Debates anti larotetaings In Varlfament.

Ianin LANDLORD AND TENANT LAW.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE moved for leave to bring in a bill for the amendment of the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland; and gave a detailed explanation of its provisions.

The bill has three groups of provisions. The clauses of the first group provide a machinery for enabling tenants in future to accomplish improvements in their occupations without the consent or cooperation of the landlords: those of the second establish the right of compensation to tenants for improvements hereafter made, the benefits of which they have not fairly reaped at the ending of their terms of occupation: those of the third group effect some miscellaneous improve- ments in general landlord and tenant law.

Every lessee or tenant whose yearly rent is above 101. may serve a notice on his landlord, informing him of the nature of the intended improvement, and of the tenant's intention to nominate an arbitrator, and calling on him to nominate an arbitrator for himself. Twenty-one days are allowed for the landlord to do this; and if be neglects or refuses, the tenant may summon him to Petty-Sessions and have an arbitrator there nominated for him. The two arbitrators are to choose an umpire; or in case they refuse to do this, the assistance of Sessions may as before be invoked and an umpire there appointed. The arbitrators and umpire thus appointed are to inspect and survey the premises, ascertain the nature and suit- ableness of the improvements, and their cost, and to award in writing what improve- ment shall be effected, and who shall bear the cost, and how it shall be borne. In this award the names of all landlords immediate and superior are to be men- tioned, and they will be bound by it. The award is to be registered with the county records; copies of it are to be served on all the landlords concerned in the land; and it may, within twenty-one days of its being notified to the landlord, be appealed against before the Assistant Barrister in Quarter-Session, who may vary or reverse the award; his decision to be final. When the improvements are finally decided on, the landlord is to have the liberty—giving due notice of his in- tention—to execute them himself. When the works are done, the arbitrators and umpire are to reinspect as before, compare the works with the estimates and the award, and declare whether the award has been complied with; their declaration being subject to appeal, in the same manner and before the same judge as in the case of their award. Such were the provisions regarding projected improvements. With regard to compensation for improvements uneshausted, the bill assumes the principle that the fruits of any and every improvement may be fully reaped in twenty-one years: therefore upon the lapse of that period after any improvement, the landlord shall acquire a right to take possession. On the termination of the lease or tenancy, by any means, within twenty-one years after improvernezts made, the same machinery of arbitrators, umpire, and Barrister in appeal, already explained, may be brought into play to settle the claims of the landlord and lessee or tenant. The compensation awarded, however, is never to exceed three years, rental of the holding. Any intermediate landlord shall, if his interest cease with_ in the twenty-one years after the data of improvements, have the same rights and remedies against his superior landlord that may have been enforced against him by any party holding under him. All the preceding provisions are prospective, and apply to cases of holdings rented at 101. and upwards. The bill will have a retrospective operation in cases of holdings rented below 101. per annum. All improvements in these cases which have been effected within the last five years shall be compensated, but no greater value than three years' rent of the holding shall be awarded. The proceedings in these cases are to be by civil bill before the Assistant Barrister; and his deci- sion is to be final. These are the clauses providing compensation for unexhausted improvements. The bill also places under regulation the power of distress, and lessens the hardships of tenants, whether suffered at the hands of their immediate or of a superior landlord. It gives a power to eject tenants-at-will for non-payment of rent; and at the same time provides that where no lease exists, rent in arrears for more than two years shall not be recoverable. It restricts for the future the power of subletting in cases of tenants holding under a certain amount. It increases considerably the powers of the Assistant Barristers. Lastly, it gives to the occu. pying tenant the power of setting up an equitable defence ih the superior courts of law.

Sir William Somerville anticipated an objection to his measure, that it was useless to attempt interference with the contracts made between man and man. But look, he said, at the state of Ireland : "look at her undeveloped resources--at the backward state of her agriculture, and then admit at least that the experiment is worth being made." The Irish mind is awakening to the necessity of im- proving the culture of the land. The success of that most happily and well. considered attempt of the Lord-Lieutenant has been beyond the most sanguine expectations.

Mr. Skr ■RMAIT CRAWFORD expressed dismay at the bill, which left the tenant-right of Ulster without recognition or notice. Mr. H. HERBERT criticized Mr. Crawford, and Mr. FAGAN supported him. Lord CASTLE- REAGH was sorry that the bill had fallen far short of expectation. Mr. O'Colesoa saw some matter to praise in the bill—in those parts which had been borrowed from a measure proposed by himself twelve years ago. Mr. SMITH O'Bara,e and Mr. MORGAN Jona O'Cosraror.0 urged that the retrospective effect of the bill in the cases of small holdings should be made general. Leave was given to bring in the bill.

MR. HERMES ON THE BARB CHARTER ACT.

On Thursday, Mr. HERRIES rose to move the following resolutions-

" That, looking to the state of distress which has for some time prevailed among the commercial classes, and to the general feeling of distrust and alarm by which the embarrassments of trade have been aggravated, it is the opinion of this House that her Majesty's Ministers werejustified, daring the recess of Parliament, in recommending to the Bank of England, for the purpose of restoring confidence, a course of proceeding at variance with the restrictions imposed by the act of the 7th and 8th of Victoria, c. 32.

"That this House will resolve itself into a Committee upon the said act." And he announced that if the second resolution were carried, he should move the following in Committee-

" That it is expedient that the limitations imposed by the act 7 and 8 Victoria, c. 32, upon the Bank of England, and the act 8 and 9 Victoria, c. 46 and 37, in relation to the issue of notes payable on demand, be suspended, subject to such conditions as may be provided by any act to be passed for that purpose."

Mr. Berries resurveyed the history of the commercial distress of last year. By a document carefully prepared, he found recorded the failure of 220 firms of con- siderable magnitude, selected from a larger number of smaller failures. The liabilities of 85 of the 220 firms were estimated at 12,000,0001., and the total loss occasioned by the whole of the failures was estimated at not less than 30,000,0001. He approved of the step taken by Ministers in suspending the act of 1844; but the House bad expressed no opinion on it—prevented chiefly by the disingenuous conduct of Ministers, who had evaded inquiry by rushing forward with the notice of a Select Committee. He contended that the distress was not caused by the ill-management of the Bank of England, but by the act itself. He could not be- lieve that Ministers contemplated the retention of that act in its integrity—they looked to changes consequent on the report of the Select Committee, after a lapse of time; but he thought that a much more satisfactory course would be, at once to give the remedy so imperatively demanded. He objected to that opera- tion of the act which now scatters 3,000,0001. of bullion among country banks, though the money would be more beneficially concentrated in the Bank of Eng- land; regretted the interference with the Scotch system of banking; and objected to the fixing of a maximum on the amount of credit to be allowed by the Bank. If nature abhors a vacuum, political economy abhors a maximum. Mr. Berries enforced these views with copious criticisms on the remarks of Sir Charles Wood, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Francis Baring, and others, in previous debates. The motion was seconded by Mr. ARCHIBALD Sir CHARLES WOOD opposed the motion; and averred that the subject had received the amplest discussion— It was debated for three nights; twenty-two gentlemen expressed their opinions on it; and at last the debate closed simply from the unwillingness of other per- sons to speak. As to the first resolution propounded by Mr. /ferries, Sir Charles said, he could not of course pronounce himself in the wrong, nor should he meet it with a direct negative; the second, ill-timed, and in some respects mischievous, he should resist. Sir Charles defended the conduct of Government in temporarily suspending the act of 1844 and then referring the matter to a Select Committee, as the best that could be adopted under the circumstances. And it has been suc- cessful: the panic arose from the low state of the reserve in the Bank of Eng- land; that had risen to 8,250,0001. on the 18th of December, before Parliament separated; and on Saturday last it was 9,600,000L—a sum which places the abi- lity of the Bank to meet every possible demand upon it beyond all doubt. Mr. Herries's speech pointed at more than the temporary suspension of the act—and total repeal would be better than permanent suspension: but it would be incon- sistent to come to a decision after the House had appointed a Committee of In- quiry, which was then sitting, and had not yet reported. An immense debate ensued, partly on the suspension of the Bank Charter Act in October last, but also upon the general subjects of currency and banking. Alderman Tnomrsoit, in supporting the motion, mentioned that the Select Committee had met for business on the 4th of February, and on the 17th were still examining only the second witness! The motion was further supported by Mr. WILLIAM Bnowxa, Mr. HUDSON, Mr. MAC- GREcoa, Mr. Maaromesni, Mr. Hutto, Mr. MuseTz; opposed by Colonel Toomrsos, and Mr. LABOUCHERE.

The first resolution was affirmed without a division. The second was negatived, by 163 to 122; majority, 41.

ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.

On Wednesday, the order of the day was that the House go into Corn-

tnitee on the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. On the question being put that the Speaker " do now leave the chair," Mr. Law moved an amendment, that the House go into Committee on that day six months. A debate arose, much in the nature of an adjourned debate on the second reading of the bill. The discussion was not animated, and the speeches present few fea- tures of interest. Those who opposed the going into Committee were Mr. Law, Sir ROBERT Nous, Mr. NEWDEGATE, Colonel CONOLLY, the Marquis of GRANBY, Mr. HENLEY, and Sir JOHN Piximarow : those in favour of going into Com- mittee were Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND, Mr. CHISHOLM ANSTEY, Sir GEORGE GREY, Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE, Mr. Smau., Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY, and the ATTORNEY-GENERAL. Mr. NEWDEGATE digressed at considerable length into diplomatic despatches and reports of the proceedings of the House, to show that Lord Palmerston was in a covert and disingenuous manner taking steps at Rome which ought to cause Protestants great alarm—

On the 10th of December, Lord Palmerston stated that Lord Mint° had re-

ceived no instructions of an official character for Rome;.and yet Lord Palmerston's own despatches convicted him of having explicitly " instructed" Lord hate what language to hold to the Pope, in interviews with him on the Swiss disturbances. Mr. Newdegate grew warm on this topic. Ohl he was roused to see such pro- ceedings carried on. (Laughter.) First, to see a private Member introducing a bill which was to create a vast constitutional change, and next to see a Govern- ment tampering .with constitutional principles. He objected to the bill before the House, as giving further aggressive powers to a church which was in its constitution and essence aggressive. A church which regarded the English Church and constitution as founded in error—which regarded the title by which the crown is held an error—was not a power to have its hands so strengthened.

Mr. Newdegate would stand by his Queen, and stand by the error. (" Hear! " and laughter.)

Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND, an old opponent of Catholic emancipation, ac- counted for his vote—

He had heard that some abstraction called the " Church of England" was " in danger"; but he sought for it in vain. The speech of the Recorder of London was twenty years too late. It is not now for Protestants to say they will concede offices to Roman Catholics, "as if we Protestants were their lords and masters, and could give and withhold privileges at our will and pleasure."

Sir GEORGE GREY defended Lord Palmerston from Mr. Newdegate's charge of disingenuousness— It had simply been declared that Lord Mints was not " accredited " to Rome; that he had not received any official or diplomatic mission to that Government. This is unreservedly true. His relations are to be strictly private and personal. Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE held that if there were on the statute-book at this moment, in the letter, although not in practical existence, penalties attaching or capable of attaching to Roman Catholics, for doing acts not proved to be hostile to our civil interests, and belonging to the faith they profess, the House was bound to go into Committee on this bill.

He had learnt with great satisfaction that the intention ascribed to the Papacy of erecting bishoprics in England was prematirely ascribed, and that the matter was at least not yet resolved on. The point was worthS, of protracted deliberation by the Pope. He thought it not enough to say on this subject that the Pope might appoint an Archbishop of Westminster, or any other place, in the same sense that the Wesleyan body appoints a superintendent of its circuit; for he took it to be unquestionable that the appointment of an Archbishop of West- minster or of any other place is most distinctly and formally an assertion on the part of the Church of Rome, of the obligation of all persons residing within the limits of that district, whatever it may be, to own a spiritual obedience and spiritual allegiance to the see of Rome.

Mr. Sulam still agreed with those by whom he was told that to the act of 1829 he ought in all essential particulars to adhere; but clauses which gave no security to the Protestant, and only offence to the Catholic, ought to be repealed. As the case now stands, Father Mathew is liable to trans- portation. He showed how idle were the provisions against the Jesuits-

" I won't endeavour to overcome your prejudices; I won t tell you that you are influenced by a vague, an indefinite, and irrational prejudice; I won't tell you that the enemies of the Jesuits were the enemies of Christianity, and that the con- spirators against religion conceived that for the achievement of their purpose the suppression of the Jesuits was required; I won't tell you that your own mission- aries will bear no comparison with the followers of Loyola, and that the Jesuit in the wilderness, lifting up the cross, his only possession in this world, to the eyes of the Red men, who stood awed and humanized before him, offered a far nobler spectacle than the New Zealand emissaries of Protestantism, by whom, with a a lucrative piety, the tasks of conversion and the enjoyments of appropria- tion are combined. (Loud cheers.) I will not tell you this: but I will tell you that the enactments against the Jesuits are utterly incapable of en- forcement; that they are worse than worthless, and, as a security to Pro- testantism in every regard, more than without avail. In England and in Ireland there are plenty of Jesuits; the country is full of them. (Loud laugh- ter.) There is a great Jesuit College in the North of England; there is another in the vicinity of Dublin; the Jesuits are building a third in this great metropo- lis: yet the Attorney-General, if he were to institute a prosecution founded on the statute of 1829, would be driven with shouts of derision out of court. Sup- pose that my honourable friend were to prosecute Father Ligo, I should take care to attend the Queen's Bench, if it were but to mark the smile of polished disdain with which that eminent ecclesiastic would hear the speech of my honourable and learned friend. Wherefore, then, should you retain upon the statute-book those laws by which the impuissance of fanaticism is made manifest? "

The Arrortwav-Gruennat, eluded an appeal which Mr. Gladstone had made to him, to be umpire on the wide legal differences between Messrs. Law, Walpole, and Anstey- Besides being a dry discussion, it would be an unnecessary one; for if only a single statute out of those mentioned in the bill was not yet repealed and ought to be so, the House ought to go into Committee. He agreed that the 13th Eliza- beth, cap. 2, one of those cited, was a statute now in force, which ought to be re- pealed.

On a division, there appeared to be—For the motion, 186; against it, 154; majority 32. The House accordingly went into Committee pro forme; and on Mr. Anstey's motion the Chairman obtained leave for the Commit- tee to sit again on that day three weeks; the first vacant day.

PENALTIES OF PRAMITTNIE.E.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, the Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from certain clergymen in Buckinghamshire, praying for the repeal of so much of the statute of the 26th Henry VIIL as inflicted on Deans and Chapters and Bishops the penalties of prsemanire in certaiu events which might arise during discharge of their respective duties in the election and consecration of Bishops.

At the outset, Dr. Philpotta disclaimed any desire to alter the law so as to

trench on the Crown's prerogative of nominating the Bishops. That prerogative

he hoped would remain unquestioned, as essential to the benefit and peace of the Church itself. But it is due and wholesome that the Church should interfere when the nomination is made, and judge whether the party named is canonically fit. He deprecated the idea that he alluded to any particular instance or person

and applied himself only to the general question of the possibility of an improper being named by the Crown to a 'bishopric. He could not believe that if

a doubt could be entertained as to the construction of an act of Parliament which would make it "the Magna Charta of tyranny," that such construction would be allowed to continue. The equal division of the opinions of the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench justified him in considering it doubtful whether the Bishop of Hereford had been confirmed. Lord Denman, in his late judgment, de- clared the office of the Archbishop in confirmation to be like that of a returning

officer at an election; but said, that if the Archbishop discovers a canonical ob- jection to the person named, he could, after remonstrance with his Sovereign in every shape, at least resign his dignity. But can he resign ? There appears to be no precedent for such a resignation. And if he did resign, where was the mat- ter to end, if his successors were conscientious men? Would four other Bishops be found to act in lieu of the Archbishop? If not, the Bishops too most be got rid of and driven to resign; and this till the whole episcopacy of England was de- stroyed. In accomplishing the ends of the statute, the Apostolic succession would be broken and cut short: Neither Churchman, Dissenter, nor even Infidel, but will join in saying, if the law be as some people hold it to be, so detestable an enact- ment ought no longer to pollute the book of statutes. Dr. Philpotta, for himself and his right reverend brethren, said, they were prepared to quit the walls of Par- liament if such be the law. " They are willing to obey the tribunals of the coon- try, and to give up all claim to seats in Parliament, if their Lordships and the other House of Parliament and the Crown concur in declaring that that is to be the law of the realm; they are prepared to resign all their possessions if the law required it; nay, they are willing to go further, and give up their goods and chattels, and content to go into perpetual imprisonment, if the law requires it of them: but they are not prepared to do that which the law of God forbids them to do. With the blessing of God, and in the strength of God, they will go forth; bat they will never, never, never, wilfully and deliberately violate His law." The Lord Clusicamou, abstained from discussing what had taken place in the Court of Queen's Bench.

As the law now stood, and had stood for three centuries, the right to appoint Bishops was absolute in the Crown. The right reverend Prelate would alter that. (The BishoR of Exeter—" No !") Then he likes the law as it is. ("No, no!") He than neither likes the law as it is nor as it is not. ("Hear, hear! ") The right reverend Prelate was favourable to the right of nomination, but wished some ecclesiastical authority—he did not explain whether the Archbishop or an as- sembly of the Church—to interfere after nomination, in order to the completion of the appointment.. Was he consistent in his desire to maintain intact the prerogative of the Crown to nominate, as essential to the peace of the Church, and his sup- port of the petition, which by repealing the penalties would reduce the nomina- tion to a form, and transfer the real power from the Crown to the Church? The Bishop of CHICHESTER declared, that if what the Lord Chancellor had stated was correct, he feared that a crisis in the history of the Church was at hand.

The Bishops were prepared to submit to all that the law required of them; • but they could not submit to the interpretation now put upon it. His sense of duty compelled him to say that if this doctrine prevailed, they mast run the risk, if not the certainty, of a schism in the Church.

Lord DENILLN did not view the petition in quite so strong a light as the Lord Chancellor.

It was a petition only for the abolition of the penalties of prtemunire; and as such, he would himself give ear to it, and grant its request, although he held the Archbishop to be imperatively bound to confirm; for he would be glad to erase that word " prtemunire" and its punishments from the laws of England. Lord Denman suggested the revival of the repealed statute of 1st Edward VI. c. 2, which enacted that the Dean and Chapter should confer the episcopal office by letters-patent on the person nominated by the Crown.

Lord Careeeem, most highly approved of Lord Denman's line of con- duct. It is inexpedient, and would be derogatory to his high character, that he should come before the House on this irregular occasion to justify his judicial deliverance. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S did not wish the House to be impressed with the belief that all the objections made by the Bishop of Exeter were con- curred in by every Prelate on the bench. Even if an alteration in the direction pointed out be advisable, he could not see that the epithets " tyrannical," " monstrous," or " oppressive," were at all appli- cable. So far as the petition proposed the removal of a fiction, he approved of it: but it went farther; and, as the inevitable tendency of the proposed re- medy was to transfer a power now in the Crown, he could not agree with it. He contemplated a change which should secure that power against doubt. There is an apparent anomaly, but it is less than it seems if some circumstances over- looked are kept in view. The Crown is limited to a certain class of persona who in the eye of the law are all equally qualified to be named. It had been forgotten that there was no ulterior qualification required for the functions of a Bishop be- yond those of a Presbyter. The qualifications required for the Presbyter are mainly the same as those necessary for the Bishop the others are secondary, and comparatively immaterial. The law presumed that every individual of the class of Presbyters--from which alone Bishops can be chosen—is equally quali- fied for the higher office. The power of the Crown, thus restricted, can hardly be complained of as a grinding tyranny. In addition, there is the restraint of public opinion over the choice of the Crown. There never was a period when the power of the Crown was more subjected in its choice to the force of public opinion, nor ever a time when the probability that that public opinion should be wholesome and legitimate. The petition was laid on the table.

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME.

On Thursday, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second reading of the bill to enable her Majesty to establish diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. He further explained the actual state of the law, and the intent of the bill.

It has been supposed by some that impediments exist to prevent the Sovereign of this country from establishing diplomatic relations with Rome. The doubt arises from an expression employed in the Bill of Rights and referred to in the Act of Settlement. Lord Lansdowne thought that the construction of those Sta- tutes showed their object to be to prevent any one occupant of the throne of these realms from being spiritually reconciled to the Court of Rome or holding spiritual communion with the Romish Church; but not to prevent diplomatic relations for political and temporal purposes.

Lord Lansdowne cited instances of actual communications with Rome. King James the Second sent Lord Castlemaine on a mission to Rome. Objections were taken to the person sent, because he was too little known and his wife was too much known. But his mission was clearly illegal, as his objeet was to effect a reconciliation between this country and the see of Rome; and on his return, soon after the Revolution, he was arraigned before both Houses of Parliament severally. The charges against bim, however, were not made to rest on his holding inter- course with Rome regarding temporal matters, but on his interference as an am- bewilder in spiritual affairs. Three very different authorities—Judge Jefferies, Bishop Burnet, and Sir James Mackintosh—concurred in regarding this mission as suspicions and doubtful in legality. That opinion had therefore helped to cast great doubt on the state of the law.

Other instances cited by Lord Lansdowne were, the personal courtesy shown by the Pope to the British Prime Minister, Sir Robert Walpole, in removing obstruction to the deportation of a picture by Guido which Sir Robert had par- chased; the negotiations by Sir John Cox Hippesley, on the subject of pensioning Cardinal York the Pretender, and other matters; the acceptance of provisions from Rome by Admiral Hood; the reception of a Papal ecclesiastic in this coun- try, and his interviews with the Duke of Portland respecting religious establish. ments in San Domingo, &c.; intercourse with Rome under Lord Granville; and the recent intercourse through Mr. Petre.

When Admiral Hood asked the advice of Mr. Burke, before he accepted the supplies for his blockading fleet at Boulogne, Mr. Burke replied— Nobody can be so squeamish as to refuse benefits (nothing else will ever be offered by his Holiness) because they come from the Pope. He would be an Admiral of wonder- ful theological talents, but of not quite such splendid military qualities, who should scruple at the receipt of those Indulgences called ' munitions de guerre et de &niche.' from a prince prelate that believes in purgatory. I should not think a great deal better of a statesman at home who, from a disposition to polemic divinity, was so indifferently qualified for the conduct of any other kind of warfare. But we have no Such Admirals and no such Ministers. I confess I would, if the matter rested with me, enter into much more distinct and avowed political connexions with the Court of Rome than hitherto we have had. If we decline them, the bigotry will be on our part, and not on that of his Holiness. Some mischief has happened, and much good has, I am convinced, been pre- vented, by our unnatural alienation. If the present state of the world has not taught W better things, our error Is very much our fault."

Lord Lansdowne cited two instances of mutual recognition. If England has not acknowledged the Pope, what becomes of the treaty of Vienna; to which the great seal was affixed by Lord Eldon 7 When George the Fourth succeeded to the throne, the Pope of that day addressed'to him a letter of congratulation; a courtesy which the Bing suitably acknowledged in a reply. It was represented to King George the Fourth that perhaps he had forfeited his crown by that com- munication, and a messenger was burned off to fetch back the letter; but it was too late. England, indeed, has acknowledged the authority of the Pope again and again; and again and again has the Pope acknowledged the Sovereigns of Eng- land. The Pope has frequently applied for assistance from this country, and re- peatedly received it, both in arms and counsel. If this kind of intercourse is to continue, as it mast, it ought to exist under circumstances of greater legality and greater form, more under the observation and control of public opinion, rather than by those underground channels which are liable to every sort of objection and difficulty.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months; characterizing it as intended to repeal those two im- portant acts of Parliament the Bill of Bights and the Act of Settlement.

The Bishop of WINCHESTER, who supported the amendment, observed that Lord Lansdowne had omitted to point out the inconveniences that may arise froin diplomatic intercourse; and be saw how easy it was to slide into the language of Popery from the use of the term " Sovereign Pontiff" in the bill: the Roman Sovereign has heretofore been styled" the Bishop of Rome," sometimes with the addition "commonly called the Pope."

The Bishop of ST. DAVm's regarded the question involved in the bill as one rather of legal technicality and political mement,than of religion. , He took occasion to compliment Pius the Ninth on:his enlightened policy, and to exult in the brightening fortunes of Italy. He remarked that if the title Sovereign Pontiff excited prejudice, it might'be redioved; and etiggested further consideration respecting the reception or an ecclesiastical ehvoy from Rome in this country.

The Bishop of EXETER warmly opposed the bill. He protested against the principle, for the first time uttered in a British House of Parliament by a Protestant Bishop, that " Sovereign Pontiff" is an innocent expression; and suggested that it would be safer to submit the doubtful passage in the Bill of Rights to the interpretation of the twelve Judges, than to pass a measure fraught with danger, scandal, and alarm of every kind. He ob- served, that although Prussia and Russia send envoys to Rome, they re- ceive no Romish envoy. He asked whether they were to see Rome raising her scarlet head at St. James's; and foresaw the possibility of intrigues by a Popish ambassador in this country to set aside the Protestant suc- cession.

The Duke of WELLINGTON had at first beard of the bill with anxiety; but, with an amendment, he thought that it might very advantageously convert that irregular diplomatic intercourse which must take place into .a regular intercourse. He had been assured by Lord Brougham, Lord Camp- bell, and Lord Cottenham, that although the penalties of prsemunire bad been abolished in many cases, the old acts declaring the supremaoy of the Gown remained unimpaired; but he thought that a declaration to that effect in the bill would be satisfactory to the people of this country.

Lord STANLEY did not share all the Duke of Newcastle's apprehensions; but be had some other doubts and apprehensions, which he explained at great length; and he declared that though he should not oppose the second reading, be should expect modifications of the bill in Committee. He specially deprecated the haste with which the bill was hurried forward, as though it were nothing more important than a turnpike trust bill. He desired to hear something of the existing disposition at Rome towards this country; and of the Ministerial intentions as to the restrictions to be imposed on the diplomatic in- tercourse. He believed Pius the Ninth to be a very sincere man,—whether a far- seeing and a prudent man, or one who had embarked on a political course full of danger, time would show; but at all events, he is more disposed to carry his spi- ritu-4 authority with a high hand than any man who has recently occupied the - Papal chair—witness his interference in regard to the Irish Colleges.

Lord REDS/HI/ALB consented to go into Committee. The Duke of IliciamoND and Lord ELDON opposed the bill altogether. It was defended 'by the Earl of ST. GERMANS and Earl GREY. Lord GREY' stated that Ministers would adopt the "decided improvement " which the Duke of 'Wellington had suggested. Ile also explained that the House had never Invited the opinion of the Judges on abstract points of law.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE having replied, the galleries were cleared for a division on the Duke of Newcastle's amendment; but it was with- drawn, and the bill was read a second time.

ITALY, AUSTRIA AND ENGLAND.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Dr. BOWItiNG moved for copies or extracts of correspondence on the subject of the Commercial League in Italy. 'Dr. Bowriug took as his text the despatches by Lord Palmerston and Prince Metternich on the state of the Italian peninsula, and commented on Austrian and Italian politics. He expressed his admiration of the tone miiiutained by Lord Palmerston in his despatches, and paid a tribute of respect to the reforming Italian Princes.

Lord PALstralsrrow spoke hopefully on Italian prospects-

" Italy is not only at all times one of the most interesting countries from its pe- culiar position, but its history has been one of the most remarkable among the his- tories of any country on the face of the earth. It has gone through every change of political condition, from that of being mistress of the known world to that of being reduced to almost political extinction. I trust that a better day is now dawning upon that country, favoured as it is by nature in many respects, and as it always has been in regard to the genius of her people. The confidence with which we may look to the future prosperity of Italy is founded on the gifts which nature has bestowed on the people, and on the deep interest which the inhabitants of that land feel in all the political vicissitudes to which their country has been subjected. The natural vigour of the Italian mind, the extent of their intellectual resources, and, I may say, the splendour of their genius, has invariably made its way, and even in the darkest periods of their political history has shone forth as a bright example of intellectual power, not only to the enlightenment of their own country, but to the admiration of the civilized world. It is gratifying to see that the progress which rational liberty is now making in Italy is a progress brought about by a feeling of harmony and accord existing between the sovereigns and people of the Italian states. The circumstance upon which I more especiaty found my hope and belief that the improvements which are now making in the social and political condition of Italy will be permanent and stable is, that those improvements are founded on a mutual concord between the rulers and the ruled, which makes them less likely to be affected by the occurrence of any future un- toward events.

"My honourable friend has adverted to the position in which Austria stands with respect to the events now passing in Italy. It is a satisfaction to me, and I am sure it will be gratifying to the House, that I am able to state, as far as her Ma- jesty's Government are informed of the intentions of the Cabinet of Vienna, that there is no reason to apprehend that the policy of that Cabinet will lead it to meddle in any way adverse to the interests of Italy, or to take any measures that may be considered to interfere with the events that are taking place beyond the Po. I have, indeed, within the last twenty-four hours received a communication from the British Ambassador at Vienna which contains very satisfactory assuran- ces from that Court. I may say that that coarse is the course which might naturally be expected from the prudence and the wisdom of the Austrian Govern- ment; and I am happy to find that such is the course which that Government is pursuing."

With regard to the interest taken by the British Government in the passing Italian events, Lord Palmerston said—" I am sure my honourable friend will entirely agree with me, and I have no doubt that it will be the general opinion of this House, feeling as it does the greatest interest in those events, that, whatever may be the wishes of her Majesty s Government, or whatever may be the gratifi- cation which the Government feels at observing the progress of political events in Italy, it is not fitting that the English Government should interfere further than they are asked to do by the parties concerned. But I am satisfied it will be gratifying to the House, as a proof of the confidence with which England is looked upon by parties in remote portions of Europe who are engaged in affairs more exclusively concerning themselves, that I should state that Lord Minto is i

gone from Rome to Naples in consequence of a desire expressed by Sicily OR the one hand and by -the, Government of Naples on the other, in order that the friendly assistance of- British diplomacy should be afforded towards effecting a satisfactory settlement on the points in dispute between them. And I am sure that this task, delicate and difficult as it' may be, could not be placed in better hands than those of my noble friend; who, in any advice that he may feel dis- posed to give or. he at liberty to offer to them, will be actuated by the most dis- interested and enlightened &eke tqArtnithem to such an adjustment as may be consistent with the happiness the 'people and the dignity and hewn of the Sovereign." . . Lord Palraeraton.wishedp defer to some future period the communi- 'cation of the diplomatic correspondence; and Dr. BOWRING withdrew his motion.

NEW ZEALAND Comairnxicw.

Ott Monday, when Mr. LABOUCIIERE morel the Con3mittee on the New Zealand Constitution Bill, The Earl of LINCOLN rose to renew his protest against the bill. He criticized the constitution which it was meant to suspend; showing that it was not only inapplicable to the colony, but framed in disregard of those who knew the country and predicted the bad working of the measure.

It was an elaborate and fine-drawn constitution, with elections one within an- other, and refinements hardly practicable even in the old cotuatry. On the 7th of July 1845, a petition was presented to the House of Commons by Lord Swink (now Lord Grey) from New Zealand settlers then in England, which prayed a chartered constitution for the Queen's subjects in New Zealand, without distinc- tion of race. That petition contained the following passage—" In praying your Honourable House to devise some means of bestowing representative government on New Zealand, your petitioners wish to express their opinion, that, on account of the ignorance both of the inferior order of natives and of the poorer immigrants who fly from pauperism in this country, it is desirable that the local constitution of the colony should be far from Democratic; the grand point being, that colo- nists, of whatever class, and not strangers—that is, persons having interests in common with the permanent inhabitants, and not persons coming from a distance merely to enjoy. place and salary—should have a real voice in the management of the colony." These sound views were disregarded by Lord Grey in the constitu- tion he subsequently prepared and sent out as Colonial Secretary. Instead of localizing municipalities with sufficient powers of self-government, an attempt had been made to prepare a constitution for all the colony. New Zealand is unlike an old colony, where the inhabitants are nearly stationary and the natives have as- sented to the new order of foreign rule. The settlement was but a few years old; the settlers were not more than 15,000 in number, and were constantly fluctuating in different localities. The suffrage was "house- hold "—in other words universal, for the lowest settler may have a "house" in New Zealand; and yet, by a qualification that every elector most be able to read and write English; it was practically the franchise of a small mi- nority, for Governor Grey believed that in all the colony not one na- tive could read and write English. This was all put before Lord Grey as Colo- nial Minister, by some leading colonists of New Zealand: while the constitution WAS under consideration, they raised objections of a sound and practical nature, which Lord'Lincoln quoted in detail; but they received no attention whatever. Inter alia, they said—" We -are of opinion,that, at any rate, in the existing set tlementa, and for the present, it would be very dangerous to extend the fran- chise too much by making the qualification for a voter too low, trusting to a higher qualification for theperson to be elected. This arrangement allows mis- chievous and intriguing individuals, who have no difficulty in providing themselves with the higher qualification, to obtain the suffrages of a low and compa- ratively ignorant class of voters through bribery or other corrupting means: They then related cases; within their own knowledge, in which this corruption had been successfully practised. They urged truly, that it was far mere easy to enlarge a franchise found too narrow than to confine one originally too wide.

Lord Lincoln charged Lord Grey with breach of faith to the Scottish Free Kirk colonists of Otago; who had been assured before leaving their coUntry, that the constitution conferring representative institutions on the colonists was going out immediately. The work which had been thus inconsiderately end precipitately sent oft' to the other side of the world was now returned; C,overnar Grey had found it as impracticable as had been foretold before it went abroad. And now they were called on to " suspend" this condemned charter for live years. Suspension for that time implied approval of its principles. But after all that had occurred,

'Lord Lincoln could not imagine that any future operation of this constitution was contemplated. If so, the frank course is to confess in substance what was yielded in spirit, that a mistake has been made. Governor Grey himself states that the Southern colonists are both prepared for and entitled to representative institutions immediately ; and there are no good grounds for placing the two islands under the equal operation of the suspension clauses of the bill. The present Chief Commissioner of the Poor-law Board (Mr. Charles Bailer) was, it had been said, to take an active part in the Colonial Office; but if to him were to be attributed any of the provisions of this substitute, he should suspect him of forgetting his former experience in the New Zealand Company, and of cut- ting a ,joke at the expense of his friends in the colony; for anything more face- tious than this substitute for representative government had never been seen. It seemed to hold out in the abstract something of representative government, while the power of the Governor remained exactly where it was before. By the present course of proceeding, the Governor of New Zealand had a very unfair responsi- bility imposed upon him. If the colony was unfit for a representative constitu- tion, were the act at onee repealed, he would have no responsibility for it; but when the constitution was merely suspended, all the responsibility seemed to be thrown upon him. But the great objection was, the constant chances that were taking place in this unhappy colony. At first, it was to have institutions upon the ascending principle, and now they were going to give it a constitution upon the descending principle. At first, there was to be universal suffrage, Provincial .Assemblies, and Legislative Councils, ascending to a General Legislative Assem- bly and a General Legislative Council: now, they were going to adopt the de- scending principle, and to give the whole responsible power to the Governor, authorizing him, with the advice of the Legislative Council, to grant the elective franchise, and to elect the members of the Legislative Council. Such powers, though possibly they might be safely intrusted. to Governor Grey, are most dangerous to fall into the hands of men of less experience. Lord Lin- coln urged the simple repeal of the bill, and suggested that the Colonial Office should immediately apply itself to framing such a constitution for the South Is- land as would satisfy the colonists and be capable of working in the Governor's hands. The colony being in a moat critical position, he was unwilling to bring forward any topics which might aggravate the difficulties of the Government; and he hoped the spirit in which he had treated the subject would not be misun- derstood or taken amiss.

Mr. LABOUCBERE reminded the House of the circumstances under which Lord Grey had been placed— He took the Colonial seals at the close of the session of 1846; and in obedience to a very urgent call on behalf of the colony of New Zealand, brought in a mea- sure which has been found not exactly adapted to the complicated circumstances of that colony. The Course now proposed, though unusual, and giving even un- constitutional powers to the Governor, was aimed in the end to give free institu- tions to the colonists with the greatest speed consistent with safety to their own interest. It was not advisable to repeal the constitution, because it would be wise for the House not to yield up the power which it had over the Executive GoVernment under its act. There was an answer in the last despatches received to the demand that the Southern Island should be omitted from the operation of this bill: peace is not wholly reestablished there yet, though it is perfectly so hi the North. Moreover, Governor Grey has stated that even the South is not ripe for the institutions of the constitution now to be suspended. Mr. Labouchere defended the proposed modification of the Colonial Government as resembling that • of British Guiana and New South Wales. It would empower the Governor to surround himself with the experieneenf the colony; and, thus enforced, would enable but not oblige him to constitute for one or both districts Provincial Coun- cils, with as much or as little of popular infusion into them as might seem expe- dient. Maideipalitietisvotdd not be interfered with, but might still be found to give the people the preparation desired.

The House now went into Committee; and there was some further dis- cussion as the clauses passed tinder review.

Mr. LABOUCHERE proposed an amendment making the divisions of the island revocable.

Mr. GLADSTONE objected to the mere " suspension " of the constitution,

as likely to keep alive;native AMr. LMM:ICBM= thought that a suspensionof the constitution, and unlimited powers given to the Go- vemor to use at his discretion in bringing A again into operation, were the likeliest means to allay and keep down such apprehensions.

Mr. DISRAELI contrasted the conduct of. Governor Grey with that of the Government at home; applauding the courage with which the one had ac- cepted a great responsibility on an emergency, and pointing to the course of the Ministers in shuffling off the whole of the responsibility of future dif- ficulties.

The colonists were to be governed on a great assumption—the assumption that there was a constitution; which was " suspended "1 Why introduce into this primitive and interesting society a system of such "enormous lying "I Did any- body in the House believe that the New Zealanders would ever enjoy the constitu- tion. of 1846—ever submit to the regulations of that crude conception, which was now embalmed in the legislative museum as unprecedented for audacious absur- dity? Lord Lincoln, under the influence of feelings somewhat softened by official reminiscences, did not press his objections too strongly, nor call on the House for its opinion on the main question; otherwise Mr. Disraeli would support him in a division.

Sir ROBERT PEEL alio recommended the absolute repeal of the consti- tution, in preference to suspension. " The only observation I intend to make with reference to past debates is, that the former Secretary for the Colonies, my noble friend Lord Stanley, was most unjustly censured in this House for the construction which he put upon the treaty of Waitangai—a construction which now appears to be universally adopted. In the, present situation of the colony, anything which I say will be offered more in the way of friendly suggestion than with the view of imputing blame to the Government. In my opinion, the best course to take would be to abolish the present constitution, without raising a doubt as to the wish of this House and the Government ti establish, ultimately, representative government in New Zea- land. My opinion remains unchanged, that the colony can better conduct its own affairs through representative institutions than we can manage them for it. If there could exist a doubt upon this point, it must be removed when we find that the home Government sent out a constitution to the colony, the very foundation of which—the elective franchise—could not be established because there was not a single native who possessed the qualification we required from him, namely, the ability to read and write the English language. I think, then, that the Government would have acted wisely if they had merely abrogated the existing constitution, and, to leave no doubt as to the future intention of Parliament, bad inserted in the preamble a declaration that it was intended to give the colony a new one as soon as the Government had an opportunity of consulting with their Governor, in whom they justly reposed the utmost confidence, as to the principle on which it should be found. Why not authorize the Governor to proceed forthwith to establish municipal institutions on a principle of fairness to the inhabitants of all classes? By such means you would guarantee the free ex- pression of public opinion, and protect one class from injury arising from the undue preponderance of another. At the same time I advise you to avoid as carefully as possible saying anything about the principle on which you mean to proceed ! (A laugh.) Wait until you get the Governor's opinion before you say

anything about the principles of the British constitution as applicable to New Zealand I" Eventually, the clauses of the bill were suffered to peas as Ministers had framed them; and the House resumed.

THE NEW PARLLUIENT HOUSES, Previously to the New Zealand debate, Mr. OSBORNE raised a discussion on the last return respecting the expenses of the New Palace at Westininter.

He learned from an estimate which was acknowledged to be incomplete and

supposed to be imaginary, that 1.401,0361. had already been expended on Mr. Barry's buildings. He went through a long list of items in excess of the original estimates, with a running commentary. The sum of 22,0001. is charged for changing the stone—after a "roving commission" of geologists, at an expense of some 5,000/, bad ransacked England and \Vales to find the best atone and the largest quarries. The sum of 48,4871. was added for carved stone; ventilating and warming caused another addition of 96,0001. In addition to this, 15,000L extra had been expended in fireproofing although Lord Besborough (then Lord Dnncannon, Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests) wrote in August 1847, "From the prices at which the contracts have been taken for the works already in progress, there can be no doubt that, with care and attention, a considerable saving will take place on the original estimate sanctioned by the first Committee of both Houses." Upwards of 200,0001. had been expended for the hire of Com- mittee-rooms and houses: much of which was due to the delay caused by the squabble between the architect and the ventilator. A miscellaneous charge. is, made of 21,0001. expended under the "general authority " of the architect: in- deed, at least 100,000/ in all had been laid out under this "general authority" of the Woods and Forests and the architect. No less than 000/ had been paid to the Clerk of the House, Mr. Ley, for rent since 1842; although on the 7th of July in that year, it had been reported that a house might be built for that officer for 2,600/ in eighteen months. Referring again to the 203,000/ for hiring rooms and houses, and the cause of its amount, Mr. Osborne said, it was only owing to the patience of the House that it did not step in and dismiss both architect and ventilator together.

Coming to the item of 5081. for frescoes, Mr. Osborne criticized the Fine Arts

Commission, and declared that it was evidently careless of the public money. There was no getting at the doings of this Commission; but he believed they had ordered alterations in the designs to make room for "larger pictures." Mr. Os- borne asserted that there had been no control exercised over Mr. Barry by any department or Minister since Lord Besborough was Chief Commissioner of Woods- and Forests.

On the subject of delay, Mr. Osborne amused the House with the "stereotyped"

inquiries and answers which season after season had been made and given about the Houses. In 1836, they were promised in six years. In 1842, Mr. Hume put a question to Lord Lincoln, and learnt that his Lordship had "that morning seen the architect," and been promised the Houses in 1845. On the 5th of March in that year, Lord Lincoln, on being again questioned, had again "seen the architect that morning," and been told that there appeared no reason why both Houses should not be ready in 1847. But in July 1847, Mr. Barry was examined before a Committee of the House of Lords, and in answer to the question, "Have you any idea when the House of Commons will be ready ?" ha replied, "None what- ever." (Great laughter.) Lastly, in December 1847, Lord Duncan asked, " When shall we get into the House of Commons? " Lord Morpeth replied, he had " seen the architect that morning,"—(Roars of laughter)--and been assured that " the House of Commons would certainly be finished, but no time whatever was fixed.

There is some mystery about Mr. Barry's compensation. Mr. Osborne quoted- the opinion of Lord Besborough, and a letter by Mr. Barry himself, to show that 25,0001. had been fixed as the maximum amount of this compensation: this sum is now left blank in the accounts, and the architect was allowed to hope for a much increased remuneration.

Lord MOR.PETII replied to Mr. Osborne, and prefaced his speech with an account of the results of his researches into the question of what were the defined duties of the department of the Woods and Forests.

His predecessors, Lords Besborough, Lincoln, and Canning, had all conceived that they acted ministerially, as a subordinate department of the Treasury, and that they had no more power to control the amount of expenditure incurred than they had to settle the dalalls of the architecture. And, certainly, he thought it very 'lucky that such was not the case; for if the Woods and Forests owe called on to control the expenses of the building and settle the details of the architec- ture, they would probably make but indifferent work of it. He conceived that this department was intended to investigate accounts, and to see in what way money was applied after its outlay bad received the sanction of the Treasury. It had to see that responsible .persons were employed, and that proper terms were agreed upon; it had to examine accounts, to see that the conditions of contracts were faithfully observed, and that the bills were paid. Further, it was certainly the duty of the Woods and Forests to report any deviation from the original design in a public work to the Treasury, for their sanction or disallowance; and this rule, he believed, had been acted upon by the department. The department was not to blame for expenses incurred under the sanction of an united Committee of the two Houses.

The original estimate was 707,0001.; the sum now disbursed has been 809,0001

Of this last sum 878,000/ has been the outlay on objects, such as the embank* ment of the Thames, which were not included in the architect's estimate. Tb- expense fairly to be put down as already spent of that estimate is therefore not more than 430,0001. Lord Morpeth did not, however, deny that the estimate would be exceeded; and he thought it impossible that in such a vast undertaking anything beyond the general arrangement and character of the building could be included in the design. The undertaking is more like a town than a single build- ing: it extends over eight or nine acres, and includes nearly 600 rooms, and 160 staircases. Its extent is not matched in Europe except by St. Peter's and the Vatican at Rome, which took two hundred years to finish. The official residences, if completed, could not be conveniently used while the rubbish of the incomplete works on a large scale Still accumulated round them. Many of the items, no doubt, were more for the credit of the building than of the exchequer; and in reference to the circumstances of the times, the Govern- ment have resolved to contract the annual grant for the service. This must of course be at the coat of a still slower completion of the Houses. (Laughter.)

In reference to Mr. Barry's claims, they could not be extended beyond the 25,0001. originally limited; whatever the House might volunteer as to his entire remuneration.

Sir ROBERT INGLIS defended the Commissioners of Fine Arts from im- putations of sinecurism, and appealed in their favour to the artistic talent which they had brought out in departments before untried in this country. The expenses had better be concentrated on a few years than spread over many in the way proposed by Lord Morpeth. Mr. Hulot concurred with Sir Robert Inglis's last remark. He criticized the loose way in which much of the business had been transacted. He ex- pressed a wish to see the buildings completed, but without the tawdry or- naments which disfigured the House of Lords, which were fitter for the time of Louis the Fourteenth than for the present age. Sir ROBERT PEEL had suggested a reference of the whole estimate* and expenses to a Special Committee. That was his opinion still. By it all these things could be ascertained satisfactorily; and the House might reserve the full right of judging for itself when the report should be made.

Sir Robert defended the Executive from censure. The House itself has been to blame. It has always been liable to hot and cold fits with respect to building's. If the parsimonious humour of 1835 had been acted on, a building on the model of Somerset House would now be exciting a feeling of universal disgust, though at the low cost of but 400,0001. Assurances were obtained that Buckingham Palace should not exceed 300,0001.: a walk through St. James's Park now exhibits a very significant proof of the consequences. So with the Treasury; out of which, as it had been left thirty years ago, Mr. Barry had now made so beautiful an or- nament to the metropolis. Lord MORPETEI—" The National Gallery." Sir ROBERT PEEL—" I was just going to mention it. We are all anxious that Mr. Barry should be sent to improve that. A sum perfectly inadequate was awarded to erect a building on that magnificent site, and the result is a structure on which we cannot congratulate ourselves." Mr. HUME—" It would have been a brick building but for me. It was at my recommendation that it was faced with stone." (Laughter.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—" It was originally propmed that the arcade should be eleven feet high. I recollect the obsenation made by the honourable gentleman, that a man was not eleven feet high—(Laughter)—and therefore the arcade ought not to be more than seven feet high." Mr. HUME intimated dissent. Sir ROBERT PEEL—" Does not the honourable gentleman recollect my sug- gestion, that the higher we had the arcade the more you would save in brick and mortar? (Laughter.) In the ease of the National Gallery you stinted the archi- tect to a certain sum. The result was a building which was quite unsuited to its purpose and degrading to the country." Sir Robert, in continuation, compli- mented the Commission of the Fine Arts, its chief Prince Albert, its Secretary Mr. Eastlake, and the fresco-painters. He anticipated that inquiry would justify mach of the additional expenditure, and would suggest the means of preventing unnecessary expense for the future.

There was some further debate, in which Lord LINCOLN supported Lord Morpeth's view; but the subject dropped without specific result.

INCOME OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. On Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied to a question of which Mr. HORSMAN gave notice on Friday the 11th, as to whether the Government would intimate to the next Archbishop of Canterbury that the see must be taken subject to any Parliamentary alteration to be made hereafter in the mode of fixing its revenue. Lord John thought a better arrangement than the present might be made, both in the mode of payment by the Commissioners to the Archbishop, and Bishops and in the mode of their pay- ments back to the Commissioners; and he thought it right that future occupants of the see of Canterbury should receive the information mentioned in Mr. Hors- man's question. There would, however, be no alteration in the present amount of the income, which is 15,0001. On Wednesday, Mr. FREWEN asked whether Government intended to bring in • a bill in the present session to give patronage to the see of Manchester. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, the subject was one to which the Ecclesiastical Commis- sioners had more than once had their attention turned, but there was no general plan proposed as yet. If any were proposed, it certainly would not be limited to the see of Manchester. GREAT YARMOUTH ELECTION. On Monday, Mr. SEYMER brought up the report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the petition of Mr. F. N. Goldsmid against the election of Lord Arthur Lennox and Mr. Coope. The Committee had decided, inter alia, that gross and systematic bribery had pre- vailed at the last election amongst the freemen; that Lord Arthur Lennox and Mr. Coops were through their agents, though without personal knowledge or war- rant, guilty of bribery at the last election; and that such election was void. They were unanimously of opinion that the freemen of Yarmouth should be disfran- chised, and that no writ should be issued till the necessary measures had been taken for disfranchisement. The House agreed, on Mr. Seymer's motion, to sus- pend the writ till the recommendations of the Committee had been considered. WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE Etat-float. Mr. Grantley Berkeley's return for West Gloucestershire was impugned on the score of detective qualification: on Wednesday, the Committee reported that he had been duly elected. COLONIAL SUOAR-DUTIES. On Tuesday, Mr. HUME gave the terms of the resolutions which he intends to bring before the House of Commons, on Tuesday the 22d, concerning the sugar-duties. The resolutions are prefaced at some length by an argumentative recital, and affirm in effect—That it is incumbent on Parliament to enable the colonists to make a fair trial of free labour, by the re- moval of restrictions on the obtaining and employing of free labour; to enforce in the Colonies the same strict system of vagrant-laws in force in England, with- out distinction of colour; to allow the colonists to reduce their establishments and fiscal charges to the lowest amount requisite for the police and municipal ser- vices of the colony; to allow them transport of their produce to this and other countries at as low a freight as slave produce can be carried. And further, in order to afford a reasonable time to make all these arrangements, that the ex- isting differential duty of 6a. per hundredweight on foreign sugars should be con- tinued for five years atter the end of this year. SHIPWRECK I:Nur-ire. On Tuesday, Mr. HUME obtained a Select Com- mittee to consider whether in all cases of merchant shipwreck, and of collision attended with loss of life, an inquiry, as speedily after and as nearly to the place of the accident as possible, should be bad into the circumstances and causes of the casualty; and to report to the House in what way such inquiry had best be conducted.