Ethatto net Vrntratugn in Varliannut.

PRINCIPAL nU8IN2813 OP THE WEER.

HOME OF L011126. Monday, may 14. Newspaper-Stamps Bill read a first time— Conduct of the War; Lord Ellenborough's Resolutions negatived by 181 to 71. Tuesday, May 15. The Division ; Lord Mahneabury's Complaint—Ladies in the House; Lord Redesdale's Complaint—Intestacy (Scotland) Bill read a second time— Trade with Russia; Lord Albemarle's Motion—Affirmation (Scotland) Bill read a third time and passed.

Thursday, May 17. Ascension Day—No sitting. Friday. May 18. Army Reform ; Lord Panmure's Statement—Intestacy (Scot- land) Bill committed.

Horse OF COMMONS. Monday May 14. Conferences at Vienna; Questions by Mr. Gibson, Mr. Layard, and dr. Disraeli—Metropolis Local Management; Sir B. Hall's Bill in Committee—Burial-grounds (Scotland) Bill committed—Infants Mar- riage Bill read a third time and passed—Bankruptcy (Scotland); Lord Advocate's Bill read a first time.

Tuesday, May 15. Hardware, &c. Trade ; Mr. Hadfield's Bill read a first time- Screw-Propeller ; Captain Scobell's Motion—Exci,c-Duties Bill read a third time and passed—Alterations in Pleadings ; Attorney-General's Bill read n second time- Mortmain ; Mr. Atherton's Bill read a first time.

Wednesday, May 16. Church-rates Abolition (No. 2); Sir W. Clay's Bill read a second time—Carlisle Canonries; Mr. Ferguson's Bill read a second time.

Thursday, May 17. Public Prosecutors; Mr. J. G. Phillimore's Bill postponed— Parish Constables ; Mr. Deedes's Bill read a second time—Personal Estate of In- testates; Mr. Locke King's Bill committed—New South Wales Government; Lord John Russell's Bill read a first time—Waste Lands Australia Acts Repeal; Lord John Russell's Bill read a first time.

Friday. May 18. Captain Christie; Mr. Layard's Explanation—Education (Scot- land); Lord Advocate's Bill committed—Militia (No. 2) Bill committed—Altera- tions in Pleadings; the Attorney-General's Bill committed—Education of Pauper Children Bill committed—National Gallery, &c. (Dublin) Bill read a second time.

TIME - TABLE.

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Mi .(m) 12h 45m

6h 9h Enai No sitting. No sitting.

5h .... 7h 15m Monday Tuesday Wednesday

Thursday Friday

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment, 4h .(m) lb Om 4h .. 1111 Oils

Noon .... 519 45m 415 .... 1011 15m

9h .(es) lh 15m LORD ELLENBOR017011'S MOTION.

The House of Peers was crowded on Monday, by Lords in their places, Commoners at the bar, ladies in the galleries and in all accessible corners, when the Earl of ELLRNBOROUGH rose to move the resolutions which he placed upon the paper last week. Lord Ellenborough began his speech by observing, that we have now been at war for more than a year—a period longer than the Ministry which entered into it expected the war itself to last ; we have put for- ward the whole naval and military force of the country, and have had no reason to be dissatisfied with our soldiers or seamen ; we have been allied with the greatest military power in Europe; but notwithstanding we have not yet obtained any decisive success. The negotiations at Vienna have failed, in a manner which implies that the contest will be protracted as well as great. He should have brought forward the question sooner, but a sort of torpor, which had seized upon public affairs since Lord Palmer. ston came into office, would have discouraged any man from bring- ing forward a great public question. Lord Palmerston, who endea- voured to appear in the world's masquerade in the character of Richard the Second,—a sovereign that fell because he exercised undue private partiality in preference to the public good,—was supposed to be the fittest person for conducting the affairs of the country in time of war, on ac. count of his military experience. If he had had great military ex- perience, it must have been known to the Duke of Wellington ; but one circumstance led to a doubt respecting the Duke's opinion of Lord Pal- merston's military capacity- " I recollect sitting by the side of the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords during the unfortunate difficulty between him and Mr. Huskisson, which led to the resignation of a portion of the gentlemen forming the Go- vornment. The Duke of Wellington was suddenly called out of the House' and when he returned, he said to me, That was Palmerston, who wanted to see me, to tell me if Huskisson went he must go too.' The Duke con- tinued—' I said nothing ; it was not for me to fire great guns at small birds.' That was the opinion of the Duke of Wellington." The small bird, however, may have grown to be an eagle. At all events, according to the phrase in vogue, he was "the man of the situa- tion, and he was carried into power by an impulse of individual admira- tion, so common in this country, and so soon followed by frigid indif- ference. While the Parliament is torpid, however, the public are think- ing. Not that Lord Ellenborough entirely approved the great and dan- gerous change which has come over the practice of the constitution, and which enables gentlemen of the platform to exercise more influence by their speeches than gentlemen of the Commons. Formerly Parliament directed public opinion ; now public opinion out of doors acts upon Par- liament; and, believing that Parliament should direct, he asked their Lordships to place themselves in front of the people. Well, the people have come to the conclusion that it is time Parliament should state its opinion that the Government must be conducted on the true principle of selecting men for employment in consideration of their means of serving the state.

In entering upon the conduct of the war, he distinctly drew a line between the Government which directs the plans and the General who is to carry them into execution ; Parliament only dealing with the conduct of the Government. For the purposes of war men and animals are ne- cessary. To obtain men, the standard must be lowered and the bounty increased ; but when the Minister of War recently permitted the em- bodied militiamen to retire, he offered a bounty for reenlistment so ex- tremely small that to save 50,0001. or 60,0001., 15,000 or 16,000 men were lost. Real economy, in fact, was replaced by parsimony, which deprived the army of men and moving power. It was said that it was necessary to strengthen the hands of the Minister of War, and a depart- ment was pulled to pieces in the midst of war-time. All that was really necessary was to give the Duke of Newcastle power over several officers : but he was left to fight a battle at home as well as in the Crimea—to wrest the Commissariat from Sir Charles Trevelyan the Land Transport Corps from the Commissariat; and we see the result. Napoleon laid down the canon that it is better to have one commander of mediocre talent than two superior commanders : yet it Was determined to have unity of operations in the Allied army, but not unity of command. It was resolved to carry on war in the Baltic as well as in the Black Sea, but without gun-boats in the Baltic to take those ports which had been protected against the approach of large ships ; and when Ministers thus

Sittings this Week, 3; Time, 14h 50m

this Session. 63; — 1211125m

Sittings this Week, 6; Time, 3711 tIm 7 this Session. 6; — 982 3310 denied the means of carrying out their own exaggerated expectations, they cruelly ordered the officer in command to haul down his flag. Lord Ellenborough approved of the expedition to Gallipoli ; of the posi- tion at Varna, which gave a hand to Austria; but grand mistakes followed. A blow against Turkey in Asia would have paralyzed the Turkish em- pire: we had not, however, to fight with army against army ; we had Asiatic nations at our disposal, conquered and anxious to throw off the yoke, and one race which had for years successfully defended its independ- ence: but that country was neglected. The army placed at Varna and at Schumla threatened Odessa, Sebastopol, Anapa, and every Russian sta-

tion upon the Black Sea: but it was withdrawn for the Crimea, leaving Austria to fight Russia by herself, with uncertain Germany behind, and thus paralyzing her action. Again, in the Crimea the army was unable

to maintain its victorious course for want of men and animals: with

cavalry, it might have destroyed the Russian army at Alma ; with means of moving, it would never have allowed Prince Menschikoff to retreat when he passed the Belbek. But the Government has placed the army in a position where it has been beleaguered. It was unnecessary for him to go over the exposure of the army to the sufferings of sickness : those are all present to the public mind.

The conduct of the men in power is defended by ascribing the fault to the system. "My Lords, to attribute anything to the defects of system is the subterfuge of convicted mediocrity. Mediocrity succumbs to sys- tem; ability dominates over it, and forces men into a better course." Mediocrity pervades the departments—that is the true defect in "the sritem " ; while the best of all governments is that which obtains the as- sistance of the best men in the public service. Pitt's proud mind and great ability did not save him from failure in war, because he was encompassed by the trammels of Parliamentary government. Chatham, his father, who disdained those trammels, restored victory to our armies, confidence to the people.

"And are we, who eulogize this character, who admire his genius, who glory in his successes, are we to shrink from applying to our times theee principles, as involving too great a personal sacrifice to the weakness of modern mediocrity ? How much better to be able to select the best men ? But, my Lords, how can we, sitting here by here- ditary right, conferred, for the most part, upon our ancestors for their services to the State, for their fitness for public employment, how can we refuse to adopt that principle which is the principle of our own origin ? Because my father was a great lawyer, and not because he was a party man, he was selected on account of his fitness for the great office of Chief Justice. It was not favour, it was fitness, that made Mr. Yorke Chancellor, and afterwards an Earl ; it was not favour that made Sir James Harris a great diplomatist and Earl of Malmesbury; it was not favour that raised the father of the noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Canning) to the office of which the just reward was the title which the noble Viscount now possesses ; it was not favour that raised the brothers Cecil, and made them the ministers of Elizabeth and James—the founders of two great families. We are here by the services of our ancestors ; and is it for us to turn round to say to the people= It is true our ancestors rose by their fitness, but our relations enjoy advantages by their connexion with us and by favour' ? No! I trust that you will adopt a different view for the interest and honour of this House. I trust that you will agree on this occasion to place yourselves in front of the people, and, adapting yourselves to public opinion, go to the foot of the Throne and state there the complaints which you have to make."

Lord PANT&IIRE said that he could not move the direct negative to the resolutions,—a concoction of assurances, commencing with truisms, and concluding with the representations gathered from public meetings : he could not move the direct negative, because with some parts of the reso- lutions he heartily afreed : but he should move that the question be not put. Heartily agreeing with Lord Ellenborough that the officers in com- mand must not be criticized, he denied that the sufferings in the East arose from the misconduct of the Government at home. It must be re- membered that for forty years Government after Government had vied with each other, not in extending the military education of the army, but in economizing the finance devoted to that purpose. Before the Govern- ment of Lord Derby, a false economy had reduced the artillery to the condition described by Lord Harding° ; it was then raised to the improved condition with which we began the war. So it was with our whole mili- tary establishments. Means have since been taken to render the transport as complete as possible ; and it was not for want of transport that the army did not advance from Varna to Silistria. Owing to measures from the beginning of February, and to a great extent in consequence of pre- cautions previously taken by the Duke of Newcastle, the army 119.8 shaken off its sickness, and is in a state of complete efficiency. In as- aaulting the civil departments, Lord Ellenborough had not pointed out a single instance of misconduct, or done more than paraphrase Mr. Drum- mond's expression that "square men should be put into square holes, and round men into round holes." Three months back, the policy of the war stood exactly as it stands now ; the views of Lord Ellenborough in the Baltic were as little followed then as now ; the expedition to Gallipoli, to Varna, and to the Crimea, had then been already carried out, Asia had been equally omitted : yet when the opportunity of forming an Administration was offered to the noble mover's leader, the offer was deliberately declined ; and it was scarcely fair for Lord Ellenborough to turn round now and propose a censure on the present Government for not adopting his policy. The place of power is no bed of roses ; and Lord Panmure did not ask to remain in it; but he cautioned the Peers to take warning from the frequent changes, and the mischievous effect which they have had abroad, not to precipitate a new change of Ministry, as they would in passing those resolutions,—not to unsettle the state of public affairs, and jeopardize the great war in which we are engaged. The Earl of HARDWICKE criticized the naval operations of the war. The Earl of ELom argued on the illogical character of the resolutions; and dissuaded the House from an unpatriotic and impolitic display of divided councils. Lord WINCRELSEA made a slashing onslaught upon Ministers, with a congratulation to the Duke of Newcastle on the result of the "inquiry."

Earl Gnasrvime took up the defence, in a copious speech touching upon several important points. Lord Ellenborough, be said, could hardly mean to adopt the sentiments heard on the platform, that "we have gone back a hundred years in our history, and that the heads of the Gower, Howard, and Cavendish families sit in conclave and dictate to the Prime Minister the colleagues that he shall have."

"Now, my Lords, I am a Gower ; and I believe that I am the only one of that family who holds any official appointment whatever. I am also a Cavendish; but I think that the noble Duke at the head of that family has not shown himself slow to encourage genius wherever he has found it, even among the lower class. I find behind me the heir-presumptive of that noble Duke, (the Earl of Burlington,) who did not shrink at the University from competition with the ablest and best men of the day. That noble Lord has not abstained in his private capacity from aiding the public in many ways ; but to this day he has never held one single office; and, as far as I remember, his only relation, bearing the name of Cavendish, is pc who, under the superintendence of my noble friend the Secretary of State for Fo- reign Affairs, is fattening under the enormous emoluments attached to the Foreign Office. My Lords, I am sorry to say that I em also related to some of the Howards ; not to ' all the Howards,' because the }rewards since the time of Pope have so wonderfully multiplied and increased that I believe Mr. Horace Mann could handicap them very fairly in a race with all the Smiths.' (Laughter.) But I have yet to learn that the member of the Howard family who has been selected by the Queen, at the instance of Lord Palmerston, to represent her Majesty in Ireland, do not think that in that country or in this a man could be found less inimical than he to the inte- rests of the people. My Lords, I had better make a clear breast of it at once; and I am obliged to admit that some of those who went before me had such quivers full of daughters who did not die old maids, that I have relations upon this side of the House, relations upon the cross-benches, relations upon the opposite side of the House, and I actually had the unparalleled misfortune to have no fewer than three daughters in the Protectionist Administration of my noble friend opposite."

He showed that men of business in their private capacity, acting under the pressure of self-interest, seek as officers men in the precincts of red- tapism and connected with the aristocracy- " It may be in the recollection of your Lordships, that the Railway De- partment was abolished by the House of Commons chiefly on the ground that it was too expensive. Before that took place, we lost one secretary, an

officer of Engineers, because a cOmmercial company offered that gentleman double the salary he was receiving from the Government. I know another gentleman, a friend of mine at the head of a department under the Crown —a department which was found fault with on the ground of expense last year—who was offered 2000/. a year, or double what he receives, by a great commercial company. He, whether wisely or not I cannot say, refused that office. The offer which flattered me the most of any-I ever received was that of being chairman of the greatest commercial company in this country. That office has been filled by two members of the aristocracy ; and now one of the descendants of the Plantagenets is doing the business with great ad- vantage to the company and with infinite credit to himself." A history of Mr. Laing, to explain why men of business avoid public employment-

" That gentleman took high honours at Cambridge ; he went into the

law ; he then accepted a clerkship in the Board of Trade • after a short time he left the Board of Trade in order to try his chance in his profession ; and that he was not long in making his way is evident from the fact, that in that year he received in professioeal gains exactly ten times the amount he received under the civil service of the Crown. He saved one company from almost a state of bankruptcy and restored it to a flourishing condition and he is now at the head of perhaps the most remarkable enterprise ever known. I quite agree, that is exactly the man to assist you in organizing offices which want organization ; but, when he was asked, he gave exactly the same answer as was given by one of a firm of eminent merchants to the no- ble Earl, (Lord Derby,) that he had consulted with those with whom he was connected in business, and at present it was impossible to accept political office. I have in my head at this moment a list of mercantile men, con- tractors, civil engineers, and others—men with whom I would as soon transact business as with any one ; and I cannot conscientiously say with certainty that any one of them would be foolish enough to give up his pro- fessional career and mercantile business for the temporary occupation of po- litical office."

The Earl of DERBY renewed the attack, in a speech of great length.

He admitted, or rather boasted, that he had recommended the appoint- ment of Lord Hardinge and of Lord Raglan ; but he went over the evi- dence of the Sebastopol Committee to show that the civil Government at home, or the subordinates which it appointed, "had not thought of" this or that—of the boasted railroad, for instance. He accepted Lord Gran- vine's challenge to give "instances," and mentioned Mr. Monsell—the first civilian Clerk of the Ordnance, after General Peel, General Fox, General Anson and Colonel Dunne ; Mr. Peel, whose antecedents do not point him out /or the Under-Secretaryship of War ; and the Duke of New- castle, who, familiar with Colonial affairs, retained the military part of his administration. He disclaimed any connexion with Mr. Layard, any communication or any responsibility for what he had said ; but it would be greatly to mistake "our meaning" to suppose that Lord Derby and his friends could disregard or neglect such indi- cations of public feeling as have induced men of a high mer- cantile character to plunge into these discussions on political sub- jects. He did not concur in all the sentiments uttered in these meet- ings in the City and elsewhere ; but they are indicative of the deep-seated dissatisfaction which it would not be safe to neglect. He did not concur in the tail condemnation of routine ; no great department of operation can be reduced to effectual working without it: but too much regard has been paid in times of difficulty to mere seniority. The machinery of rou- tine has not been governed by a master and ruling mind. And if some few Jonases have been thrown overboard, the Government is still answer- able, not only for the blunders of the last three months, but for the ne- glects and omissions of the last two years. The late reforms were an- nounced as a coup de theatre—first by Lord Panmure as a set-off against the announcement of Lord Ellenborough's resolutions and then by the more impatient Lord Palmerston, in answer to Major iced on Thursday last. "The honourable Member said that the noble Viscount must do something to retrieve his character, and he finished his observations with a solemn ex- hortation to the noble Viscount to • Awake, arise, or be for ever fallen I' Well, what was the effect of this on the Prime Minister?

• He heard, and was abashed- (Laughter)-and up he sprung Upon the wing, as when men wont to wach On duty, sleeping found by whom they dread. Rouse and bestir themselves ere well awake.'" Touched by the magic wand, or rather magic reed, Lord Palmerston started up, and, after having for forty-nine years endured the puzzle of the ancient arrangement which separated the Board of Ordnance from the Commander-in-chief, on the inspiration of the moment declared that these offices should be combined. Lord Derby professed to regard the consequences of carrying the resolution in imposing upon himself and his friends the duties of office ; but he still urged Lord Ellenborough to press his motion.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE criticized and replied to the speech of Lord Derby ; contending that its arguments were unsound, and pointing out errors in its statements. As for instance—that the War Department should be in the hands of a civilian. This is a constitutional practice; the War Minister being invariably a civilian. That Mr. Monsen was the first civilian appointed Clerk of the Ordnance ; whereas a few lines in the "Royal Calendar" would have shown the inaccuracy of the state- ment, and he named the Honourable W. W. Pule, the Honourable A. Cowper, Mr. Plummer Ward, Mr. Spencer Perceval, all civilian; who had occupied that position. Mr. Monad], it was said, was unfit : but when Lord Raglan left the country, "he had formed a very high esti- mate of Mr. Monsell's abilities, and of his fitness to execute the duties of the office he holds." The Duke declined to accept praise for assiduity and labour : if he was a bad administrator, no amount of labour and assiduity is a makeweight for deficiencies.

Referring to the argument that the Reform Bill has effected a change

in the composition of the House of Commons prejudicial to the public service, he admitted that to some extent, but not wholly, it was correct. There are two causes; one, that mercantile men refuse to take office ; the other, that the constituencies look up to clubs and coteries in London to find them men—to the Reform Club or the Carlton Club ; and so long as that is don; there will be mediocre Members prepared to give silent votes.

The Duke emphatically denied that we have had any military disasters

—that we are a beaten nation : on the contrary, describing the effect of the war in Russia, he said that, by God's blessing, we may soon be in a position to dictate a peace that will secure the objects for which the war was undertaken.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—met by cries of "Question !"—said, the time was inopportune for bringing on this motion. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, he believed the resolutions were brought forward to test the strength of parties. He was no retainer of the Government, but he felt that on such an occasion it would have been a dereliction of duty to remain on the cross-benches : he felt bound not to exhibit to the world distracted councils in Parliament, but to support the Government attempt- ing duties under great difficulties.

The Marquis of LexsnowNE closed the debate in a calm speech. He alluded to the anecdote which Lord Ellenborough had raked up, in order to remark that he would abstain from telling another anecdote about the noble Earl-

" It is plain to me, that that which has lowered Lord Palmerston in the

noble Earl's estimation is, that now he is in that high position in which the Duke orWellington then was, he has not fired his gun at a great bird ; and I am inclined to think that if he had fired, perhaps he might have hit it." (Laughter.)

Lord Lansdowne claimed to be held responsible for a share in both Governments, the late as well as the present. If the present Government has any superiority, it is only that obtained from time; an advantage which the Duke of Newcastle might have perfectly enjoyed, for he laid the foundation of many of the arrangements that have brought our army in the Crimea to its present pitch of efficiency and order. To pass the resolutions, would be to imply that Government could begin war with re- duced expenditure and establishments—would be to encourage the delu- sion which the people of this country are too apt to indulge, that they can take a great part amongst the military powers of Europe without sacrifice or privation. The first year's operations in every war waged by this country since the Revolution have been unsuccessful, to a degree greater than what has been witnessed in the Crimea. "In the very first war in which Ring William was engaged after his ac-

cession to the throne, be sent an expedition to Ireland, under Marshal Schomberg, which failed in the most complete and disgraceful manner. Every one complaint was directed against the Government in that instance which has now been directed against the Government of the present day for what is called the mismanagement of the Crimean army. Scarcely one single ingredient was wanting : but the historian who recounted that failure summed it up in a fairer spirit than that which seemed to animate Lord El- lenborough, by saying all this arose from the English people not being pre- pared for war, and fancying that an efficient army could be raised in a mo- ment. In the war which commenced in the year in which King William died, an expedition was sent to Cadiz, which failed disgracefully, though it was planned by King William and the Duke of Marlborough, and was car- ried into execution by the Duke of Marlborough. They were the incapables of that day and, if the noble Earl had been member of your Lordships' House at that time, he no doubt would have directed his indigna- tion against them for presuming to think that they had the capacity of carrying on war. Then again, the first year in which Lord Chatham, whom the noble Earl so much admire; conducted the military affairs of this coun- try, at the commencement of the Seven Years' war, was distinguished by the equally disgraceful failure of the expedition despatched to Rochefort : but Parliament and the country then took a more generous view than the noble Earl has taken in this instance, and those failures proved the foundation of that glorious war which, as has been justly stated, entitled us to take place in the foremost rank as a military nation. Yes,' said the noble Earl, but Lord Chatham did this by engaging the Parliamentary interest.' The noble Earl's motion, however, goes to the foundation of all representative govern- ment whatever, because, according to him, neither in the Reformed .Parlia- ment nor out of it could any unfortunate Government in this country hope to carry on the military administration during war,—unless, indeed, some man like the noble Earl were intrusted with absolute power, and then the country might stand a better chance of a happy result.'

The resolutions imply a confession that we are defeated : this Lord Lansdowne denied. Russia, as a naval power, has been reduced to a nonentity ; and the loss of the enemy has been ten times greater than OUT OWD--• " I have here a statement, as to which I can mention no names, but which is one made on the very highest authority ; and from this it appears, that a few days before the death of the Emperor Nicholas a return was made up stating that 170,000 Russians had died • and according to a supple- mentary return, furnished some days later, 70:000 were added to the list, making a total loss of 240,000 men."

Lord ELLENnortonon, waiving his privilege of reply, simply called for

an admission that he had addressed a memorandum to the Government soon after the sailing of the Crimean expedition, elaborately pointing out all the objections which he had entertained to the expedition. This was admitted by Earl Gn.sxviLut; who, however, added, that the reasons as- signed for that opinion could not now be assigned as the cause for the want of success. At the division the numbers were-

Content—Present. 71

Proxies. 0— 71

Not-Content—Present. 115 Pros ies 66-181 -- Majority against the resolutions 110 Next day, the Earl of MALmessunir complained that Lord Besaborough, in managing the division of Monday for the Government, neglected, con- trary to custom, to inform the minority that proxies would be called. He only drew attention to the circumstance that it might not occur again ;

and he suggested that in future the doors should be closed during a division. The Earl of Busireononou said, that the custom was for the mi-

nority to state when they intended to call proxies. On Monday night,

after 'telling" the last Peer, he walked out of the lobby, and called "Proxies!" as loud as he could, and endeavoured to prevent any Peer from leaving the House who had proxies ; but he found that several Peers had gone away. He had not the slightest intention of acting un- fairly ; and surely no Peer could blame him for having endeavoured to secure for the Government as large a majority as he could. The Earl of DERBY exonerated Lord Bessborough from all blame ; and suggested that in future, besides closing the doors, notice should be given when proxies are not to be called. The practice of calling proxies is rare now. Earl GRANVILLE said, there could be hardly any occasion on which it would be more natural to show the country and the world the large majority of independent Peers who support the Government. It had struck him when he saw many of the Opposition leaving the House, that they were not anxious to swell the minority with their proxies.

THE VIENNA CONFERENCES.

Mr. MILNER GIBSON asked, on Monday, whether Lord Palmerston would name an early day for taking into consideration the address to the Crown of which he had given notice ?

Before Lord Palmerston could reply, Mr. LA:YARD stating that he wished Ais motion to be discussed before Whitsuntide, ;ilso petitioned for a day. Lord PALmEnwrox said, besides Supply, there were two or three bills of pressing urgency before the House; and he thought it unreasonable that gentlemen should expect Government to put off public business for their accommodation. Mr. Gibson had given his notice "in the usual course of business" but as for Mr. Layard, he would remember that that very day had been offered him—he did not accept the offer, "and an offer once refused cannot be renewed." Government is ready to meet any motion of censure; but the forms of the House give Members a fair opportunity for bringing such motions forward. Mr. Drintazu inquired whether Lord Palmerston would move an ad- dress with regard to the Vienna papers. Lord PALMERSTON said he should not.

Quite late in the evening, Lord PALMERSTON told the House that he had arranged with Mr. Gibson to give him Monday.

On Tuesday, Mr. LAYARD gave notice that he should bring on his mo- tion on going into Committee of Supply, on Thursday week.

RUSSIAN TRADE THROUGH PRUSSIA.

The Earl of ALBEMARLE moved the following resolution-

' " That it is the opinion of this Rouse, that, in order to bring the war With Russia to a speedy termination, it is necessary to restrict the trade with that country by more efficient measures than any which have hitherto been adopted or announced by her Majesty's Government."

.Lord Albemarle contended, that to stop the trade of Russia through Prussia would be a means of enforcing a pressure upon the enemy with- out injury to this country. He reminded the House of what occurred fifty-three years ago, when the Russian trade with this country was stopped by the Czar : the value of the rouble fell in Russia 50 per cent, a loan-contractor took 28 per cent for his money, the rents of the nobles were arrested. Everything revived when the trade of Great Britain was restored. " Fas est ab bode doceri." He proposed that Govern. meat should rescind the Order in Council of April 15th 1854, which per- mitted trade in Russian produce carried in foreign ships, in order to en- force a search of ships leaving Prussian ports. Lord STANLEY of Alderley objected, that we cannot act separately from France. He denied that the trade with Russia has not been di- minished by the restrictions of the blockade ; the facts being shown in ' the retirement of the inhabitants from the coast of the Baltic, and the desolation of ports, such as the island of Nargen. The motion was sup- ported by Lord CoLounwran, who contended for a search of the enemy's property wherever it could be found; by Lord Its.veNsworern, who pro- posed an ad valorem duty of 20 or 25 per cent to keep out Russian pro- duce from this country ; and by Lord DERBY, who left the means of car- rying out the resolution to the discretion" of Government. Earl GRANVILLE, Earl GREY, and the Duke of ARGYLL, pointed out the effect which the search would have in irritating the Duteh, Swedes, Danes, Spaniards, Belgians, and Americans ; and how the prohibitory duties, besides injuriously effecting the trade in raw material, would encourage a reaction against free trade.

On a division, the resolution was negatived by 47 to 31.

AUSTRALIAN Buts.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty to assent to an amended bill of the New South Wales Legisla- ture, for conferring a constitution on New South Wales, and for granting a civil list to her Majesty. Mr. Low; who did not oppose the introduction of the bill, raised several objections. He contended that the bill, in its present shape, would be invalid if it were passed. The Council of New South Wales passed an act in which they exceeded their powers ; that act was there- fore void. By the present bill it is proposed, not that the act should be valid, but that her Majesty might be enabled to assent to it. He ad- mitted, however, that this difficulty might be got over by giving the bill a Parliamentary sanction : yet if that were done, Parliament would be taking upon itself to legislate from beginning to end. He also raised other objections,—that the bill was contrary to the feelings of the majority of the colonists, who bad petitioned against it; that it perpetuated an iniquitous electoral division of the colony ; that the proposed civil list is enormously extravagant ; and that it provides for a nominated Council. His recommendation was that these Australian bills should be sent to a Select Committee.

Lord Joux RUSSELL admitted that the Australian Legislatures had ex- ceeded their power; trenched upon Parliament, and placed the Govern- ment in a position of considerable difficulty. But if Mr. Lowe's proposi- tion were adopted, the constitutions, so long promised to the Colonies, would be postponed another year. If the bill only requires the introduc- tion of a few words to render it valid, let a few words be introduced. But where is the fairness of opposing technical difficulties, easily got over, to the enactment of this constitution ? .As to petitions against S

nominated Council, the "great blot" of the bill in Mr. Lowe's eyes, they cannot decide the question, because the old settlers, contented with the decision of the Legislature, have not thought it necessary to petition. To an allusion that the House of Commons lacked information, Lord John replied, that he fearell Mr. Lowe was too well informed—had been too considerable a party leader in Australia ; and that he now wished to establish that for which he then contended.

Mr. DUFFY and Mr. WILLIAMS backed up the views of Mr. Lowe, and MT. JOHN BALL supported his chief.

Leave was given, and the bill was read a first time. On the motion of Lord Joair Russzu., a bill was read a first time to repeal the acts of Parliament now in force respecting the disposal of the waste lands of the Crown in the Australian Colonies, and to make other provisions in lieu thereof.

METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL.

On the motion for going into Committee on this bill, Sir BENJAMIN Ham stated the alterations he intended to make in Hobhouse's Act, in order to meet the objections of Lord Ebrington to further proceeding with the bill, until those alterations were known. Sir Benjamin does not intend to touch the principle of Hobhouse's Act. All he proposes to do is to fix the qualification for vestrymen, in certain poor parishes, at 251. instead of 401., and to increase the number of polling-places from one for any number of electors, to four for every ten thousand. Several forms of opposition, by Lord EBIUNOTON, Mr. MaciallisoN, and Sir FRE- DEIOCE THESIGER, were overruled; the Committee passed most of the clauses up to clause 25; and then progress was reported.

THE CHURCH-RATE QUESTION.

In consequence of an omission in the title of the bill he originally brought in, Sir William Clay found it necessary to introduce the Church- rates Abolition (No. 2) Bill. This measure stood for the second reading on Wednesday, and formed the chief matter discussed at that sitting. On moving the second reading, Sir Wimisear CLAY restated its provisions; which, our readers may recollect, totally abolish church-rates, due pro- vision being made for outstanding debts; empower Churchwardens to collect pew-rents and voluntary offerings for the maintenance of the fa- bric and the payment of other expenses; and provide that one-third of the space in a church shall be free.

Mr. Paulo, moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months, described it as an insidious measure, that will take away one of the props of the Established Church. All religious establishments should be abolished before a bill were brought in to abolish Church-rates. Mr. DAVIES seconded the amendment.

• In the earlier stage of the discussion there had been no member of the Government present, and the fact had been commented on by Sir William Clay and Mr. Packe. But Mr. COWPER, who had entered during the de- bate, now rose and stated the views of the Government, which were sub- sequently put forward by Lord Palmerston himself. In the mean time, Mr. LIISHINGTON, opposing the bill, suggested that they should wait to see whether the bill introduced by the Archbishop of Canterbury would not enable them to settle the question ; and Mr. LABOUCHERE, meeting Mr. Cowper's arguments, urged the House not to be led away by them, but to affirm the principle of the bill by a decided majority. That might induce the Government to settle the question.

Lord PALMERSTON, admitting that a settlement is desirable, said the attempts made to that end show that the subject is surrounded with dif- ficulties. It was said that Government should solve the riddle; but Go- vernments have tried, and have failed to do so ; and he bad no proposal to make. He could not regard the bill as a satisfactory settlement, and must oppose its progress.

Mr. EDWARD BALL, followed by Lord SEYMOUR, said that Lord Pal- merston's speech would tend to throw back the settlement of the question for years. Last year Lord John Russell said—" We propose to settle this question next session" ; but now Lord Palmerston said it was not the business of the Government to settle the question !

On a division, the second reading was carried by 217 to 189. Mem- bers on the Ministerial benches loudly applauded the result.

Miscsaaanzons.

Mr. J. G. Parrassionz moved the second reading of the Public Prose- cutors Bill. If the House would assent to its principle, he would readily receive suggestions as to its machinery. In the absence of the Attorney- General, Lord PAratnasrox moved as an amendment, that the whole subject matter to which the bill relates should be referred to a Select Committee. The subject, he admitted, is of deep importance; and, no doubt, the appointment of a public prosecutor, if the details of such a measure could be arranged so as to avoid practical inconveniences, would be a great advantage. But careful inquiry must precede any attempt to pass a measure on the subject. It was finally arranged that the second reading of Mr. Phillimore's bill should be postponed, and that a Select Committee should be appointed.

Mr. Dioxin moved the second reading of the Parish Constables Bill; a measure intended to place the law on a satisfactory footing in those counties which have not adopted the Rural Police Act, and making the appointment of a superintendent constable in every petty sessional divi- sion compulsory. The bill was in the form in which it came out of the Select Committee of 1853, and he reserved to himself the power of making alterations in Committee. In the discussion which arose, there seemed a strong opinion that the Government should bring in a bill esta- blishing a general constabulary for the whole country ; especially as the

• ticket-of-leave system has been adopted. With respect to the bill itself, the Government speakers were not quite agreed. Mr. COWPER. and Lord PALMRESTON thought the measure would be an improvement on a most defective system; but Lord SOHN RUSSELL said it would be a

• "retrograde step"; ; and generally, the opinion was that some more ex- tensive measure is required. Mr. MILES and Sir Joins TROLLOPE inti- mated a desire that the expenses of the Country Police should be paid out of the Consolidated Fund. But Lord PAIXERSTON said, that if the State became paymaster, it must become also commander-in-chief; and he did not see the advantage of withdrawing the Police from local con- trol The bill was read a second time.

Mr. HA.DFIELD obtained leave to bring in a bill for securing the pro- perty of Hardware Manufacturers, and also for securing the wages of their workmen.

The second reading of the Carlisle Canonries Bill, moved by Mr. Pm- MASSON, and opposed by Government, was carried by 102 to 98. The bill provides additional funds out of the Cathedral revenues for the in- cumbents of four parishes.

A motion by Captain SOGEELL, to inquire into the distribution of the public prize for inventing the Screw-Propeller,—allotted to Mr. Smith and others, but claimed by Captain Carpenter,—was opposed by Govern- ment, as reopening a closed case; and it was negatived by 69 to 49.

LADIES IN THE HOUSE OF Panes!

Lord REDESDALE called attention to the fact that on Monday there was a large number of ladies in portions of the House not set apart for their reception—

It had a very " prejudicial effect on the appearance of the House," and

made it look " more like a casino than anything else." (" Oh !" and laughter.) Ile hoped it would not be repeated, for he knew at least one Peer who would have spoken, but he was unwilling to " address an audience of that kind."

Earl GRANVILLE answered this complaint, and raised much laughter, by telling a story— He remembered once seeing a French farce, in which an English Milord was the principal character, and he was represented as objecting very much to the presence of ladies at dinner, because he said they were displeasing to his eyes. Now he never knew before this evening the original of that English Milord. He must also add, that he believed all their Lordships had not the advantage which his noble friend seemed to possess by frequenting the casinos, of enjoying those views of the female sex which his noble friend wished to deprive the House of. He however, accepted with great pleasure his noble friend's satisfactory explanation why some of the speeches delivered on the other side of the House last night, were, in the opinion of the sup- porters of Ministers, much less effective than they usually were. ("Hear, hear !")

THE SEBASTOPOL INQUIRY.

• Some points in the evidence of Lord Hardinge, who was examined on Friday the lltb, are of great interest, and we therefore recur to it. In reply to a question with regard to the sufficiencr of our guns at the breaking out of the war, Lord Hardinge stated, that on becoming Master- General of the Ordnance, in 1852, he found the number of guns to be about forty or fifty, " and those of the date of the battle of Waterloo." He pro- posed, and Lord Derby sanctioned the proposal, that the number should be increased to 300; and the succeeding Government carried that into effect. There are now in the Crimea 78 field-pieces—chiefly nine-pounders, except two batteries of eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-two-pounders—horsed and manned in perfect order. The heavy guns in the Crimea are three batteries of siege-guns. The guns were well turned out, the men well drilled, the horses good, and everything as perfect as possible. The British artillery is- at present superior to any in the world. With respect to the arming of the infantry, he explained, that the whole of the army in the Crimea is armed with the hlinie rifle, either the pattern of 1851 or the smaller bore of 1863— the better weapon. Before the war began, we were, and are even now, in a transition state as regards fire-arms. If in 1851 they had ordered large numbers of smooth-bore muskets, they would have been thrown away, "as the Duke of Wellington had made up his mind that the whole army should be armed with the Minie rifle" ; in which Lord Hardinge fully. concurred. In the spring

of 1854, the Duke of Newcastle ordered, at two different periods, 40,000 rifles from Liege, 20,000 from the United States, and very large contracts were made with Birmingham. Every month 4000 rifles of the pattern of 1863 are sent to the Crimea. He thought the Duke of Newcastle was justified in or- dering muskets at Li6ge, as there were Russian parties in the market there ready to purchase.

With respect to the Board of Ordnance, Lord Hardinge thought it was too much reduced and overworked ; and that the department would not go on so well in the absence of the Master-General as when he is present. Examined on the subject of employing "navvies," he said he preferred Sappers and Miners to civilians, because the former can "fight and work too." He looked with some anxiety at what is going on in the Crimea as regards the employ- ment of navvies: it is hardly to be expected that a grenadier Guardsman, exposed to every danger, should be satisfied with 6d. a day, while civilians called " land transport," or "navvy," or " Armenian scavenger," are re- ceiving 2e. 6d. a day. That will try the patience of men who perform all duties of a higher quality. He described the numbers of troop] at first sent out,25,000, with a reserve of 6000 under Sir George Cathcart. That reserve joined Lord Raglan in time for the battle of the Alma. "People will talk," he remarked, "of the propriety of having reserves ; but I have always found it advisable to fight as many men as possible upon a given point. The Duke of Wellington at Assaye detached Colonel Stephenson with 6000 men, and only left 6000 with himself : thus he had to fight a battle with half his force. Never after that did the Duke repeat the mistake ; in his subsequent career he always brought the largest possible force to attack the enemy." Up to the end of last year, the foree provided, notwithstanding losses, was equal to that originally sent out—in fact, there were a few hundred more than the number assumed- 28,000 men. In a great degree the sending out of raw recruits was in- evitable, the peace establishment was "Bo very low indeed." Instead of sending out "bone and sinew, they were only gristle." It was impossible to expect them to resist hard work and the inclemency of the weather so well as seasoned mien. The Militia are not trained soldiers, but raw boys. Increased bounty has brought increased desertion.

Examined with respect to the hospitals, he repeated what has been said before, that Lord Raglan was responsible, but that he was not correctly in- formed-by Dr. Hall of the state of things at Scutari, while its distance from the seat of war prevented him from looking to it himself.

Sir James Graham was called on Monday, and his examination occu- pied the whole day. It went over a great many matters connected with his department,—such as his duties as First Lord ; his relation to the Board; the state of the transport service ; the appointments of Captain Christie and Admiral Boxer ; and the state of Balaklava and the Bospho- rus; the blockade in the Black Sea ; and the steps taken to obtain inform- ation with regard to the numbers of the Russians in the Crimea.

The First Lord, he said, has no power to overrule the decision of the Board ; but Sir James never found that it interfered with his large dis- cretionary powers. So far from being a "screen," the Board is a council, without the aid of which no layman could advantageously administer the affairs of the Navy. Sir James considered himself responsible for all things done in the Naval Department. When the war broke out, we had only three iron war-steamers, capable of

carrying 2000 men, available as transports. Government were strongly of opinion that steamers should be employed as largely as possible ; but tbe supply was so limited, and the demand rose so rapidly, that it was impossible to employ steamers alone. In reply to further questions, Sir James said— "Some persons seem to imagine that steamers could be obtained as easily as a cab could be called from a stand ; but he had experienced difficulties in that respect of which the Committee could have no conception. In the course of the year we had moved about 60,000 British soldiers to a distance of 3000 miles, 6000 horses and between 25,000 and 30,000 French troops

from Marseilles to the Crimea ; and simultaneously with the difficulties of supplying those transports for the Bleak Sea, we moved, principally by steam, 12,000 French soldiers to the Baltic. Altogether, in the course of the year, vie had moved, chiefly by steamers, about 160,000 men ; the greater number of whom we conveyed to a point 3000 miles distant, in addition to the 45,000 Turks brought from Bulgaria to Eupatoria ; and in addition to that, the Ad- miralty had fed not only the navy but the army, and during a portion of the year also some of our allies."

Be had seen a calculation which showed that a million of money was lost to the country by the transport service : but that calculation rested upon two erroneous assumptions,—that transports could be fitted up in four days, whereas they require ten or fourteen days; and that the transports could return as soon as they had landed their cargo. On military grounds, it is inexpedient to weaken a large army by cutting off its base of operations. When the Duke of Wellington occupied the lines of Torres Vedras, in a friendly country, with Lisbon and the Tagus in his rear, he kept there the means of embarkation for every man. Admiral Boxer was first made known to Sir James by Sir Thomas Hardy in 1830; and in 18.54 Sir James selected him as "an officer who was better acquainted with the embarkation and disembarkation of troops than any officer he knew." He read letters showing that Admiral Boxer had applied, on the 8th September, for a store-keeper, coal depots, and receiving-ships at Constantinople for invalids. Sir James now regretted that he had not com- plied with the last request. Captain Christie was recommended by Cap- tain Milne. Sir James thought well of his conduct, except in two par- ticulars,—allowing the Prince to remain close in-shore off Balaklava at a single anchor ; and sending to Varna for Turkish troops to come to Balak- lava, instead of Eupatoria. For those mistakes the Board of Admiralty have ordered him to be tried by court-martial ; "and he is now a brokenhearted man, who may not live to be tried." Sir James read several documents in illustration of his evidence ; all of which had been submitted to the Premier, and some of which were "pri- vate." The reading of the latter led to 'questions as to the difference be- tween private and public letters. "A public letter may be used by the Go- vernment without reservation, but a private one cannot be so used. The First Lord can convert all private communications into public documents upon information to the officer. An order ought to be attended to although contained in a private letter. The public service could not be conducted without private letters."

With reference to the question of the insufficiency of means for removing the sick and wounded, the Committee would bear in mind the melancholy fact—one almost unexampled—that out of an army so limited in number as the British army, 13,800 men had been removed, sick or wounded, between the 3d of December and the 17th of February ; a number hardly possible to provide for. Asked whether his opinion concurred with the statement that when the expedition departed for the Crimea the Government had no accurate informa- tion as to the force of the enemy, Sir James said—" Instead of opinion, I will give you fact. In the last week of July, I saw a Crimean authority (who, of course, must be nameless) who left the Crimea in the month of June. I saw him at the Admiralty. I myself examined him ; and an officer of the Admiralty was in attendance upon me, who took down his statement in writing. It was most circumstantial, and gave a complete account of the Crimea, its locality, ite harbours, its roads, productions, supply of water, &c. ; and, what was more, of the force, which was estimated by him at 70,000 men, 8000 of whom were cavalry, 40,000 in garrison in Sebastopol, and the remainder dispersed throughout the Crimea. I sent that information to Admiral Dundas on the 29th of July, and I directed a copy to be sent to Lord Raglan. It must have been received by Admiral Dundee before the expedition sailed from Varna. I had the most implicit reliance on the statement, and subsequent events have proved its correctness." The amount of Russian troops, as stated to be 150,000, was, he oonoeived, erroneous.

The Earl of Aberdeen, who had been in the Committee-room before, was examined on Tuesday.

In reply to questions, he said that preparations for war were commenced about three months before war was declared. There were differences of opinion as to the imminence of the war. "Perhaps he was more sanguine than any other member of the Government as to the possibility of maintain- ing peace ; but it was matter of opinion."

Mr. Layard and Mr. Roebuck, especially the former, closely interrogated Lord Aberdeen with respect to the holding of Cabinet Councils. All matters of importance were submitted to the Cabinet, and they sat continually until Parliament was prorogued. After the prorogation, the various members dis- persed, but Lord Aberdeen remained in town the whole year, except once when he went to Balmoral. "It is not the importance of events that requires a Cabinet Council to be held, but when there is something to discuss." When the Cabinet dispersed, it was upon the understanding that it might be called together in forty-eight hours. Any Cabinet Minister may summon a Council.

"When the army landed in the Crimea, the Government was of opinion that Sebastopol would fall by a coup de main? "—" That was the general belief."

"When the army came round to the South and found the place too strong to be so taken, was not that a matter for the Cabinet to meet and discuss ?" —" I do not know that any fresh instructions could have been given to the Generals in consequence. The Minister of War was in London, and if he had had any difficulty he would have summoned the Cabinet." "Did not the fact of the city being found stronger than was anticipated, and the army having to lay regular siege to it, completely alter the com- plexion of the expedition ?"—" I think not."

Mr. Layard and Mr. Roebuck assiduously put questions which brought up again the whole story of Lord John Russell's secession from the Govern- ment, but nothing new was elicited. Asked whether these differences em- barrassed the Government in providing for the army in the East, Lord Aber- deen replied—" Not in the least." Examined as to the time in November when the state of the army was brought under the notice of the Cabinet, he said—" It was very late. I be- lieve a great deal of the distress and difficulties existed before we had any official notice of it. We had information from private sources and from the public papers before we had any official information of it." "In your opinion, should the Cabinet have been furnished with that in- formation ? "—" Certainly ; anything which required a remedy from this country." "To whom does your Lordship attribute the neglect of not having fur- nished that information ? "—" The authorities on the spot must of course be the persons whose duty it was to complain of anything that was amiss, and to endeavour to remedy it if necessary from home."

"About what period was the Cabinet informed officially of the state of things in the East ? "—" It was very gradually at first : as we did not re- ceive any official information, the statements were naturally more or less discredited; but they gradually became confirmed, and then we arrived at a knowledge of the real state of the army. We were in ignorance longer than we ought to have been of the state of the army in the East." The Duke of Newcastle may have, in general terms, expressed his dissa- tisfaction with all the great departments; but he made no particular repre- sentation on the subject. The only reason why the Commissariat was not transferred to him before the 22a1 December was, that the Duke declined to assume the responsibility until the business of the Commissariat could be conducted under the roof of his own office. Respecting that measure the Earl had some doubts, because the Duke of Wellington, in a minute written shortly before his death, strongly advised that the Commissariat should never be separated from the Treasury.

[It is understood that the taking of evidence is now closed, and that the Committee are engaged in arranging their final report.]