in future years they so improve the mode of cultivation as to diminish the purchase from foreign countries, and thus to in- crease our national resources. One mode of doing this was by increasing the intellectual power of the agricultural labourer, for they would have to call in the aid of machinery to a very great extent in farm labour, and they could only take advantage of machinery by having skilled labourers. Hitherto the farmers had contented themselves with mere muscular strength, but in future they must have something more from the labourer, namely, knowledge; and therefore they must improve by education that intellect and that capacity which God had given him. (Cheers.) They must make him exercise his brains, and in order to make him do so they must give him those means of education which the Government of this country was daily placing at the disposal of every one,

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 18TII.

— The Warrior made her official trial of speed on Thursday, at the measured mile in Stokes Bay, near Portsmouth. Since her trip on Monday, the funnels of the Warrior have each been lengthened six feet, thereby securing a much greater draught for the furnaces, and by means of up-and-down cast ventilating shafts, the tempera- ture in the stoke-hole has been reduced nearly thirty degrees. Eight runs along the measured mile were made, giving an average mean speed of 14'351 knots per hour, the up and down trips varying be- tween 12 and 16 knots, according to tide. The indicated horse-power of the engines was 5560.8. — "Raby" writes to the Times on the cotton question, with the object of showing that there is a fair prospect of the present supply being adequate to the demand, for at least a year. The quantity of cotton taken from Liverpool in 1860 by the trade was at the rate of 49,000 bales weekly, of which it is supposed that about 45,000 actually passed through the spindles weekly.

"The 'short time' movement began in earnest about the beginning of Septem- ber, and the reduction of consumption already is estimated at 30 per cent. ; lithe supply of American cotton is entirely withheld during the whole season, it seems likely that the consumption will be reduced by one-third, and the trade will not awe more than 30,000 bales weekly from Liverpool from the 1st of September, " His opinion was what it had long been—that the time was not to be waited for, but had now arrived, when a very considerable extension of the franchise ought to take place. (Hear, and applause.) But he was bound to say that at present he could not see his way to any efficient action with a view to bringing about that enlargement of the constituency. For instance, let them take the proposals of Mr. Baines with reference to boroughs, and of Mr. Locke King with respect to the county franchise, and they found there, he might say, anti-reform opinions expressed by the majorities on these questions. Now, then, they would 1861, to the 1st of September, 1862. The export from Liverpool during the last perceive that before that enlargement could be brought about these majorities ten years has averaged 291,551 bales per annum ; last year it was much greater, must be annihilated. They must turn the majority the other way. Mat not owing to exceptional circumstances. The enormous American crop of 1859-60 only must they have a majority in the "House of Commons before they could

having been principally sent to this market, it became the cheapest, and Goad_ nental buyers came here for a larger quantity than ever before. " Now let us examine what our position will be on the 1st of September next, supposing we do not receive a bile from America, that the importation from other places is only increased by the quantity of cotton actually known on the 1st of September last to be at sea from India in excess of what was at sea at the same time last year, assuming the consumption to be two-thirds of that of 1860, and the export at the average rate of the ten years 1850 to 1860 inclusive.

Bales.

Stock of cotton in Liverpool, Sept. 1,1860 . .. . 885,610

Import of cotton, other than American, into Liverpool, Sept. 1,.1860 , 867,

to Sept. 1, 1861 . .... . . 04 Known on Sept. 1 to be at sea (Bombay to Liverpool) in excess of same time last year 164,152 1,917,256 Twelve months' consumption at 30,000 bales weekly . 1,560,000 Export at the average rate of last ten years . . . 291,551 1,851,551 " It may be urged that the Continent, and, perhaps also the United States, will have to come to England for their supplies; but it must be remembered that the trade here hold very large stocks of cotton of which no account has been taken, and the same is unquestionably the case iu all other places; and abroad, of course the same economy will be forced upon spinners as in this country. It may be further urged that bales of other kinds of cotton are smaller than Ame- rican bales; but this will be far more than compensated for by the fineness and lightness of the goods which are made when cotton is dear. Then the price of middling New Orleans cotton to-day is 103/4d. per lb. ; while this time last year it was 61d. per lb.; and it will be contrary to the laws of trade if such an increase of price does not call forth an increased supply.

" Our American friends have been very much surprised at what they have termed the apathy of the manufacturers of England in not running up prices of cotton much sooner, and they will be still more surprised when they learn the calm business-like way in which the prospect of an entire absence of American cotton is met. The Southerners are accustomed to regard England as absolutely dependent upon them, and it will be a very disastrous circumstance if the labouring population of the manufacturing districts should be reduced to two- thirds of their usual wages; but this is very different fromfamine' ' or from such distress as will convert honest and industrious operatives into adangerons class.

" I have endeavoured to allay needless alarm at the loss of one American cotton crop, but I should be sorry indeed to check the regular and natural precautions which are being made to meet the present exigency.

" Liverpool, Oct 16." " BABY.

— A mysterious affair took place at Chichester on Wednesday. A young man, named Caton, a student at Bishop Otter's Training College, was a little before twelve at night passing by the seat of Mr. Freeland, M.P., when he was shot through the abdomen with a rifle bullet, and expired shortly after his removal to the college, whither he was carried by several of the inmates, who had been aroused by the report. of the rifle. He stated that he "had been shot by a soldier, who sat on a gate, as he approached to get over the stile, and that after lie had done it he ran off down the lane towards Deer Hole," no provocation having been given. The police, aided by more than two hundred soldiers, were immediately on the search, and before long a rifle was discovered in a ditch not far from the spot, and it is hoped that the murderer will shortly be in custody. It is supposed that a soldier, named Cleary, who was undergoing .punishment for bad conduct, shot the unfortunate•young man in mistake for some one on whom he intended to be revenged.

— It will be recollected that at the end of August last Mr. Roe- buck made a positive statement at Sheffield to the effect that the cession of the island of Sardinia to the French was in contemplation. Mr. Cobden, it appears, wrote to M. Minghetti, who was then the Italian Minister of the Interior, in the following terms : "Midhuret, Aug. 26. "My dear Sir,—You may have seen a statement made by Mr. Roebuck that an engagement had been entered into between the Governments of France and Italy for the cession of the island of Sardinia as the condition of the evacuation of Rome by the French troops. Would you have any objection to answer the question, whether any such arrangement was ever entered into or contemplated on the part of the Government of Turin? At the same time, let me add, that if you prefer not to reply to this letter, I shall consider that you have good public grounds for your silence, and it will not diminish the present esteem with which I regard you. I need hardly assure you with what friendly interest I have witnessed the great services you have rendered to your country. My sympathies will always accompany you and your fellow-countrymen in your struggle for the independence of Italy. " Believe me, yours truly, RICHARD COBDEN."

M. Minghetti's reply was as follows :

" Turin, Sept. 2. " My. dear Sir,—I thank you for your letter of the 26th of August, and for its expressions, so courteous towards myself and so kind for the Italian cause.

" After the note inserted in the Mariana% it were perhaps superfluous for me to answer your inquiry. However, truth will always bear repetition.

" I can, then, positively assure yon that the Italian Government never had any agreement, and never entered into any negotiation, for the cession of Sardinia or any other part of the national territory. I can affirm this, not only from having myself occupied a post in the Government, but also from the intimate confidence I enjoyed with the lamented Count Cavour ; and I am certain he would have spurned any project of the kind if it had been submitted to him.

" Accept the assurance of my sincere esteem. " MARCO MINGHEITO — Sir William Atherston, M.P., the Solicitor-General, addressed his constituents at Durham on Tuesday night. His speech was almost entirely occupied with remarks on the various law reforms which had passed during the last session. On the subject of Reform, he said :

expect to In-eke any practical progress in the amendment of an enlargement of the constituency, but they must be able to obtain such a majority, so speaking, and so decisive by its numbers, and by the temper which it exhibited, as to bring to bear upon the other House of Parliament that amount of pressure without which be entertained the greatest apprehensions that House would never be disposed to concur in a measure, the probable, indeed the necessary, effect of which must be to increase the power and the influence of the other House of Parliament. The only way in which it occurred to him that it was to be accomplished—and that it would be accomplished he had no doubt, although one was impatient of the delay—was by the people themselves, and particularly by the existing elec- toral body, taking up the question in earnest, pressing it upon their members, and more than that, when the opportunity of elections came round, taking care, as far as they had the power, to return to Parliament only such men as were re- formers, not in word and speech only, but in deed, in heart, and in zeal. Let that be done, and if the existing electoral body had the power in that way they would accomplish it. If, these efforts being put forth, it should appear that the franchise, with its present limitations, did not enable the existing electoral body to bring Lout those results, then they must have the active sympathy and co- operation—in a legal way—of the non-electoral body. (Applause.). He did not say that they should go over the ground which was travelled over in 1830, but in some way or other the popular will, the popular wish, must be made plainly appal cut. It must be expressed in the House of Commons, and in such a way as to tend to bring about a corresponding inclination on the part of the other House of Parliament. (Cheers.)"

He also touched on the present large expenditure of this country.

" There was another matter to which he was sorry he could not refer with any great satisfaction, or hold out any hopes of any present relief. He alluded to the expanditure of the country. 1 he expenditure of the country, and to a great extent upon the armaments of the country, was no doubt exceedingly great ; and its weight was felt by persons in commerce, by professional persona, and fell, as all taxation mast ultimately do, upon the humblest as well as the highest and most wealthy in the kingdom, and every one of them would wish to see that expendi- ture materially diminished. He wished he could see again the way to point out any means of a present material practical reduction. We had, however, a very near neighbour, who, whether wisely or foolishly, spent immense sums of money from year to year in increasing his armaments, rt paicularly by sea, while he kept on foot a prodigious and well-equipped army. But whatever his intentions might be—and he neither suggested nor believed of any intemion of an invasion of this country on the part of France—it was dangerous for a country with the vast possessions and commerce of England to be at the mercy of that neighbouring force (cheers), to he unprepared for any abuse of the great armaments which were thus brought together an the neighbouring country. It was to be hoped that in time France herself might tire of this expensive race, and that we might be permitted, by the cessation of further preparations in that country, to diminish the expenses of our armaments, and get them within those moderate limits which, if we were not disturbed by reasonable apprehensions, undoubtedly it would be the interest as well as the inclination of every one of them to observe. (Ap- plause.)"

— Mr. A dderly, M.P., was among the speakers at the opening of the new Potteries Mechanics' Institution at Hanley, and alluded to the new Education Minute :

"If he might be allowed to allude to the new Education Minute, he would say lie believed it was most honestly brought forward ; that the Government considered—and he thought they had good reason to take that view—that the large grants which had been going on year after year at the rate of 10,0001. every year, had began to supersede that self-action, and that co-operation of the dif- ferent classes interested which ought to be perpetuated, and it was to correct great evils, and to throw upon the managers of those schools greater responsi- bility, that that change was introduced. He did deplore that the publication of that Minute had produced such an outcry in the country as it had done, and that it lied not been discussed calmly and considered as it ought to have been con- sidered. As far as he had observed, he might say that the principle of this change had never been touched in any of those discussions, that every one of the subjects which were brought into those discussions had been subjects of detail. The more elementary principles had been lett untouched. Whether the main principle of the change was practically feasible he did not say. He saw enormous difficulties, but he did hope that those who had been in the habit of discussing their own affairs, and not leaving it to their ministers to discuss for them, would discuss the principle, and if it was practicable let them correct the details so as to meet it. He referred to this question, because it arose from the subject upon which he had been asked to speak. Let them trust that the people of England, by co-operating class with class, would do more to advance the education of this country than any amount of money of the public funds could do. The honourable

gentleman sat down amid loud cheers." •

— A. great Conservative demonstration took place at Colchester on Wednesday, on the occasion of the annual dinner of the Conser- vative Association of the town. Dr. Williams presided, and Mr. Papillon, M.P. for the borough, Major Beresford, M.P. for North Essex, and Captain Jervis, M.P. for Harwich, were present. Mr. T. J. Males, the other member for the borough, was unavoidably absent. In reply to the toast of the borough members, Mr. Papillon reviewed all the political events of the session : " In alluding to the Government of the country be could not help feeling that there was still at the head of affairs a body of gentlemen who were pleased to call themselves a Whig Government, and that that Whig Government had still for its very simple creed an absolute and thorough belief in self. (Laughter.) With reference to the past session, iliS opinion was that the course of legislation had been conspicuous rather fur its omissions than its commissions. He could not illustrate better what he meant by its omissions than by a passing allusion to what on the Conservative side of the House could not but be regarded as satis- factory, viz. the Wednesday morning Government defeats, which at last became a regular proverb. Thus, her Majesty's Opposition were able to defeat measures 81/C11 as the proposed 101. franchise in counties, and the 61. franchise in boroughs (cheers), which he believed were both of them uncalled for by the country at large, and were yet supported by all the members of her Majesty's Government. Other measures brought forward on Wednesday mornings, and also supported by her MAjesty's Government, were equally uncalled for, such as the Noncon- formiM Burial Bill, which gave Dissenting minters equal rights with the clergy of the Church to officiate in parish churchyards ; and then again there was the Religious Worship Bill, which would have struck at the very root of the prochial system, which as Englishmen we should do everything to cherish. There were also two memorable Wednesday mornings which would stand quite alone in this century, he alluded to the divisions on the Church-rates Abolition Ball It was a thing to mark a political life to have been present iu the House of Commons on the latter of those occasions, and he believed the Speaker expressed the feelings of the country at large when, in giving his vote to the Noes,' he observed that the measure was, in his opinion, uncalled for by the majority of the people of England. To pass on to the commissions of the Legislature this Lea; he (Mr. Papillon) believed that we had heard the last of the paper duty. the Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed never so happy as when he was dab- bling in paper, and he very much doubted whether his pa per was quite first- class. (laughter.) Probably they would agree with him in the opinion." Another matter : " The new Educational Minute, wall also much to be regretted. It struck hint that the effect of that Minute—the operation of which was lie was glad to say, postponed—would be to combine with the grant of State money the mini- mum of religions instruction with the maximum of injustice to masters and teachers. With regard to the little Reform Bill, its first result—viz. the grand triumph achieved in South Lancashire—wax deserving of particular attention. (Cheers.) In that contest the Liberal candidate was, as our friends over the water would call it, whipped into a cocked-het.' (Laughter.) He (Mr. Papillon) was assured by a gentleman who had had the management of that election, that the battle was fairly fought and fairly won. It was a decision not so much between Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston as between Lord Derby and revolution. This statement was made to him by one of the persona engaged in the contest; and be (Mr. Papillon) was disposed t. view the result as a protest on the part on the Moderate Liberals against the Democratic extravagances of Mr. Bright, and as a determination on the part of the country at large not to have the good old English constitution remodelled after the Manchester school of design. (Laughter.) He was rather struck the other day, in reading an account of some of the monuments of Egypt, by the inscription deciphered on one of the pyramids, 'He only is a greater man than the builder who can destroy it.' He ventured to say that Mr. Bright would scarcely set himself up to be a greater man than those who had built up our institutions in the form in which we now found them ; and yet, although there was very little harm left for Mr. Bright to do, Conservatives might depend upon it that he would do that little harm with all his might."

Major Beresford responded to the toast of " The County Members," and expressed himself thus on the State parties :

" There seemed to be a general idea, which he had seen reflected in the columns of many of the different newspapers, that the distinctions between parties both in doctrine and in action were getting magnificently smell; that we were joining and merging our ideas in one common creed. Now, he did not assent to this assertion, and he did not believe it. He looked upon it, from its own intrinsic absurdity, as a visionary. fancy, and a vain and idle theory which we should not see carried out because it was nut natural. An amalgamation of creeds and an utter annihilation of party would be a very great social evil in the country, for great benefits had hitherto arisen from having two distinct parties in the State. If the two parties were destroyed these advantages would be destroyed also, and the control which each party had, or ought to have, over the short-comings and wrong-doings of the other would be lost. (Hear, hear.) If we did annihilate party and confound the natural distinctions between Whig and Tory—if we acknowledged that Conservatism and Libe- ralism were an the same—we should at once fall into fathomless depths of nonsense, introduce anarchy into the country, and bring about a relaxed sense of public duty. But althougn he had heard the assertion that party distinctions were being lost, and saw also observations to the same effect upon many sides, he acknowledged that having a seat hi Parliament, attending pretty regularly in the House and keeping his eyes open, he did not see the new-boasted principle carried out in action. On the contrary, he had never witnessed more acrimony in discussion, nor more party manoeuvres at work than he had seen of late. If it were a true assertion, that the maintenance of party was not now an object with politicians, and they yet fought manfully, they must be guided by a heavier and weightier reason, for they would not fight for an idea, as the Emperor of the French did. Let politicians fight for the loaves and fishes, for that was what they did fight for (laughter); but let Conservatism not fight for the small advantages of place and power, but let them have a higher and better object. Let them rally round the monarchial institutions of the country; let them stand by the altar of the Church, and maintain the connexion between the Church and the State, and let them uphold in its full integrity the Protestant con- stitution of the empire. Let Conservatives not fight for minor objects, but for those which were worth their vigour, and let them show to the world that the Conservative 'party were not animated by small party mancenvres, but were anxious to promote the benefit of their country at large."

Captain Jervis, M.P., responded to the toast of "The Conservative Members for Essex Boroughs," and distinguished himself parti- cularly by his expression of his opinion on the American question : " It was said that we could not interfere in the American quarrel, that if we interfered with the North we should go against our cotton interest, and that we could not take the part of the South, because they were slaveholders. Language such as this reminded him very mach of the conduct of an old lady who might have been rather loose in her early years, but who made up for it by an extra amount of godliness as she got older—for twenty years ago the English were elaveholders themselves. It was not till 1834 that slavery was abolished in our own colonies, and, six years having been allowed for its gradual annihilation, it could not be said to have finally ceased till 1840. Again, we voted 20,090,0001. by way of compensation, and yet we asked and expected the Americans to emancipate all at once 4,000,000 slaves, worth 300,000,0001., and then to begin in the dark to make a living. These theories were all very well to talk about' but in the mean time we wanted a supply of cotton to enable us to feed our working population. We had heard a great deal said about looking to India as a substitute ; but it must be remembered that we should have first of all to make roads in India, and that we should also have to teach the people of India to grow our cotton, while cotton coming from India was, on its arrival, only worth about half as much as Ame- rican. We were looking forward to month after month of misery in this country. We had had a bountilul harvest in the eastern district, but in Ireland there were prospects of a famine, for that part of the empire having been visited by severe rain, the potato crop was in great danger, and the hay, straw, and wheat crops had also suffered from the wet. Yet we were cut off from the great western corn markets, and were entirely thrown for our supplies on the Black Sea district. All these things must be crirefully looked to in order to enable our rulers to come to a right decision, At Birmingham, the only town in England at which an activity now prevailed, every gunship was hard at work, and 20,0001. of American money was being spent in the town every week to produce weapons with which to carry on a bloody war, which could not fail to involve the greatest misery, nut only in this country, but also throughout Europe. Thus, at the present moment, the people of Lyons were suffering the most dire distress. The people of Lyons were not consumers of cotton, but producers of silks ; the American demand tot Lyons silks was large, the injury which the trade had sustained was very great, and no ruler of a great country like France could allow the population ut a town of the importance of Lyons to suffer without endeavouring in some way to relieve them. We were told that we could not break the blockade, but there was no blockade to break, for English ships were landing arms all over the American coast. The English people must look at both aides of the question, so that men in power might know how to act: for even if Lord Derby should succeed those at present at the head of affairs, Lord Derby would not move a step till he knew what the feelings of the country were on the subject. It was said by some that the Con- federate States had no right to secede ; but he maintained that the doctrine of secession was as old as the States themselves. Thus, Washington left a paper, for which he certainly was very much vilified, in which he said that, if ever the interest of the North, South, East, or West got the better of each other, the others would swede. In 1829, again, when the North imposed great protective duties, SterthCarolina. threatened to secede, but the North altered the proposed tariff, and she was so kept within the pale of the Union. It was a. question of self-existence with the States which had seceded, for, as Sir Bulwer Lytton had most ably argued, the wealth and population had so enormously increased that they must adopt the course which they had pursued. What was the reason why slavery was abolished in the North? There was a very curious paragraph on this subject in the Times of Tuesday, in which it was directly shown that the black man in the North was not so much wanted there, as the white man could labour; while in the South the white man could not labour, and the black man must be employed. He had gone into these facts because he felt convinced that the time had come when the people of. England must express a decided, opinion upon the subject. (Hear, hear.)"

The remainder of the toasts were of a loyal character, and the pro- ceedings terminated shortly afterwards:

— The Surrey Cricket Club entertained the eleven who are about to proceed to Australia, at dinner at the Bridge House Hotel, Lon- don-bridge, on Thursday. H. Marshall, Esq., President of the club, occupied the chair, and there was a numerous attendance of the members. The names of the eleven, or rather twelve, one of the number having already sailed, in order, if needful, to supply the place of any of the others who may be incapacitated, are as follows: H. Stephenson, Mudie, Mortlock, Lawrence, T. Sewell, Iddiaon, E. Stephenson, Caffyn, Griffith, Bennett, Hearne, and Wells. The chairman proposed the health of "The Gallant Band." He said : "In the cricket-field the first peer of the realm met the lowest pea- sant. The national character on great measure depended upon our national games and exercises, and one of the best of those exercises was the noble game of cricket. (Cheers.) Such being the case, ought they to be backward in meeting the offer of our friends the Austra- lians ? They had been asked by Australia to send out to that distant colony eleven cricketers, and he could safely say that the men who were about to answer the challenge were not only good cricketers, but were held in respect by all who knew them. (Loud cheers.) He had no doubt that the eleven would be welcomed with the greatest joy by their colonial brethren, and he felt sure they would sustain the character of the mother country (hear, hear), and a better proof of their good sense could not be adduced than was afforded by the choice they had made of a captain. (Prolonged cheering.) Not to mention the reputation of Mr. Stephenson as a cricketer, he (the chairnuin) felt assured that his manner and temper would be agreeable to the rest of the eleven. (Hear.) They must feel proud when they re- collected that they were not only deemed good cricketers in England, but were selected to go to the extremity of the world to exhibit their skill. Mr. H. H. Stephenson responded. He begged. to express his sense of gratitude for the cordiatway 1n which. the toast had been ho- noured. He felt himself placed in an awkward situation, but would venture to say that the reputation of England would be sustained in the coming contest. (Hear, hear.) The eyes of the country would be upon the matches they were about to play, and he trusted they would gain the warm approval of all. On behalf of himself and the rest of the eleven, he begged to return their sincere thanks for the honour that had been done them." (Cheers.) Other toasts followed, and the festivity was prolonged to a late hour.