Behatc# atilt Procrehing1 in Partiamrnt.

1. THE NEW MINISTRY.

The House of Peers met on Monday; and After some routine busi- ness had been gone through, were about to adjourn, when The Earl of HADDINGTON asked, if any noble Lord could inform him whether any person had been intrusted with the formation of a Ministry ?

Viscount MELBOURNE then rose and spoke to the following effect, in a very low tone. " It is almost unnecessary that I should inform your Lordships of that of which, probably, you are all pretty well aware—that, on the dissolution of the late Government, I was commanded to attend his Majesty to consult upon the formation of a new Administration. I trust that your Lordships will give me credit for this, that out of the respect which I entertain for your Lordships, I should have felt it my duty to announce the termination of that consultation as soon as it had assumed a shape that would justify the communication. And I trust also, that no such declaration having been made up to this moment, is a sufficient proof that the matter had not yet arrived at that point of maturity that would justify me in making any communication to your Lordships. I have nnw to inform your Lordships, that his Majesty has directed me to lay before him a plan of a new Administration, such as may appear to me competent to carry on the service of the country in this difficult and important crisis. In this imper- fect state of affairs, your Lordships, I am sure, will not expect that I should make a further disclosure of what has passed. ( Cheers. ) I may, however, say this, and it is proper I should say it, that I should not have undertaken such a task, unless I had been assured of the cordial cooperation and assistance of my noble friend, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor unless I had also received the sanction and approbation of the noble Earl lately at the bead of his Majesty's Government. ( Cheers.) It is not possible for any of your Lordships to be more sensible than I am of the inadequacy of the hands into which such a task has fallen ; and I do assure you, that I should have shrunk from the undertak- ing, had I not been bound by a deep feeling of duty and gratitude to my Sove- reign, to whom and to my country my best services were due in the critical cir- cumstances in which he was placed, and the difficulties that surrounded him in the formation of a Government."

Their Lordships then adjourned.

On the same evening, in the House of Commons, Lord ALTHORP stated the fact of Lord Melbourne having received the King's instruc- tions to form a Ministry ; and moved the adjournment of the House to Thursday ; which was agreed to.

In the House of Lords on Tuesday, Lord ELLENBOROUGH asked Lord Brougham when the Coercion Bill would be brought forward again ? Lord BROUGHAM declined answering the question in Lord Mel- bourne's absence, but promised to bear it in mind. On Wednesday, Lord ELLENBOROUGH repeated his question ; and Lord BROUGHAM said, that owing, to an accident, that point had not been decided when he left Lord Melbourne at the Palace. The Administration, he added, had been formed.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY wished to know whether Lord Althorp, " the right hand " of the Administration, had returned to the body ?

The Duke of RICHMOND thought the question disorderly. Lord Melbourne would be in his place on Thursday to explain his conduct; and it was not fair to discuss it prematurely.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought, that as Lord Brougham had given them one piece of information, namely, that the Government was formed, he thought that there could be no objection to asking him for another, namely, whether Lord Althorp formed part of it ?

Lord BROUGHAM said, that this was not exactly a logical inference.

He agreed with his noble friend who was lately at the head of the Govern- ment, and with the noble Marquis who had adopted his expression, that in whatever Administration Lord Althorp took part, he must form the " right hand" of that Administration. He was ready to answer the question, and to say that Lord Althorp was still Chancellor of the Exchequer. He must be permitted to add for himself, that he could not fancy any Administration com- plete without his assistance. Lord LONDONDERRY made some observation respecting the necessity of Lord Althorp's vacating his seat on his reappointment ; but the Duke of WELLINGTON said, that Lord Althorp had only tendered his resignation, not actually resigned.

Lord LONDONDERRY rejoined— The noble Viscount had himself declared in the other House that he had ten • dered and given in his resignation; that it was received; and that the Govern- ment was virtually dissolved.

Lord BROUGHAM would once more set this matter right— Lord Althorp did not say that the Government was virtually dissolved. What be said was, " that he understood that at that time, or before that time (when he was addressing the Commons), Earl Grey had stated to this House that the Government was virtually dissolved." That was, however, altogether a mistake, arising from misinformation ; for Earl Grey had never in the whole course of his statement, said any such thing.

Here the conversation dropped.

After some preliminary business had been disposed of on Thursday, Lord EI.LENBOROUGII asked Lord Melbourne, what day he intended to fix for the third reading of the Irish Coercion Bill ?

Lord MELBOURNE said, that he did not mean to mention anyday ; and he thought it but fair to state, that Ministers did not intend to pro- ceed with the bill upon their Lordship's table, but to bang forward another in the House of Commons, omitting certain clauses which formed part of the present bill.

This announcement was received with clamorous shouts by the Op- position ; at the conclusion of which,

The Earl of WICKLOW declared, that be never was more astonished than by the announcement just made.

Was it possible, was it credible, was it to be supposed, that a Ministry who but a fortnight, nay, but ten days ago, stated their entire unanimity on this sub- ject,—when the noble Earl then at the head of his Majesty's Government came down to that House, and declared in the most energetic manner tie necessity of

effecting the preservation of Ireland by the passing of that hen the noble Viscount who is now at the head of the Government, but who was then Secretary of State for the Home Department, must, in that latter capacity, have been the individual to press on his Majesty's Government the necessity of carrying this measure,—when the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack also gave his approbation to it,—could it be conceived, after this, that the same per- sons had now altered their minds, and declared that they must abandon the measure? The Lord Chancellor might smile ; it would be well if he and his colleagues would be able to smile, when the course they were pursuing had lowered their character in the country, tarnished their future fame, and sacri- ficed their reputation. Such a degree of inconsistency, of tergiversation, of abandonment of principle, never was witnessed before in either House of Parlia- ment, as those individuals had manifested.

Only a few nights ago, Earl Grey stated his reasons for giving up office. He stated that be had been grossly and basely betrayed by some member of the Administration ; that he had been betrayed by a person in the Cabinet, who had corresponded without his sanction with the Irish Government, and bad also communicated with a person not in office ; and therefore Earl Grey said he had abandoned office. Now he thought that the individual so charged should be named and held up to universal scorn.

Lord WHARSCLIFFE remarked in strong language on the inconsistent conduct of Ministers, in first supporting the Coercion Bill so strenu- ously, and then abandoning it without assigning any reason whatever for such conduct. It would be wrong to force such a measure as the Coercion Bill on Ministers ; but after it had been forwarded to an ad- vanced stage, their Lordships should not be turned round, and told to veer about by almost the same persons who had so strongly advocated the bill a few days ago. For himself, he would oppose the bill, when it came from the Commons, in all its stages.

Lord BROUGHAM declared, that he regarded the Earl of Wicklow's opinion and language with perfect indifference. He charged him with having grossly misrepresented what had fallen from Earl Grey ; who bad not complained of being betrayed, and who had not pointed at any member of the Cabinet in any of his observations in the speech alluded to. He had not used the word " betrayed."

Lord WICKLOW said, Earl Grey had not used the word "betrayed."

Lord BROUGHAM rejoined, that Earl Grey had not used expressions which implied that he had been betrayed. If this were controverted, be would ask what those expressions were, in order that he might see whether they bore such a construction. Lord Grey had stated his ignorance of the communication be reprobated, and had declared that

he would have prevented it had be known of its being intended. The individual alluded to, every one knew to be the Irish Secretary, who,

every one knew, was not in the Cabinet. 1, A Peer said—" It was the Chancellor of the Exchequer."] " No—that was a mistake." As to the alteration in the Coercion Bill, he should be prepared to defend his conduct when the bill came up from the House of Commons.

He would only, on the present occasion, put it to Lord Wharncliffe, whether he considered that the Government would be best consulting their duty, and the in- terest of all parties, by attempting to force these three clauses upon the House of Gnomons, when they knew that that House would as soon consent to repeal the Catholic Relief Bill or the Reform Bill itself, as to pass these clauses ? (Loud

cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) Had they attempted this, they might well have been charged with a desire to promote a collision between the two Houses, apd would have been responsible for the effects of such a collision ; and, for himself, he could solemnly declare, that had he, to the slightest extent, promoted such a fatal line of conduct, he should never have been able to jus- tify himself to his Sovereign, to their Lordships, or to any other tribunal ; but, as the case stood, he trusted that he should be able to justify his conduct to all parties.

The Earl of Wicittow still maintained that his recollection of Lord Grey's speech was correct. Lord Brougham was very ready with his contradictions ; but he would recommend him to compare his speech of that night with the speech delivered a few nights ago, when he laboured

to prove that the three clauses of the Coercion Bill to be given up were the very best in the bill; and then let him " to supper with what appetite he may." Lord BROUGHAM denied that he had ever said the three clauses in question were the best in the bill. He objected to them in the first instance ; and thinking them of a subordinate nature, would gladly have got rid of them ; though he admitted it was not a right thing to press hard upon the peasantry and allow meetings to be held as usual in Dublin.

The Duke of WELLINGTON thought it strange, that after Ministers bad brought forward this measure, the same Ministers, with the ex- ception of Earl Grey, should announce that it would be impossible to pass it through the House of Commons.

Lord BROUGHAM—" That it would be impossible to do so now." The Duke of WELLINGTON continued ; and reminded the House of the stress which had been laid upon these clauses by Earl Grey and Lord Brougham, as being absolutely necessary for the preservation of the peace of Ireland. He read several passages from the papers relat- ing to Ireland, to prove the necessity of putting a stop to political meet- ings, and the advantage which had resulted from the exercise of the powers conferred upon Ministers by the bill. He denied that a collision between the two Houses must necessarily ensue because the House of

Commons might alter certain parts of the bill. Under similar circum- stances last session, no such difficulty had occurred. With regard to what Earl Grey had said of the circumstances which led to his resignation, be recollected distinctly, that he declared that a member of the Cabinet had written to Lord 1Vellesley advising him to desire the omission of the clauses now proposed to be omitted, and that in consequence Lord Wellesley had expressed his desire to accommodate the measure to the views of the Government on this side the Channel. The new bill would not be opposed by his side of the House, but Ministers must take upon themselves all the respon- sibility of the measure.

The Earl of LIMERICK said,

They had been told, and that too upon the highest authority, that it would be vain to pass this bill, as it would infallibly be rejected by a majority in the other House of Parliament. Good God ! were their Lordships reduced to that pass that they were to be merely a court of registration for the other House of Parlia- ment? Ile trusted that they had not arrived at such a degree of degradation. If, however, they put their own seal to their degradation, it must necessarily take place.

Lord MELBOURNE would not go into a regular debate upon the Coercion Bill, quoting documents, and referring to statements, us the Duke of Wellington had done. In the situation he held, however, he was undoubtedly as much pledged as Earl Grey to the bill ; and there- fore he felt called upon to make a few observations on the course he meant to pursue. " The noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Wicklow), in the speech which he has made to your Lordships, has accused my noble and learned friend on the Woolsack of not speaking with any measured language. i cannot think that the noble Earl has measured his own language, in a speech in which he has accused us (his Majesty's Ministers) of baseness, of tergiversation, and of sub- mitting to the lowest species of indignity rather than quit our places. I now tell that noble Earl, as I told him on a former occasion, that with him I will not enter into a contest of insult and contumely. ( Cheers.) I could call, I might call, as hard names as that noble Earl. ( Cheers.) I might impute to him base, and factious, and personal motives. ( Continued .cheers.) 1 might impute to him that he was actuated by two passions, the strongest that human nature can be actuated by—mortified vanity, and disappointed ambition." ( Great cheering from the Ministerial side of the house.)

But he would dismiss that subject, and disembarrass the discussion of all personal and offensive allusions. He would discuss the ques- tion with the coolness and calmness its importance demanded.

In all his political experience, and it was riot a short one, he recollected no occasion where a want of confidence was expressed in the persons in office, that it was not usual for the persons on the other side of the House, if they felt as strongly as several noble Lords had stated they felt that night, to bring the subject by motion before Parliament, in order that the country might decide upon it. That was the fair, manly, and proper way of bringing the matter be- fore Parliament. But lie would say to the noble Lords opposite, was it fair— was it wise—was it patriotic, merely to try to depreciate those whom they were not prepared to remove, and whom, if they removed, they certainly could not replace? (" Hear, hear !") With respect to the question which might be said to be before the House on this occasion, he would say, that when the bill was brought in by Earl Grey, it did not appear to him necessary to add any observation to those then made by his noble friend. He sat, however, on that occasion, by Earl Grey ; and as Secretary for the Home Department, charged as he was with the peculiar interests of the country to which that bill had re- ference, lie must be considered as entirely agreeing in the statement then made by him. He agreed with him in thinking that the bill was prudent and expe• (bent in that form. He still continued of that opinion ; but he did not think that the portions of the bill which had been referred to were absolutely necessary. The noble Duke had said, that they were absolutely necessary for the preserva- tion of the peace of Ireland ; but, in making that statement, he confounded two parts of the bill—he confounded those three clauses of the bill, and that which, in the jargon of the present day, was called prandial agitation, but which was more properly designated nocturnal outrage and rapine. He believed, however, that those two things were very closely connected. Indeed, he was not sure that there was not a necessary connexion between them. Undoubtedly, the most efficient parts of the bill were those which applied to districts proclaimed, and which prevented meetings in those that were not proclaimed. He would, however, have their Lordships to recollect this—that when it was clear, when it was known, as unfortunately it was, that it was the opinion of the Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland that he could maintain the internal tranquillity of that country without the reenactment of that portion of the bill which related to political meetings, he would ask their Lordships, whether, under such circumstances, Ministers would be justified, unless by the fear of some convulsion or civil war, in attempting to carry such a measure?

The opinion expressed by Lord Wellesley had not only made an im- pression on the public mind, on Members of Parliament, but Cabinet Ministers also, among whom was Lord Althorp. That state of things brought the whole matter to an issue, and it was a short one. Lord Melbourne thought the circumstances under which he had accepted the commission from the King to form an Administration were such as entitled him to call upon the House for support. He should be deeply grieved if any aggravation of the evils of Ireland should be the result, which, he was ready to admit, might probably be the result, from passing the bill in the form proposed. He would say, however, that should those evils arise, should those meetings be renewed, and should that agitation again be resorted to in that country, and should it as- sume any thing like a threatening magnitude, his Majesty's present Minis- ters, should they still conduct the councils of their Sovereign, would, at any hazard, and no matter how unpropitious the season might be, call Parliament together for the purpose of meeting such evils ; and they would advise his Ma- jesty to throw himself upon that Parliament for the purpose of obtaining those powers and those means which might be necessary to meet the difficulties of such an exigency. ( Cheers.) [ The Reporters complain, that Lord Melbourne spoke with such rapidity, and dropped his voice at the close of his sentences so often, that it was extremely difficult to follow him.' The Duke of BUCKINGHAM charged Ministers with inconsistency, in giving up this bill ; which he maintained to be in accordance with

the feelings of the country. He and his friends would gladly support a Ministry acting upon honourable principles. But was that the case with the present Ministry? The transactions of the last ten days would answer that question. He then detailed the proceedings which

caused Earl Grey to resign, after having been deceived and betrayed by his colleagues. He wished Ministers would speak out, and say whether Mr. O'Connell, the prime arch agitator, was the real Minister of Ireland. Lord Melbourne might fancy that he had buried Earl Grey in a political sepulchre; but The noble Earl's spirit would bur-t its ceranents, and scare some of the dignified occupants from their arm-el airs—would disturb the noble Vis- tonal in his slumbers; and interrupt the festivities of noble Peers, when the noble and learned Lord attempted to amuse himself with " potile-deep pota- tions " to the health and prosperity of the new Administration. ( Cheers and prohmyeel laughter.) The Marquis of LANSUOWE rose ; but Lord Brougham interrupted " Pray stop a minute !" Ile had certainly not met the noble Duke in that alehouse or cabaret in which the noble Duke was accustomed to drink his ale ; nor would he emulate him in the use of terms which must have been burrowed from the slang dictionary. (Loud cries of " Order !") Lord Wicar.ow rose to order ; and is scene of great confusion ensued. Lords MANSFIELD, CLANRICARDE, LONDONDERRY, and the Duke of Birch's:came all attempted to speak. At length Lord BROUGHAM was heard— This was the first time he hail ever heard that it was at all fair, especially in a court of justice—and their Lordship's I louse was a court of justice, nay, the highest in the realm—to listen to the attack upon a noble Peer, but the instant an explanation or defence was offered, to stifle it in the birth with speeches to order, or other equally unfair interruptions. When iuterrupted, he was speaking is explanation, in reference to the noble Duke's most extraordinary attack upon Lim. If the noble Duke's speech were intended as a joke' he was ready to re- ceive it in good-humour—quite as ready as any of their Lordships : but if it were really meant as an attack, then he should not hesitate to say of it, that it was as gloss and unwarantable, as utterly and completely devoid of foundation, as WI the most untrue assertiou or insinuation that had ever been made by any individual whatsoever. Ile entirely believed, however, that the noble Duke's !remark was meant jocularly and quite iu good-humour; and he was willing to take it so.

The Duke of Bucarreoiram said the allusion was from the play of Randet, and intended in perfect good-humour. Lord BROUGHAM nodded, and said he was ready to take it in that way ; and thus the :squabble ended.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then spoke at some length, though he said he should reserve himself for the regular discussion on the Co- ercion Bill. He contended, that even were it possible to force the original measure through the House of Commons by a small majority, it would not be desirable. Such an extraordinary measure should be passed, if it all, by a large majority. In reference to the charge that some member of the late Cabinet bad betrayed Earl Grey, he declared, that could such a charge be substantiated, he would not sit in the same Cabinet with such a man. But, in fact, Lord Grey had stated nothing of the kind.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY maintained, that Eatl Grey had been sacrificed to a base intrigue—that he bad been thrown overboard by Lord Althorp, whose victim he was.

Lord ELLENBORGUGII asked, if Mr. Littleton still retained the office of Irish Secretary ?

Lord MELBOURNE said lie was glad the question bad been asked— It not only afforded him an opportunity of arswering it in the affirmative, but of also stating, in justice to Mr. Littleton, that the objection taken was nut to the fact, but to the extent of the counnuniration with Mr. O'Connell ; who, it must le. considered, if he were the great Agitator of Ireland, was also a lead- ing Member of the House of Commons. It was impossible to conduct the busi. ness of Government without occasionally communicating with Alewbers of the Opposition.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH thought Mr. Littleton bad been extremely ill used, in having been allowed to rest under the imputation of having consulted Mr. O'Connell without the authority of the Cabinet; whereas, he had the sanction of Lord Althorp, who, it was fair to pre- sume, had spoken to Earl Grey on the subject.

Lord BROUGIIA3I did not think that Earl Grey disapproved of all communication with Mr. O'Connell. It was necessary for Ministers to consult Opposition leaders : lie hadliiinself been consulted by Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Canning, and Mr. Perceval.

A desultory conversation ensued ; in which several Peers said that Mr. Littleton should be exempted from all blame in the matter ; and the discussion was closed in the Lords.

In the House of Commons, on the same evening, LordArritorte, in risilig to move for a new writ for Nottingham in the room of Lord Dun- moon, spoke as follows.

" I take the opportunity of moving a new writ, for the purpose of stating to the House that Lord Melbourne having been commissioned by his Majesty to lay before him the plan of an Administration, has completed his arrangements, and has reconstructed the Cabinet. (cheers.) The addition made to the Ministry is, that Lord Duncannon having accepted the office of Secretary of State for the Home Department, Sir John Cam llobliouse has been appointed to the Woods and Forests instead of Lord Duncannon, with a seat in the Cabinet. Thcrtfore, as far as relates to any addition, the alteration in the Cabinet will not be very great ; but, undoubtedly, the alteration is great—very great indeed, in the loss of the services of Lord Grey ( Cheers from all sides): and it is im- possible for me to disguise from myself, it would be hypocrisy in me were I to state to the House, that I thought the Cabinet, &payed of Lord Grey, as pre- siding over its councils, would have as strong a claim upon the confideuce of the country as before his retirement. On public grounds, it is impossible for me to express my regret more strongly than I feel it ; and on personal grounds it im- presses me still more deeply. During the whole of my political life, I have looked op to Lord Grey as my tutor and leader. Such he has continued to me from the earliest moment that I had a seat in Parliament ; and I certainly never would have accepted office, unless to assist Lord Grey in the establish/lie:3 of a Government. At that time, we had the prospect before us of being a0e f.o ee- vomplish the great object of Parliamentary Reform. In addition, I may say, that even with this prospect, I never would have consented to accept office, had nut Lord Grey been placed at the head of the Ministry. Since that period, the intimacy of my political connexion has greatly increased my personal attachment. In every respect in which an amiable disposition can produce, in those connected with it, regard and affection, there is no man who possesses that quality more highly than Lord Grey."

Having lost the services of Earl Grey, his 'Majesty had selected Lord Melbourne as the head of the Ministry ; and Lord Althorp thought a wiser choice could not have been made.

" Lord Melbourne possesses great abilities natural and acquired, great judg- ment, and great decision. These, the House will be aware, are qualities very necessary in the First Minister of this country, and as far as my own opinions are concerned, I may mention, that I have had .the satisfaction of concurring with Lord Melbourne in most of the subjects brought under the discussion of the Cabinet. Under these circumstances, his Majesty has been graciously pleased to require the continuance of my services." (Repeated cheersfrom every quarter.) Lord Althorp then spoke of his own natural disinclination to office; which his experience in office had certainly not diminished. He had retained it so long only at Earl Grey's earnest desire. These, however, were mere private matters, with which the House had little to do. But, he continued- " I am obliged to say, that if I looked to public duty, I saw every reason fur continuing my services, such as they were : I could nut, in fact, find one ground of a public nature justifying my relinquishment ; and such being the case, I felt it my imperative duty to act as I have dune. I do nut know that on the for- matron of the Ministry it is necessary for me to say more : I only wish to add in a very few words—and a very few words will sufhee—something of the prin- ciples on which we mean to act. The principle on which I conceive the Ad. ministration of Great Britain is bound to proceed is, that while it preserves the institutions of the country, it will carry forward such reasonable and effectual reforms as the people have a right to expect would be the consequence of the Reform in Parliament. (Much cheering.) While it feels it its bounden duty not to propose any thing which can produce danger to the institutions of the country, it should take care that the remedies are neither more than adequate nor less than adequate to the evil intended to be remedied. All should be ar- ranged and settled according to the existing circumstances of the country. This, I will say, was the principle on which the Government of Lord Grey proceeded: it has met with obstructions and difficulties, but such was its principle,__and such ought to be the principle of every Administration. ( Cheers.) Upon that principle we are now prepared to act : we, too, may meet with obstruction and difficulties, but if we do we will endeavour to overcome them."

The question having been put,

Colonel EVANS rose to express his disapprobation of the conduct of those Members who had signed the late address to Lord Abhor!) to resume office. He disliked this mode of usurping the functions of the House, and dictating to the King in the choice of his servants. He also objected to the implied approval of the measures of Earl Grey's " Ministry.

Mr. TENNYSON defended the Members who lied signed the address, • and expressed his approval of the avowed policy of Ministers. Mr. M. ATTWOOD, amidst much interruption, spoke against the 1 measures of the late and the principles of the new .Ministry.

Sir ROBERT PEEL would abstain from giving any opinion on the new Administration ; but would ask Lord Althorp, what he proposed to do with the Church-rate, Irish Tithe, and Coercion Bills ?

Lord ALTHORT said— It was the intention of Government to persevere with the Irish Tithe Bill; and it was his intention to give notice the next day of a motion fur leave to bring in a bill for the renewal of the Coercion Bill, with some modifications. With respect to the other measure, he was not sure that it would be possible to carry it through this session ; and therefore he hoped that Sir Robert Peel would allow him to defer his answer to that part of his inquiries till lie could speak with more certainty, on the subject. Mr. BARING spoke in high terms of Earl Grey ; whom lie had fol- lowed as his political leader until he brought forward the Reform Bill, when he could no longer conscientiously support him. He said it was clear that Ireland and Protestantism were to be thrown at the feet of Mr. O'Connell, whose objects were so clear and well-defined as to be plain to every observer. He entertained great apprehensions for the safety of Ireland, from finding that Lord Duncannon was to be Home Secretary. He had great respect for him personally ; but be was sure that if his opinions were acted upon, the institutions of the country would be at the mercy of the Member for Dublin.

Mr. O'CONNELL said— Ile rose solely for the purpose of expressing his heartfelt gratification at the promised introduction of the Peace Preservation Bill, which, retaining the clauses which gave Government the power to proclaim those parts of Ireland which might be disturbed, would not hinder the free expression of public opinion. It would undoubtedly have the support of all the Members for Ireland ; at least be would answer for one humble individual, himself. Il would give every assistance in his power to person and property against the FN.:- less disturbers of both, or to any means of repressing agrarian disturbances. He could not, however, help observing, that the introduction of that bill would Lea most ample vindication of all those Independent Members who regretted that the noble Lord should leave office on the principle of opposition to certain clauses, amid now saw him returned to office prepared to bring in a Peace Preservation Bii'. With respect to the Irish Tithe Bill, he feared, that however, well- intentioned the measure was,—and he had no doubt that it was well-inten- tioned,—it would for the present at least increase the evils it intended to remove; and he hoped that some matured plan would be introduced next session.

He now came to Mr. Baring's remarks upon himself. Mr. Baring had said that his objects were well known.

Ile was much obliged to him—he had always treated him with courtesy; but he was sorry to say that he could not return the connplinaent. (Loud laughter.) He was much mistaken if lie had not repeatedly heard Mr. Baring advocate both sides of a question in one speech ; and so nicely balanced were his arguments, that it was only by his vote that his sentiments could be even guessed at. (Laughter.) He had expressed his fear that the appointment of Lord Duncannon to a Cabinet office boded no good to Protestantism in Ireland. Did Mr. Baring suppose the noble Lord a worse Protestantthan he was? What did lie know of Ireland, compared to Lord Duncannon's knowledge of that country ? What ties had he to connect him with Ireland ? Lord Duncannon, on the other hand, was connected with that country by property, by long acquaintance with it, and by long recollections of family services. Did Mr. Baring know that there was not a noble family in Ireland who more unflinch- ingly asserted the cause of freedom than that to which Lord Duncannon belonged ? Mr. O'Connell hailed his elevation with joy ; lie looked upon it as a distinct pledge that the people of Ireland would have justice impartially ad- ministered among them, and no longer be made the instruments of a laction—as a pledge that his Majesty's Ministers honestly, fairly,—ay, and he would say bravely, intended to do Ireland right. He had great pleasure in the idea that Lord Duncannon would have the influence which the Member for Essex seemed to fear, because, though personally courteous, he had also great firmness, and he knew no man whose opinions were more guided by his judgment than those of the noble lord. He did not know whether Lord Duncannon would accept of this humble tribute from him, but it was iv-lung from him by the Member for Essex : and he should now say no more than that he thought his appointment the harbinger of peace and tranquillity to Ireland, and of honour and dignity to the Administration. Mr. GISBORNE hoped the measures of Government would be such that he could support them. After various alterations, the Government L; had been ground down to an assemblage of pure old Whigs.

Sir ROBERT PEEL—" Not quite." (Laughter.) Mr. Gislioaxa believed there were neither Tories nor Radicals among them.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said— They could not all be pure old Whigs unless they had all consistently acted upon pure old Whig principles ; which it was notorious could not be the ease, from the official situations which had been held under Tory Administrations, or at least Administrations that were not pure old Whig Administrations, by .noble and honourable individuals now on the Treasury benches. ( Cheers and laughter.)

Lord PALMERSTON wished to say a few words, as Sir Robert Peel had pointed at himself and Mr. Charles Grant.

Sir ROBERT PEEL— "I did not point at the noble Lord at all; nor do I allude to him as a Tory. Being appealed to by the noble Lord, I must say that I certainly do consider that the noble Lord cannot be consideled as o pure old Whig. And I think I am Justified in this, when I remember that the noble Lord was a member of Alr. Pereeval's Administration—of Lord Liverpool's Administration—of Mr. Can • ning's Administration—of Lord Ripon's Administration—of the Duke of Wel- lingtou's Administration. I certainly du not think that the noble Lord, having ken a member of these Administrations, can by any means come under the denomination of a pure old AVIiig."

Lord PALMERSTON said— If the observation of Sir Robert Peel was meant to apply to himself and Mr. Grant, and he had used the term Tories, as if to throw some doubt on the support which they would give to the Government—he could assure him that they were prepared to act on the great principles laid down by his noble friend ; and what- ever any Member might say, they were prepared to amend and strengthen the institutions of the country, not destroy them. They were prepared to remedy abil

Mr. BARING declared that he had said nothing of the sort. He had been a follower of Earl Grey until he introduced pernicious measures.

Lord PALMF.RSTON resumed— Well, the honourable Member admitted that he was once a follower of the noble Earl. lie had followed him for a long course of years; and it so happened that lie left the noble Earl just at the time when he had the power of carrying his principles into effect. That moment be thought fit to change ; and that, lie must say, was a singular way of following up principles and supporting Earl Grey. Mr. Baring had also thought proper to attack his noble friend who had been appointed to the Home Office ; and though he did not often agree with Mr. O'Connell, Lord Palmerston concurred with him entirely in repelling the attack, and in the high and well-judged commendation which he had bestowed on Lord Duncannon.

Sir HENRY HARDINGE would not have risen but for the attack of Lord Palmerston on Mr. Baring.

What were the circumstances under which Mr. Baring had left the party of Earl Grey, and come to join a more Conservative party ? Let them be but fairly considered, and they would redound to his humour. As soon as lie thought that the measures proposed by Lord Grey were fraught with danger to the State, that moment he left him ; and be it observed, that he made this change whet Lord Grey was in power, and when he had the distribution of honours, plwes, patronage, and rewards. lint what had Lord Palmerston done during .11k political career ? ( Cheers and laughter.) He had been a member of Mr. Perceval's Administration, then of Lord Liverpool's Administration, then of Mr. Canning's Administration, then of Lord Ripon's Administration, then of the Duke of Wellington's Administration, then of Earl Grey's Administration, and then of Lord Melbourne's Administration, and of all the Whig Adminis• tratiuns, and of all the Administrations. (Bursts if laughter.) Under these circumstances, Mr. Baring had no need to fear any parallel between himself and Lord Palmerston. The noble Lord seemed to be mightily offended at the sup- position that lie should be designated a Tory. He could not well understand this when lie remembered that for some twenty years the noble Lord had passed for a Tory—or if not, at least had been associated with men profession. Tory principles. He really could not see therefore, for his part, why the noble Lord Fhould be offended. He did not know either whether the appellation of old Whig might not offend the noble Lord. (Loud laughter.) Certainly he could not claim it. But perhaps, without offence, they might now be permitted to call him a juvenile Whig—a pure young Whig! (Bursts of laughter.)

Lord PALMERSTON said, he thought he might be allowed to remind the House, that he had left the Duke of Wellington at a time when he appeared to be firmly fixed in power; and he left him on a question of reform,--a small question, but still one of reform.

Mr. BARING said, that he had supported partial, but never any gene- ral motion for reform.

Mr. PETRE spoke in favour of the Administration. Mr. H. GRATTAN also spoke in a friendly tone ; though he admitted that he had refused on principle, to sign the address to Lord ALTHORN The motion for the Nottingham writ was agreed to; and the discus- sion was brought to a close.

2. RENEWAL OF THE COERCION BILL.

Both Houses were occupied a considerable time last night in the dis- cussion of this subject.

In the Peers, Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved an address to the King for a copy of the Marquis Wellesley's letter to Earl Grey. Ile made a long speech, and entered into a detail of the circumstances attending the late Ministerial changes. He reprobated the conduct of Lord Al- thorp in resigning; and said that his character stood him in good stead, for had a person of equivocal reputation acted like Lord Althorp, he would have had c.aisiderable difficulty in recovering his credit. He ad- mitted that the House ought not to force measures upon Ministers which they declared they did not want ; but in that case, upon Ministers Would all the responsibility rest. Still he contended, that the House had a right to see the documents upon the faith of which Cabinet Mi- nistees had resolved to expunge the most important clauses of the Coer- cion Bill.

Lord MELBOURNE said, the letter of Lord Wellesley was a private letter, and could not be produced. Supposing Lord 1Vharneliffe's motion to be carried, its object could not be accomplished ; for if ap- plication were made for the letter at the different offices, the answer at all of them would be, " it is not here." It could not be produced without the consent of Lord Wellesley ; and he knew that Lord Wellesley never would consent to its production. Lord Melbourne justified the conduct of Ministers in reference to the late changes; and maintained, that in the difficult circumstances in which he was placed, he had acted in the best manner lie could. lie also defended Lord Althorp from the attack of Lord Wharncliffe, and said it was his plain duty to resume office at the solicitation of his King and Country. Lord ELLENBOROUGH, while he reprobated the conduct of Govern- ment, agreed that the letter could not be produced. Earl GREY stated, in reference to what had fallen from Lord Wicklow on the previous evening, that he had never charged any member of the Cabinet with betraying him. He accused no one ; he blamed nobody; no one desired to treat him ill, and he did not consider himself ill-treated. All that he said was, that had he known beforehand of Mr. Littleton's communication with Mr. O'Connell, he should have endeavoured to prevent it. He still was decidedly of opinion that the three clauses should be retained, but would support the new bill. As for the letter, it was a private one, and without Lord Wellesley's consent he would not give it up. Private correspondence should always be held sacred. Some further conversation ensued between Lord Wicatow, Lord BROUGHAM, and the Duke of BUCKINGHAM; in which Lord BROCCIIAli defended his own conduct during the late transactions.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE then withdrew his motion.

In the House of Commons, Lord ALTHORP moved for leave tin bring in a bill to renew part irf. the Coercion Act of last year. He explained, that the Court.marlial clauses, mid those which gave Go- vernment the power of suppressing public meetings in districts not pro- claimed, were not inserted in the new bill ; which in other respects was the same as the old one. He referred to the documents on the table, and read several returns and statements, to prove the necessity of some strong measure for putting down agrarian disturbances.

Mr. LEMON/ in very strong language condemned the conduct of Ministers in yielding to the agitators. Mr. O'CONNELL said, he would not oppose the bill, though lie did not think it was a good measure for the evil proposed. Special Com- missions had succeeded, and would succeed better. He retorted upon Mr. Lefroy, that he wised Ministers to yield to the Orange faction, which had wrung millions upon millions from his wretched countrymen. Mr. O'Connell also contended that the crimes which disgraced Ireland, were the consequence of its unhappy social condition ; for that no country was so free from the crimes which generally were committed in civilized countries.

Sir ROBERT PEEL, at great length, contended that agrarian distur- bances arose from political agitation, and that the papers on the table afforded ample proof of the fact. He would not, however, more the reinsertion of the omitted clauses, though lie deeply regretted the con- duct of Government in not retaining them.

Mr. LITTLETON spoke in answer to Mr. O'Connell and Sir Robert Peel ; contending that the bill was necessary to put down agrarian dis- orders, but that there was no occasion to resort to the omitted clauses for the suppression of political meetings. He again lamented that Earl Grey's retirement had been occasioned by his indiscretion, and highly eulogized the public and private character of the late Premier.

Lord Howlett gave a succinct statement of the recent Cabinet diffi- culties, and complained of a disposition in the House to throw discredit on Earl Grey, as evinced by their cheers of the five Seceders. He asked Mr. Littleton distinctly, whether when he made his communica- tion on the subject of the Coercion Bill to Lord Wellesley, which com- munication induced Lord Wellesley to change his opinion, he acted simply by himself, or did he act in concert with others, unknown to the Head of the Government?

Mr. LITTLETON did not thistle himself bound to answer that question.

Mr. O'CONNOR, Mr. RUTHVEN, O'CONNOR DON, and Mr. opposed the bill. Mr. BARRON, Mr. H. BULWER, Mr. ABERCROMBV, and Mr. SPRING RICE, supported it. Mr. ABERCROMBY said, that if hereafter Ministers should find it necessary to reenact those parts of the bill now omitted, the whole responsibility would rest on those who abused the indulgence of the Government.

Colonel PERCEVAL said, there was an evident coalition between Ministers and Mr. O'Connell ; who had agreed to put a stop to agita- tion for a time, but the storm would come upon them like a great ex- tinguisher—and the sooner, the better.

Mr. SPRING RICE admitted that Mr. Abercromby's remark was not without its significance ; but Ministers had not shrunk from Mr- O'Connell's opposition, and would not shrink from his support.

The House then divided : for Lord Althorp's motion, 140; against it, 14; majority, 126. The bill was then brought in, read a firs,

and ordered to a second reading on Monday next.

3. DIVISIONS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

On Thursday evening, there were three divisions taken in Commit- tee on the Beer Bill. Mr. HUME objected to act as teller, as he had received uncourteous treatment from some Members while counting the names. Lord EBRINGTON gave notice of a motion to rescind the late resolution of the House as to taking divisions, as the plan was found not to work well ; and Lord ALTHORP said the motion should take pre- cedence of all others for the next day, as it affected the progress of public business.

Last night, accordingly, the House agreed, on the motion of Lord EBRINGTON, to rescind the order for taking the divisions. Mr. WAR- BURTON seconded the motion ; though lie said the plan bad not been fairly tried. Indeed, he felt like an enraged musician, whose composi- tion, instead of being played by a first-rate performer, was given to the merest catgut-scraper in the world. The success of the plan de- pended upon the velocity with which the names were called out and set down ; but no expedition had been used in either of these essential parts of it. Whether the fault was Mr. Hume's, or whether the diffi- culty arose from a want of willing readiness in the Members to give their names, he would not say. Mr. Hume, however, was not a bad performer : indeed he was a perfect Paganini, but he had been badly seconded by the writer employed. Mr. was mortified at be:lig called a catgut-scraper, though he Lad no claim to the title of a perfect Paganiiii. It was plain that a new Lobby was necessary: indeed, a new House was necessary, even for the sake of Members' own health and comfort. lie wondered Lord Althorp was not more careful of his own health. Neither Lord Althorp nor himself here so capable of night-work as they used to be. (Laughter.) Members might latr,h, but he could not do night-work as formerly. (More laughter.) It was quite true : some years ago, he did not care for night-work, but he could not do it now.

Mr. WARD pledged himself most distinctly again to bring forward the measure, or one like it, early next session.

Lord ALTIIORP, Sir Roemer PEEL, and Lord EaurNevroN, spoke against the plan, and complained of the time it con ,umed. Colonel EVANS said that more time was wasted in matters of fur less importance. And here the discus.sion closed.

4. MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.

SABBATH OBSERVANCE BILL, No. 2. This bill was read a third time in the House of Commons last night, by a majority of 57 to 24. Mr. CAYLEY proposed a rider to the bill, to permit recreation in the open air on Sunday, not during the hours of divine service. Mr. BAINEs said, such innovations as this rider would sanction had cost one of the Stuarts his life and driven another from the throne. Mr. O'CONNELL said be should have thought Mr. Baines was joking, if he had not looked so solemn on the matter. What, Charles the First was decapitated for the Book of Sports, was he ? James the Second was driven from the throne for the Book of Sports, was he? (Laugh- ter.) These accidents were in noways attributable to the popular hatred of tyranny.! The clause was carried by a majority of 37 to 31; and after two more divisions on minor points, the bill was finally rejected, by 35 to 31.

UPWELI: TITHES BILL. Mr. CHILDERS moved, on Monday, that the report of the Committee on this bill be received. Air. RIGBY WAsox moved that it be received that day six months. The House divided; and the original motion being carried by 37 to 16, the bill was read a first time.

Yesterday morning, it was thrown out on the second reading, by 60 to 45.

BEER Btu- Considerable progress was made in this bill, in Com- mittee, on Thursday. Some alterations were proposed by Mr. WAR- BURTON, Mr. HUME, Mr. FYSIIE PALMER, and others ; but were re- jected.

THE BUDGET. Lord ALTIIORP stated, on Thursday, in reply to a question by Mr. BARING, that he should bring forward the Budget on

Wednesday next. . ,

AUSTRALIAN COLONY. A bill to establish the New Australian Co- lony was brought in on Thursday, by Mr. WOLRYCHE WHITMORE. It was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednes- day. hi the course of the evening, Mr. SPRING RICE stated, in reply to a question by Mr. BARING, that he should be ready to vindicate the conduct of Government in relation to this bill, andalso the motives of those disinterested philanthropists who promoted it. The object of Ministers was to see if some relief could not be afforded the country by means of emigration.

CASE OFCAPTAIN ROBISON. Mr. MAITRICEO'CONNELL, nt the sug- gestion of Mr. SPRING RICE, withdrew a motion of which he had given notice relative to the treatment of Captain Robison by General Dar- ling, in consequence of some legal measures on the subject being now in progress. ;.:eza% MUNICIPAL REFORM. Lord ALTIIORP stated last night, in reply to a question from Mr. CHARLES BULLER, that a measure to effect Municipal Reform would probably be introduced early next session.

PooR-LAw BILL. It was agreed in the House of Peers, on Monday, on the suggestion of Lord BROUGHAM, that the second reading of the Poor-Law Bill should be postponed till Monday next.

LIVERPOOL BOROUGH BILL. A conversation took place on Wed- nesday, relative to the proceedings of the Peers on this bill ; but no time was fixed upon for taking up the subject. Earl RADNOR said, that he was quite prepared to go on with it ; and Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, that the opponents of the bill were also ready ; but Lord BROUGHAM expressed his wish to have time allowed fur going on with the appeals before their Lordships, which he hoped would be entirely cleared off this session ; and again suggested the propriety of inserting a zetrospective clause in the Bribery Bill, which would save the House the trouble of going into the case at all. 141-1t CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS BILL. On the motion of Lord SUF- FIEI.D, this bill was read a second time in the House of Peers, last night, after a discussion of some length. Lord SUFFIEI.D stated, that be had ascertained beyond doubt, that out of the number of persons committed for crimes not punishable with death, 72 per cent. were con- victed ; but out of those who were liable to capital punishment on con- viction, the number convicted was only 47 per cent. ; out of 277 perSons committed for stack-burning within the last three years, only 78 had been convicted ; thus, 199 offenders had escaped without punish- ment. This, he thought, must be owing to the severity of the law. Lord BROUGHAM again stated his wish that amendments of the criminal law should be proceeded with in a more systematic manner ; but did not oppose the bill. The Duke of RICHMOND objected to mitigating the punishment for letter-stealing.

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