IRELAND.

A meeting of the Magistrates of King's County was held in the Court-house of Ttillamore, on the 10th instant, to take into consideration the disturbed state of the country, particularly with reference to the recent murder of the Earl of Norbury. Lord Oxmantown, Lord-Lion tenant of the county, took the chair, and explained the object of the meeting. He said- " Gentlemen, 1 have felt it to be my painful duty to call you together ia consequence of an outrage which has just been perpetrated witlan your county, in its nature the nuist atrocious in the catalogue of crime, an outrage perpe. trated under circumstances Of the deepest guilt. Gentlemen, the foulest murder has been committed; and a nobleman, distinguished for all those good qualities best calculated to secure the respect and esteem of his tenantrv and the peasantry of the surrounding neighbourhood, is the victim; an excellent land- lord—kind and indulgent to a degree. Gentlemen, I make 110 commonplace oln serrations; I am stating incontestible facts—you all know that they are true. When that lamented nobleman became a permanent resident at Durrow Abbey, the tenantry on the estate were in the most wretched condition. It had been purchased by his father from a gentleman who laid been in great difficulties; and the tenantry, as is usual, exhibited the most striking evidences of the poverty of the former landlord. Lord Norbury„ by a large expenditure, and repeated acts of profuse generosity, raised their condition to a state of com- fortable independence. IIe was in the act of building there a splendid man-. sion, to be the permanent residence of his family, and consequently the centre of a great expenditure. Re employed a levee proportion of the surrounding peasantry, conferring upon them all the advantages which accrue from the residence of an extensive landed proprietor. Co where put may, you hear but one opinion of him ; all classes unite in conferring this just tribute of praise— that a better landlonl, a more charitable man, and a more excellent country gentleman, could not have existed. Should I add, (it is perhaps right that I should,) he never interfered in polities? What, theta coulhi have caused this diabolical outrage ? What could have prompted the cowardly assassin to assail a man who had never given a juet cause ot'offence to any one ?—who was in the very act, with his steward, of surveying his improvements—the source of employmeut and of sustenance to numbers ; walking unarmed, unsuspeet. ing—unIhrtumitely confiding in the attachment of a people, lloW the most treacherous, and in the virtues of a peasantry calling themselves Christian, but disgracing the name by crimes which even the heathen would not commit. I ask again, therefore, what can have caused this diabolical outrage ? The

answer is this—it is part of an extensive conspiracy or combination to effect that by assassination which they dare not attempt by open rebellion—virtually to wrest the property from the proprietors by abolishing rent—in fact, to secure to themselves the privilege of holding their farms without paying rent, and to effect this by assasinating the landlord who may venture to assert his right by ejectment—by assassinating the inan who may venture to take the

place of the ejected tenant. To this diabolical conspiracy a distinguished noblemen has fano, the first victim among the upper classes in your country. Gentlemen, it is evident that a conspiracy so wicked could must exist except among a ileasantry in the highest degree demoralized. The mass of the peasantry- 'inlet be parties to it ; for, setting aside such information of the fact as reaches our ears, common reason tells us that this must be the case: no set of persons, however numerous, could carry on such a system without immediate detection, were it not that they were supported by the mass of the pensautry, and by them screened from justice."

Not many years ago, a very different state of things existed in Ire- land. In the Irish peasant of the present day you could scarcely recog- nize the Irish peasant of a former period- " He was then kind, warm-hearted, faithful, just, moral, grateful for every favour, respectful to his superiors, and attached to his landlord by feelings almost chivalrous. I was ham at that period in supporting Emancipation as a boon to a people most truly worthy of it ; and allow use to add, to prevent misconception of ray vote on that question, I have never repented, because I think it was just ; but in the result I have been grievously disappointed. Row, then, has it occurred, that in a period so short a change so great should have taken place in the morals of the peasantry ? Were you told, gentlemen, that such a change had taken place in England, should you not at once say that the Protestant Clergy there, the advisers and instructors of the people, must be very much to Heine? And can we hesitate for a moment in applying the same rule to Ireland, where the influence of the Catholic clergy over their flock, whether for good or for evil, is so much greater ? And can we hesitate in affirming that they are deeply responsible for this deplorable state of things ?"

The origin of all this evil was easily traced- 1 Some two or three years after the passing of the Emancipation Act, a new species of agitation sprimg up. All being placed upon an equality by that act, some, not satisfied, sought superiority—in fact, to place themselves in a poli- tical position to which neither their property, their talents, nor their station in society were supposed to entitle them. The property of the country was op- posed to this ; the landlords were opposed to this, and, with their Roman Catholic tenantry, were all-powerful : nothing, therefore, was to be accom- plished but by separating the Roman Catholic tenants front their landlords. This swims a ditlicult tusk ; they were connected with them by motives of in- terest—in many cases by friendship—in many by the greatest obligations. To accomplish this, little clubs of the lowest description of' agitators were formed in the different parishes; the landlord was calumniated and vilified—was re- presented as a Jim instead of a friend, and every art made use of to excite the worst passions against him. As many, though not tenants, were bound to the wetdthier classes by the strongest obligations—owing, perhaps, every thing they were possessed of to the disinterested generosity of some wealthy individual,— gratitude was to be expunged from the new code of morality. As many were to be overawed by fear, extreme acts of personal violence were no longer a crime; the death's-head and cross hones system was not criminal, but laudable. As in many eases tut oath was alone interposed between the peasant anti the franchise, that difficulty was to he smoothed over; and in many eases, moreover, most miliwtunately, the parish-priest was a member of this chub, of course keeping aloof, no doubt, from such unholy proceedings, but nevertheless unavoidably adding the weight of his authority, and in some measure the colour °french'', to the system 1mm operation. In short, a battery was opened against the morals of the peasuntry, the most powerful that could well be inutgined. These clubs were in connexion with a central one in the county, and that club with the leading agitators or central club in the metropolis. The effects of this very soon became apparent, showing themselves in a variety of

ways, very evident to every man of observation,—as, for instance, a diminishing

respect for the upper classes ; an increasing disregard of oaths; a slighting way of speaking of the crime of murder, and symptoms of more deliberate wickednese

in the details of the different outrages. Still, however, the progress was not

so .rapid as might hnve been expected; the many good qualities of the Irish peasant were not to be obliterated at once. He could not fail to observe, that among the class of agitators, from the lowest to the highest, there were none of those persons to whom, from their property, station, and character, he had been accustomed to defer: he dal not, therefore, at once resign himself to their guidance ; many hell alouf, and some, I am persuaded, still do so. At

this period, gentlemen, an event took place fraught with most calamitous con- sectuenees to Ireland. Circumstances occurred which led the peasantry to think that a compact had been formed between the Government and the central leaders of the Parish Clubs—the leading agitators in Dublin—that the Go- vernment had accepted their political assistance, and, therefore, had adopted their principles. They viewed the Parish Clubs, the Central County Club, the Metropolitan Club, and the Government, as one body, all linked together, all professing the same principles, both political and moral. From this time, the little parish agitators, idle, vicious, and worthless men, spread their de- mondizing influence through the peasantry with an authority almost qua) to that of Government emissaries; and fearful demoralization has been the result."

The qu‘stion arose, what was to be done?— 46 Gentlemen, in the first place, I should recommend that we call upon Go- vernment to propose to Parliament, immediately on its assembling, an efficient Arms Act, and to carry it through with the least possible delay. The law in its present state practically arms nil the peasantry without distinction. In the next place, I think it would be right to state strongly, but most respectfully, our opinion as to the causes which have led to that calamity which we all so deeply deplore, aml to call upon Government to adopt that course, which, under the circumstances, they may deem most advisable, with an assurance of a ready and most strenuous cooperation on our part. This, ,ovntlemen, is all that is worth mentioning which I Ilium to suggest for our application to Government. If we can succee?t in persuading Governinent to separate themselves from all implicated in any way in the system of agitation ; to mark that separation dis- tinctly and prominently, so that every peasant may understand it ; to repress agitation by vigorous measures ; then I should hope that as years pass away unary feelings will subside, and human nature will again display itself in the Irish peasant, not in that deffirmed shape which but too closely resembles the beast of the forest, but in the more comely aspect of a real Christian. The power of man cannot repair the mischief which has been done ; but if the Go- vernment will do this, they will atone in the only way they can atone for the heavy calamity which in my opinion their mistaken policy has inflicted upon us. I should deceive you were I to lead you to suppose I felt very sanguine expectations its to the result of our application to Government. Reason tells me it ought to succeed ; but experience, based upon the proceedings in another county, that it will not. Perhaps, however, things are changed; but it would be unwise upon a prospect 60 uncertain to neglect any thing. We must rely upon the people of England, upon the British Parliament, and upon ourselves. You may appeal to the people of England with perfect confidence : they never harbour the kiss:I:sin, they hunt him down wherever he is to he found ; he will find no sympathy with them ; and you may depna upon it they will back your petitions to the British Legislature. But I have already said you must rely upon yourselves also: you have great powers, and if you exercise them without fear, as I am sure you will do, much good may be effected. The system Lou! Lorton is pursuing, who is, as you know, one of the best landlords in Ireland, is the proper one ; and if you act decidedly upon it, you will soon tind the ad- vantage, and so will your tenants ; for depend upon it, notwithstanding what they may think, or rather have been taught to think, they have as deep an interest as you can have in the prevention of crime and the preservation of the rights of property."

Lord Oxmantown moved that a committee be appointed to draw up resolutions to be submitted to the meeting. The committee was named, and withdrew in about half an hour they returned. Lord. Charleville announced, that the Marquis of Downshire wished his name to be put down for a reward of 2001. for the discovery of Lord Nor- bury's assassin. Mr. Richardson said that Lord Rossmore would give 10e/.. It was subsequently stated by Lord Charleville, that the present Earl of Norbnry offered to grant an annuity of 100/. to any person who would bring to justice the murderers of his father ; the money- to be vested in trustees, and paid in any part of the world. Resolutions, expressive of " horror and indignation" at the murder, and of con- dolence with Lord Norbury's flintily under " this dreadful and awful calamity," were passed unanimously. The Earl of Charleville then rose and delivered a long speech- " The state of my feelings," he said, " may perhaps be appreciated, when the intimacy, the friendship, and the sincere regard. that for many years ex- isted between my lost friend and myself are taken into consideration. My feelings may be excused when I recollect that the last evening of his life was spent in my house, and in my society—that the last hour he was eating was at

my table—that almost the lost words that he ever uttered were those of confi-

dence and love to these ungrateful people. What were his words to me? 'I cannot bear to live myself in a fine house, and see the poor that surround me uncomffirtable. I shall never rest satisfied (continued he) until I see each man Ott my estate in a comfortable house. I will see each of my poor dependents— I will see each of my tenants—in slated houses, because I wish to know that they are comfortable ; 1 wish to feel that they aro protected and secure.' And, turning to me, he added, Much as in cominon we both must deplore the melancholy degraded state of many parts of lr‘dand, thank God, at least, we

live in a quiet district ; we give constant employment to the people ; and (pay-

ing Me a compliment that I did not deserve) we may walk from one end of this county to the other in security, for no one would touch a hair of' our heads.' But thurteen or sixteen hours passed away between that conversation being

uttered, and my lamented friend, not very distaot from his own house—near one of his lodges, with forty or fifty of the peaSalltry W110111 lie hisvcsl alia ill

whom he confided within sight of the spot—sass barbarously murdered, and no attempt was made at seizing the assassin. I may he told, because the steward who attended my friend gave no alarm, that, possessed with terror, deprived of reason by the horrid sight he had seen, he did not tell the people returning from a ftineral that his lord was butchered, and consequently that they were in • ignorance of the fact. Would to Gin! I could plead ignorance fin. them ; but no, my lord, I have it in evidence that, though the steward made no connounica- tion to them—though the steward raised no alarm—strange as it may appear, they were informed of the murder. Two persons approached the lodge gate, addressed themselves to the women there, and asked the astouuding gnestion whether Lord Norbury was not shot ?"

He had. himself sworn informations of another intended murder- " I allude to it with the less fear, because, thank God, my noble friesid, who was intended to be butchered, is out of the country. I give the name with less objection, because, in the Gazette of the Irish Government, a high reward is offered for the persons who dared to write a threatening notice to Lord Blomn- field. It was stated the night after Lord Norbury's murder, that Lord Bloom- field was to be the next victim. This was stated by a man who left this town on his way to Nenagh, by which road he must have passed by Lord Bloomfield's demesne. His information, however, is not much to be regarded, for my noble frienti is safe at Woolwich."

Could it be that Lord Norbury had been killed by a stranger?— " I am told yes—that he was murdered by a hired assassin. Can such a state of society he allowed to exist ! that hired assassins eau be got to murder

an unoffeuding individual—can be allowed to escape—supported, as my noble friend said in the very able speech with which he opened the procceding,s, not only supported, but protected and concealed.' I um asked to tell the reason for this dreadful murder—this foul—this atrocious deed? The mystery, the dread, the terror is increased, because it fell upon a man who had no enemy. But it may be said, he took a strong part in polities ?—he had none. Had re- lig,ion any thing to do with it ? I heard the Roman Catholic Rector, I believe ot his parish, state, in a touching and feeling speech, over the grave of my friend, Ids horror at the crime ot a murder committed upon a man whom he said he had the honour to have known, with whom he was on terms of friend- ship and intimacy- both public and private, whose every act was an act of charity, whose heart would always melt with compassion at a tale of no. That is the description by a Roman Catholic clergyman of the late Lord Norbary- that is the character given by that gentlema a of his beloved friend. 'flue man, therefore %those every act was charity, who had taken no aetiv, No in poli• tics, had lived on good terms with, a is 1 net:iv:al that ch:iniutes. fro:::, the clergy- man of a different religion from thz t which be professed, that 111:111 Wai louflr and inhumanly murdered."

But was it credible that the murder could have been committed by a stranger without the knowledge of the surrounding population ?-

" A (Ilse occurred not long since, when a man wes sent jut 0 a neighbourhood not fair filen the spot on whfch I am stand her, to murder a man whose name I shall not now mention : he acted under °niers, and there are many present Ivho know to what I allude. Ile got his orders ; hut when the name was mentioned, some cause, some act, perhaps. by Ithich on a previous occasion his own lift: had been spared by that Ma:avid:in], made hint feel reluctance to be his butcher ; and. he turned to the other—for there Wt.TV two assassins present— and he said ' Do you meet the object your kind may he more steady to murder Mr. So and So ; your Inind might be in thie ease more secure than mine ; do you take him, and. I will take the woman.' Was there any feeling of private revenge in either ? No, the vere sent in, wed:meal and di- rected to commit murder ; and I say the duty of lb, Government is 1,, fathom that conspiracy of whieh they have decided Inthrion f ism."

The news of Lord Norlmry's murder reach.-1 Lord Charlevilie when at dinner : he drove to l'ullamore ; and how was he received by the people ?--

C' A crowd of persons assembled around the inn ; they met me with Yells and groans of disapprobation. Dial that affect me? No: 1 may try to observe their gotht opinion, but I have never.smaght or courted their applause. I have attempted to show thon that I love tl:is caantre ; that 1 was attached to the people of this country. ; that I was determined to the utmost extent of my means to give employment and protecti:m to the people, aunt reside aolong them. That an II t' mob should hoot me or pot, is a matter that affects use not ; for neither in myself or to others could it inspire I.:at one feeling—an appeal to Almi.dity God to turn their hearts, to soften them. and te forgive thent their erimjs. The groans were foil:awed by cries of • He is ii as'., he is dead.' A SaVage yell of exultattion followed I passed on my way ; and till I was beyond the reate.11 of their voices, those savage men continned to repeat these words. It is a grievous reflection to think how demoralized, how brutalized the pcatsantrys mnst have become, when a crime of that fearful enormity could bii committed, and that men were found to exult and glory in thz :teed:"

Lord Charleville proceeded to animadvert in strong language on the mistuken lenity of' the Irish Governutent towards atrocious offenders, to which he attributed in no slight degree the fearful demoralization of the people. lie especially denounced the letter of Mr. Seeretary Drummond to the Tipperary Itigistrate3, who had demanded increased powers to enable them to maintain the peace of that county. In that letter the Magistrates of Tipperary were " bearded and insulted" by Secretary Drummond : it " sounded as a tocsin, and acted as a signal for the butchery of one man after another ; the last victim being Mr. O'Keefe." Under these circumstances, Lord Charleville moved the fol- lowing resolution- " That it appears to this meeting. that the answer conveyed to the '.‘fagis- butes of Tipperary from Mr. ruder Seeretnry IThumnond has had the unfortu- nate effect of increasing the animosities entertained against the owners of the soil by the occupants, who now coostitute themselves the sole arbiters of 'the rights as well as the duties of property.' " That litr front allaying the bad feelings then existing, nod so industriously excited by the enemies of social order, and by selfish agitators, it has had the tendency to encourage the disaffected, and to embolden the disturbers of the piddle peace."

Mr. Cassidy opposed the resolution.

"I came here at the general cell of the Magistrates of the county, impressed with a feeling. of horror mid detestation at the crime that. was committed, with the most anxious desire hr all means in my power to assist jut the discovery of the perpetrators of that 'foul murder but I dii not come here to hear the whole policy of the Government arraigned, as he -so been done by_your lordship, and so ably followed up by the noble lord who suet:cede:I you. I did not come here to hear the Government of the country and the religion I profess assailed, and the people of the country arraigned as the perpetrators, or at least abettors of murder; mid to which I firmly believe thousands of them are as much opposed as you or any othergent Leman in this itssembly. 1came here to record my sense of the atrocity that has been committed, wad by all oteans to bring the perpetrators of that foul crime to just iee. Your lordship's speech, I must say, was not calculated to pros ute that available ohjeet. 1):: occasions of this kind, party should be lahl aside. We have but mie object in vies, that :abject the prevention and punislenent of crime. I regret that other eireinnstanzes

have Ewen brought tome: . mid 1 will say improperly and unwisely, into the consideration of that single and importan, oi,ject. I know not whether many in this assemid■ concur in my view of it, led I take the earliest opportu- nity of recerding my dissent, larietiy het decided ly, against the resoluta»i now prepa,ed; whick has uo s sue us to da with the calliog of this meeting thou any other circumstance whielt occurred in the last three weeks."

The resolution was carried without a division. The next was- " That finding from the Lire:mist:owes mentioned in the former resolutions. that there is little roma to hope tie- a surcessful :appeal to the Irish Exeentive we feel it a duty to amply to the People of England, the Legislature, and the Throne, for pros:Ohm."

Mr. Nicholas IFitzsimon and Mr. Freneh opposed this resolution; but it was carried, with a very few dissentient voices. 'rite last reso- lution was agreed to unaninmusly-- " That the Majstrates here te.sembied are determined, to the utmost of their power, to use every exertioa I a coil:elate with thus Government in anv manner pointt:d out by her Mdest v's Ministers, which may give the slightest hope ot restoring peace, trampaillit■-, and security in this distracted county."

Thanks were voted to the Chairman, and the meeting broke up.