LETTERS ON THE FOREIGN POLICY OF ENGLAND.
No, I.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.
London, 18th November 1836.
S1R—The Radicals had till now good reasons for not taking a lively interest in foreign affairs. We have so much left to do at home, that we were averse to looking.much at things abroad. The late events at Lisbon show, however, the necessity of inquiring more closely into the doings of Lord PALMERSTON. Our foreign policy is of a complicated nature : to investigate it, is as much as to investigate the political state of all European countries, and a great many in Asia, Africa, and America too. This is rather a difficult task. However, if you will allow me to select a few important countries of Europe,—namely, France, Spain, Portugal, Switzei land, and Turkey,—I am in possession of facts sufficient to enable me to investigate Lord PALMERSTON'S system of foreign policy, in a series of five or six letters. This one is introductory.
The Tory papers have unceasingly assailed Lord PALMERSTON with the
greatest virulence. But what ground did they choose for their attacks? The Tories sympathize with Don CARLOS and with Don Mieues ; and they attack Lord PALMERSTON, as the Standard of the 17th expresses it, for making England "the general ally of revolutions." This is not the ground which I shall choose : on the contrary, I accuse Lord PALMERSTON, after having for a time promoted the cause of constitutional freedom in Spain as well as in Portus gal, with seconding new counter-revolutions in both countries and pursuing a system which, if crowned with success, must end in the reestablishment of both Don CARLOS and Don MIGUEL in the Peninsula.
Lord PAL3IERSTON'S policy friend many adherents amongst our industrious and commercial classes. They argued thus—" Any serious war in any country of Europe, is likely to bring on a general war : such a war, in itself, would prove hurtful to the interests of our commerce and milk, and we should at last be forced to take part in it ; whilst the present situation of England asks for the maintenance of general peace." I agree with him ; but I deny that the present policy of Lord PALMERSTON is calculated to insure peace. Is France, at the present momeot, insured against another and a far bloodier revolu • ion than that of July ? Would not such a revolution bring on a genet al war in Europe ? But it is not even necessary to prophesy—I ask, have we not by mere chance escaped a war, a war with the Portuguese nation ? English soldiers were landed at Lisbon to protect the Queen from the consequences of a foolish act of her own. The correspondents of all the London papers agree in representing the population of Lisbon as highly enraged against the English : well—if our soldiers had been attacked, would not the consequences of such an act have led to War?
The opinion of the leading British Reformers concerning our foreign policy was, I think, well expressed by Mr. ROEBUCK in the last session. They argue, that the well-understood interest of England should direct us to give our exclusive attention to our home affairs, and to refrain, from intermeddling with the affairs of foreign countries. The principle is excellent, provided we work its consequences out. And what are those consequences? If our inter. meddling with foreign affairs is contrary to the interests of England, why, then, we must prevent our Ministers from squandering away large sums of the public money for an object which brings us no profit. Let us suppose we had no Ambassador at any court of the Continent, what should we lose by it? Nothing, absolutely nothing. Do not most of our Ambassadors resemble the picture which the Morning Post, certainly the best authority in this affair, has given the other day of Lord HOWARD DE WALDEN? Lord HOWARD DE WALDEN, says the Post, does not speak Portuguese: he lives shut up in his pleasant country. seat, without seeing any political man of in- fluence in Portugal, and hated by the English residing at Lisbon, for the insupportable haughtiness of his manners. Such a man may make a good philosopher, but be will never furnish proper information to our Minister of Foreign Affairs. And if Lord PALMERSTON has no agents who furnish him with proper information about foreign countries, upon what foundations is he to base his system of policy ? It is ridiculous to pretend that our foreign diplomacy, as it is organized now, can be of the least service what- ever. And I go further ; I say, that if we hail no Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we should be much the better for it. England, at the present moment, is the only free country of Europe. If we stood perfectly alone, free from any con- nexion with foreign Cabinets, and from the shadow of any responsi- bility for their despotical projects and schemes, England would become the ex- clusive representative of freedom in the eyes of all Europe. We wish for peace : well, and we shall be sure to have it, as soon as every despot is afraid of going to war with us. Let us have the public opinion of all Europe for us, and it is in our power to let loose whenever we like the storm of revolutions wherever we like —a dangerous position, not for us, but only for those who have to tremble before that storm. England, however, is a commercial country; and there are a great many persons who will find it difficult to conceive how a commercial country can renounce all diplomatical intercourse with foreign countries. A second com- plication of the question lies in the fact, that we have, in consequence of the system pursued until now, entered into certain engagements with certain nations, tvhich honesty and fairness call on us to fulfil. I shall take, therefore, my stand upon Lord PALMERSTON'S OVV/i ground. I shall concede to him the necessity of our interfering in the affairs of foreign countries; and in the letters which I beg your permission to address to you, I shall restrict lily atten- tion to answerin,g the following questions—Has the interference of Lord PALMERSTON in the affairs of foreign nations been profitable to them? Have the changes operated been profitable to the inteiests of England ? And lastly, was there a way to obtain both ends in a more efficient mode than has been attempted by Lord PALMERSTON ?
1 am, Sir, your obedient servant, P.
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