Debates anb Wrottellings tn VatItantent.

STATE OF IRELAND.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the LORD CHANCELLOR having moved that the Unlawful Oaths Acts (Ireland) Bill be considered in Committee, the Earl of SHREWSBURY, pursuant to notice, put some questions as to the future policy of Government in Ireland; raising a discussion on the imme- diate necessity for remedial measures towards that country. It had become necessary to inquire why so many restrictive measures are neces- sary for Ireland. He could only find the cause in the continued existence of every grievance, social and politica], which in past times necessitated a government of force instead of opinion. The only material change has been the passing of the Poor-law; and even under that law landlords are ruined and tenants evicted. The general wants of Ireland are confidence, capital, and employment: but there is another subject—that of religious differenoes, distinctions, and inequalitlea These are the bane and curse of the empire; and had they not existed, the nem_ aity for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act would never have arisen. On the trial of Mr. Meagher, a Catholic juror, under a feeling that he was degraded and oppressed, had rendered himself a nullity before the law, and had set it at defiance. It is impossible to attempt any more to govern Ireland on the system of consider. ing the Roman Catholic religion as an antagonistic one. The destruction of the Established Church is not at all desired by the Roman Catholics, but its recon- struction would be equally beneficial to the country and to itself: nothing would so soon put down the cry of Repeal. There is abundant property for both churches, and it would be a crime to tax any part of the United Kingdom to an the Catholic priesthood. He did not accuse the present Government of a breach of faith towards Ireland, but of a want of confidence in their own opinions. He an. nutted that the people and the clergy had committed great faults: to have sought for improvement by agitation, and for Repeal at the same time, was to seek in. compatible things; for the question of Repeal would never retain the sympathies of those on whom agitation was to be tried; and the latter necessarily resulted in physical force. But if the dangers of the cry for Repeal are great, the obligation on Government to remedy the evils originating that cry are proportionally great The only effectual remedy is a government of opinion.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE advocated the bill which their Lordships were now called upon to consider, as itself a remedial measure.

How could confidence, capital, and employment—the great wants specified by Lord Shrewsbury—be found in Ireland, without the protection of the law ? The object of the bill is to bring about an order of things which is indispensable to the growth of confidence, the introduction of capital, and the increase of employment

If it be urged that the franchise and the municipal corporations should be im-

proved, the reply is, that rights are valueless, and the noblest functions but ob- stacles to the attainment of the very results they should establish, when exer- cised under a tyranny. Proof enough of that has been seen in the last few months throughout Europe; where the franchise has been made universal only to be resolved into an organized despotism. As to the government of Ireland being a government of force, no government can be carried on without the fear of force. If a conflict between force and force arises, it must be determined which force shall put the other down, before you can proceed to consider ulterior measures. But whatever force there is in a country ought to be on the side of the government This measure, therefore, is a remedial one, inasmuch as it removes a bar to the operation of further measures, necessarily suspended in Ireland daring the last few months.

With regard to the position of Roman Catholics, it has been improving without cessation for a series of years; so that Roman Catholics have now obtained a posi- tion and an influence in the councils of the state altogether unknown a few years since. Yet it is not contended that nothing remains to be done. Daring this very session, many useful measures would have been passed but for the unfortunate disposition to defy the law, shown by many of the people of that country itself, Lord Lansdowne submitted, that the best mode would be to establish the force of the law: that being first done, Parliament might and no doubt would resume the consideration of those great questions to which Lord Shrewsbury had alluded.

The Duke of WELLINGTON was anxious to support this bill, and put down the open rebellion now known to exist in Ireland.

The noble Earl had said that remedial measures would have rendered this mea- sure unneraesary why, that very day the Royal assent was given to a remedial measure; and far the last forty years there has not been a session in which many others have not passed. As to the Roman Catholic oaths, the Duke of Wellington remembered very well that those oaths were founded on propositions made by the Catholics themselves, in their petitions on the subject of Emancipation: he could prove that from the words of those petitions. But it did'nt signify what had been done, or remained to be done: the present measure is absolutely necessary to maintain any government or society in Ireland. For forty years Government has been contending with the system of secret organi- zation. The Duke was convinced that the agitation prevalent some years past in Ireland, and the enormous mobs which had been collected there in all directions, were attributable chiefly to secret societies. So also he connected the parades and reviews at Cork and elsewhere, at which thousands of men were regulated by signs, with the existence of organized clubs having secret communications and signals of command. It is necessary to put down such mischiefs. But a magis- trate attempting to do so may find he has eight or ten clubs to deal with, whose members spread beyond his jurisdiction. Government alone can deal with such evils, and it must have powers to adopt combined measures: the amendment of these acts will enable the Government to take such measures. If any noble Lord thought remedial measures necessary, let him bring them forward next day; and the House would be well disposed, as it always had been, to listen to any proposal for the benefit of Ireland: but in the mean time, carry measures to preserve tran- quillity and establish order.

The Earl of DESART thought Lord Shrewsbury's proposition regarding the property of the Irish Church was founded on the principle of every man judging whether every other man had not too much and could not spare for his neighbours; a principle he strongly depreoated. The Earl of GLENGALL would support the bill, if Lord Campbell would engage that it was adequate, with the aid of the common law, to put down the Repeal Association.

From that Association had emanated all the pestilential and seditious doctrines now prevalent with all the grievances and misfortunes of Ireland. But further- more, it seemed likely that it would be necessary to reenact the clause in the bill of 1833 which authorized the Lord-Lieutenant to hold courts-martial for the trial of offences; for if juries refuse to do their duty, all other measures would be parr lyzed. Lord Glengall complained of the return made by Government for the support

afforded by the Conservative side of the House, in the support to Repeal candidates given by members of the Government at the last general election; and he revived the charges against Mr. Monaghan of voting for Mr. Reynolds, and against two other high officials of subscribing largely to support his election. The House having gone into Committee, the Earl of GLENGALL moved the insertion of a clause empowering the Lord-Lieutenant to suppress any meeting or association deemed dangerous to the public peace. To this the Marquis of LaxspowteE replied.

The noble Earl had avowed the object of the clause to be to enable the Lord Lieutenant to put down or prevent the revival of the Repeal Association: that Association did not now exist, and it would be seenwhether any attempt were made to resuscitate it. Before next session of Parliament, Government would be armed with extraordinary and formidable power to control the proceedings et all associations: that power would be vigorously applied; and he hoped, for the sake of the people of Ireland, that it would be effectual. On this answer, the Duke of WELLINGTON recommended the withdrawal of the clause; and Lord GLENGALL consented. The House resumed, and the bill was reported without amendment.

PuaLic HEALTH.

On Tuesday, Lord CaarenELL moved the reconsideration of those of the Lords' amendments to the Public Health Bill which the Commons have re- jected. The alternative was to abandon the amendments or throw out the bill. He thought there was so much good in the bill as it stood, thst

though he regretted the rejection of the amendments, he would be satisfied with what remained.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH supported the Lords' amendments; which were proposed with good intentions, and which promised good effects. The Commons' amendments were objectionable, as likely to encourage jobbing ja the local boards. However, he would not give the Commons an excuse for depriving the public of what would still be a great advantage to it. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had strongly hoped that the Commons would agree to the amendments; that they would have waived privileges which, though sacred in many constitutional respects, were impediments in matters of this kind. Lord BEDESDALE particularly complained of the rejection of the smoke clauses, on excuses altogether groundless. He hoped they would be rein- eerted, and had no fear that their being so would risk the bill; though if they were still rejected, he would not persist. The Duke of ARGYLE and Lord PORTMAN concurred in the general re- grets; and the Earl of DweART hoped arrangements would be made to put the privileges of both Houses on a better footing—one productive of less in- convenience.

The bill as sent from the Commons was then agreed to.

SUPPLY: MISCELLANEOUS ESTIMATES.

The House of Commons being in Committee of Supply on Monday, on the vote of 30,0001. for the new Houses of Parliament Sir HENRY WiLl.ouumeiv

observed, that the sum of 945,0001. had been voted for the new Houses up

to the 31st March 1849; but 1,021,0001. had been spent: he had no doubt the whole business would cost us not less than 2,000,0001. Lord MORPETH

stated that the votes haneen 995,000/, and the outlay within 4,0001. of 1,000,0001. In compliance with what had been the wish of the majority of the House, Dr. Reid now had the sovereign power over the ventilation.

Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND said, the Barry and Reid quarrel had arisen out

of contradictory requirements made by the House—that each room should be fire-proof, and yet each be ventilated; things that were incompatible. Mr. Barry was underpaid—the 25,0001. originally agreed on would scarce

pay him for the cutting of his pencils: he ought to receive his five per cent on the sums laid out. Several Members protested against unauthorized

alterations of the plans: Lord Monewria defended any alterations made in the plan, as adding to the comfort and general effect of the building; but he agreed that every future alteration should be reported and decided on before it be undertaken. The vote was agreed to.

The vote of 2,6851. for repairing and maintaining Maynooth was objected to by several Members—by Mr. SPOONER and Mr. LAW, on principle; by Mr. GLADSTONE, as reviving untoward discussions; and by Mr. Humw and

others, on the ground of an understanding that the 30,000/. was intended to cover all. The House divided, and the vote was affirmed, by 109 to 38.

• On the vote of 42,700/., for salaries and expenses in the department of the Treasury, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that the Earl of

Shelburne had resigned his seat as a Junior Lord; and, in compliance with the recommendation of the Committee, Ministers had resolved not to fill up the vacancy.

It was no part of Lord Minto's mission to prevent Austria from attacking Sar- dinia: he dissuaded the King of Sardinia from the steps he was said to con- template. He was formally invited to Naples, on a similar mission by the King. He employed himself with the utmost zeal to reconcile the King and his Sicilian subjects, on conditions which would maintain the crown of the two countries on the same head. More than one event tended to prevent success; but at the critical period when the negotiations were almost brought to a satisfactory con- clusion, the news of the revolution in France arrived at Palermo, and exercised a great influence on the minds of men. That led to difficulties on the one side, which were not met by concessions on the other. At last the Sicilians declined any longer to acknowledge the King of Naples as their sovereign; while the King declined giving the crown to one of his song, who received the offer of it. In the subsequent proceedings, the choice of another prince was purely and entirely the choice of the Sicilians alone; though, "undoubtedly, the Queen's Government, accepting as they do facts and events, have signified that they would be prepared to acknowledge the Sovereign whom the Sicilians might choose, when that Sovereign should be actually in possession of the territories to which the voice of the people might call him." As to our navy, Lord Palmerston could only follow in the steps already trodden, and abstain from announcing the intentions of Government on events still pending. As to the joint mediation with France, so far from being intrusive, it is made on the earnest entreaty and application of all the parties directly or indirectly con- cerned in the transaction. It is made at the express wish of Austria, the express wish of the Government of Sardinia and the people of Italy, and the express wish of France. The Government of Austria, at the beginning, asked for our good offices; and, as lately as the 9th of August at Frankfort, and on the 15th of August here, renewed the expression of its desire that we should take part in the settlement of these affairs. It is objected that France has no right to intermeddle in the quarrel: but, whatever the justice or the views of interference, there can be no question that when two nations are at war it is competent to a third to take which side it pleases if it chooses to engage in the contest. At the beginning of the late military events in Italy, France was strongly urged to give instant aid to the Italian cause. It was maintained by Mr. Disraeli that cordial friendship with France has been, and should be, the standing rule of this

country; though his mode of enforcing this doctrine was unfortunate, as he could scarcely—of course without intention—have thrown more bitter ingredients or Poisonous drugs into the cauldron of national animosities. But it is a mistake to suppose that the present condition of France makes it impossible for her to take Part in any hostile operations that may engage the sympathies of her rulers and People. Let not the House imagine that any vain phantom has created un- easiness. An interference of France by arms in Italy would be pregnant with all the dangers which Mr. Disraeli has graphically described. If France send an army to Italy, she must send another to the Rhine; if Germany then use against her, Russia will rise behind her and follow in her track; and the flame of war will be lighted up all over Europe. But the French Government said to us, "We are pressed to interfere by arms in the cause of Italy; but we do not wish to involve our country in a war: we are willing to en- deavour to settle matters by mediation, if you will assist us: it must be a joint effort; that will remove all ground of jealousy, for no one can suppose that Eng- land entertains hostile views with respect to Austria; whatever France and Eng- land.do. in conjunction mast be a work of peace; it must have the termination of hOstilities for its object: upon these grounds we hope you will interfere conjointly With us, and until we obtain your answer we will suspend our decision as to the adoption of other measures. Addressed in such language, it would have been most blameable for us to refuse to enter on a joint mediation. It is agreed that cal alliances with France shonld be the result of events, and that occasions for ,peration should not be invented. Have the mighty convulsions at present agitating Europe been invented for each an occasion? Is a cooperation under such circumstances a forced alliance? "There still exists on the part of those who govern France, and, I am happy to say, on the part of the majority of the French nation also, a frank, loyal, ho- nest, and enlightened desire that the policy of France may find itself in unison with the policy of this country. (Cheers.) I must also say, that the events of the last few months show the extraordinary progress which civilization and en- lightenment have made in Europe during the last half-century. (Cheers.) The same events which have lately occurred on the Continent would, if they had taken place fifty years ago, have involved the whole of Europe in a war of the bitterest nature and of long duration. Now, we see an enlightened and sincere desire for external peace. The French Government is anxiously, wisely, earnestly, and courageously employed in establishing order; it is working for the prosperity of the French nation, and consolidating the liberties of that country; and I think such a course of conduct does honour to the men who are engaged in it, whatever may have been their previous opinions or associations. (Cheers.) It is impossible that two nations like England and France should unite together for any purposes which cannot be avowed in the face of all mankind. The pur- pose for which they are now acting together is one of that description; and I trust in Heaven their efforts may be successful. At all events, our efforts will be steadily and zealously directed to that end; and, whether we succeed or fail, I am persuaded that the deliberate judgment: of Parliament and the unanimous opinion of the country will be, that we have acted right in making the endeavour." (Cheers.) Mr. HENRY BAILLIE followed; chiefly in a revival of the Spanish con- troversy and the Sotomayor-Bulwer affair. At half-past three an end was put to the discussion by the adjournment of the Committee.

ITALIAN WAR: ENGLISH AND FRENCH MEDIATION.

In Committee of Supply, on Wednesday, Mr. DISRAELI took the oppor- tunity presented by the proposal of a vote of 57,5001. for the expenses of the Foreign Secretary's department, to raise a discussion on the lately announced intention of this country to interfere jointly with France be- tween Austria and the Italian belligerent powers.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs could not complain that his department has been subjected to very frequent or lengthened discussions. During the past momentous session, only twice had the attention of the House been called to anything • connected with our external relations,—when an ancient ally of the country had claimed the fulfilment of a guarantee; and when the virtual representative of the Queen of England had been expelled the capital of one of the Queen's allies. The discussions had been conducted without acerbity; and even now, in discussing Italian affairs, Mr. Disraeli desired to avoid any personal reference to the very conspicuous exploits of the Lord Privy Seal, as he held the Government responsible for all that Lord Minto had done. Last autumn, Lord Minto set out on a very peculiar and somewhat roving mis- sion, to teach politics to the country in which Machiavelli was born. The princes of Italy were so ignorant as to require counsel on their own interests: it was ne- cessary to take a position in respect to them not taken by us towards any other potentates—to send a Cabinet Minister, perfectly familiar with the whole scope and scheme of her Majesty's Ministers on such subjects, and able to lay the foun- dation of future prosperity in the Italian peninsula. It is curious to compare the principal objects of this peculiar mission with results. Lord Minto was to induce Austria to forbear invasion of the Sardinian dominions. In that object Lord Minto was successful: it was Sardinia that invaded Austria. Crossing the Apennines, Lord Minto found himself engaged in delicate negotiation with a potentate whose name, in deference to Mr. Spooner, should be unmentioned; the object being to establish a diplomatic communication with his Holiness. Lord Minto succeeded: for, at the commencement of the session, no less a personage than the President of the Council, in breathless haste, brought into the House of Lords a bill to establish relations between the two courts; the House of Lords waived its forms, that so urgent a measure might proceed with unusual rapidity; but, alas! at the very moment that we resolved to revive communications with the Pope, he ceased to exist as a temporal prince; and the bill was suspended. Probably the last bulletins were more favourable; for now at the end of the session—now in the waning of the month of August— the measure introduced to the House of Lords in the month of February has stolen into a little legislative life. The King of the Two Sicilies invited Lord Minto to his dominions. The no- ble Lord had been starring it through the Italian States; and it was not surprising that after so successful a performance in Milan and Rome, he should be invited to exhibit at Naples. (Great laughter.) He laboured hard to support the legisla- tive union between the two Sicilies: his labours resulted in severing the political connexion.

It now appeared, that, not profiting by experience Lord Palmerston was about to mediate in Italy, in conjunction with another country. "Now, I think I am but making a legitimate inquiry of the noble Lord, if I ask him to inform the Com- mittee—first, what is to be the principle of this mediation? secondly, what is to be the nature of this mediation? and thirdly, what lathe end to be attained by this mediation? Is the principle to be political—to atop effusion of blood? or to ar- rest a state of things injurious to British merchants? Why, there is no effusion of blood to stop, and there are no commercial interests which require defence. Mediation on a political principle will be an easy task: the noble Lord will be guided by the doctrines of the law of nations and the stipulations of existing treaties; he will take down Vattel, and look to the treaties of Paris and Vienna; and when he finds the Emperor of Austria in possession, and peaceable possession, of the dominions which those treaties secured to him, and the King ot Sardinia also in possession of the dominions which those treaties secured to him—when he finds, as regards these two Powers, that there is no principle of public law which is at all in controversy, the noble Lord may shut his books, and his media- tion will be a nullity."

But it is inconceivable that so able and experienced a statesman could intend a course with such an issue: was he going again to mediate on the dangerous prin- ciple with which he sometimes plays—the sentimental principle of nationality? Such a course would be full of difficulties. "If it be necessary, on the sentimen- tal principle, that Lombardy should be in the possession of the Lombards, and that the presence of an Austrian should not be tolerated there, on what ground can you justify an arrangement by which the Austrians are to retain the whole of Venetia, a territory as extensive as Lombardy, and far more important? If the noble Lord is the disciple and preacher of the principle of nationality, and if upon that principle he is going to advise the Emperor of Austria to relinquish his do- minions in Lombardy, on what ground can he refuse to develop the idea com- pletely, and to recommend his Imperial Majesty to relinquish his whole hold on the Venetian territory? And how can the noble Lord be the preacher of the sen- timental principle of nationality in Lombardy, when in the North of Europe he is —as he is bound to do—defending the interests of Holland and Denmark against

invasion, founded u.pon and justified by this very same principle of nationality?" How would he act if Hungary claimed mediation—with its four races, the Ma- gyars, the Sclaves, the Germans, and Wallachs? "I wish to learn from her Ma- jesty's Ministers what is to be the principle of that mediation,—whether it is to be a political principle, founded upon the law of nations and the stipulations of

treaties; or upon this modern, newfangled, sentimental principle of nationality, which will lead to inextricable confusion, and difficulty, and danger." What are the means by which the mediation is to be carried into effect ? Is it to be an armed mediation? If so—Austria being in possession of her states, and

Sardinia of hers—war not being at this moment waged between the two sovereigns —an armed mediation would be an invasion; we should be securing peace by beginning war. If it is only to be a mediation of good offices, with what prospects of success should we, as friends of the Emperor' ask him to yield the dominions which he has held for three centuries, which he has regained by great sacrifices, and by the great valour of his troops, and which he perhaps never held with a firmer grasp than at this moment ? As to the end of mediation, what is to be done if Lombardy be relinquished by Austria ? Is it to be given to Charles Albert, in reward for his nocturnal attack on a neighbour; or to be erected into a weak independent state? Is it to be a kingdom or a republic; and ifs republic, what sort of republic? A Revolution- ary republic or a Conservative republic? a Red Republic or a White republic- & republic with a red cap, or a republic with a white feather?

The real object of the mediation is one that cannot be announced—it is to pre- vent an invasion of France by Italy. That is an event to be deprecated: but is it tprobable? France has no right to interfere in Italy; and in doing so she would violate every principle of public law, and every Italian treaty. It is not her in- terest to interfere. It must be confessed that our own conduct with regard to Naples would give France the colour and pretext of a precedent. But France has not now the slightest wish to invade Italy. Her only object is to force an occa- sion of giving to Europe an idea that there is " cordial cooperation" between the Cabinets of Paris and St. James's. And the harm of this is, that these forced occasions of cooperation have always been at the expense of the rights of third parties and independent sovereigns. A real concert between the two countries in European affairs is desirable, but not novel: for more than two-thirds of the past two hundred and fifty years, cordial understanding may have existed between the Governments: it was sanctioned by the sagacity of Elizabeth, the prudence and wisdom of Cromwell; by Bolingbroke and Walpole. But a forced and unreal co- operation can lead to no results but disasters. Lord Palmerston tried the system —which he was not to be taunted with, for it was the system of his predecessors —in 1830-32, under far more favourable circurnstancea than the present, in co- operation with a Sovereign who, whatever his errors, did sued in bridling for seventeen years the Jacobin tiger. Yet the system then ended in the tricolor floating over Ancona and Antwerp; in Spanish and Portuguese invasions, and Grecian revolt; in South American blockades, and the troubling of our commerce over all the Atlantic and Pacific waters.

It is the habit to speak of the French army crossing the Alps, as if it could be done on a summers day after an order by the telegraph. But what would an invasion really be. "To give France a chance of success, in the present position of Italy, she must cross the Alps with at least 100,000 men. She must do mach more than that: the very day she crosses the Alps with 100,000 men, she must advance an army not less numerous to the banks of the Rhine, to meet there the indignant spirit of Germany, forgetting in a moment all the nebulous mysticism of nationality' in the fervour of a real patriotism, and fierce with the fiery recol- lection of its desecrated hearths. She must meet more even than that Germany; she must meet Russia, at this moment not so powerful from her armies as from her moderation, her wisdom, and her justice. Every secondary power in Europe would be prepared under such circumstances to meet the traditionary outlaw of nations, engaged in a quarrel without law, without justice, without necessity. And how is France to send out these armies? How to meet these powerful foes? How is France to act in this frantic and illegal manner? What is her position at this moment, that enables her to send out these mighty hosts, to conquer the whole world in arms? She has 50,000 men guarding her metropolis; she has achieved a freedom upon paper, and it is secured in her streets by her artillery. She has 50,000 men encamped at Lyons. She has an army of occupation in every great city, under the plausible name of extraordinary garrisons." The noble Lord at the head of the Government lately spoke of the "powerful Government of France." The Government of France is powerful for this simple and-single reason—they have transferred the Government of Algiers to the streets of Paris. The Lord High Protector of Equality has recently executed a monster razzia on the fraternal multitude. But foreign aggression is another thing. If France moves the armies which she now possesses, she has the whole of her ur- ban population in revolt; if she increases those armies, the whole of her provin- cial population will rise against a Government of oppression. Torn by domestic factions, with an empty exchequer, a paralyzed credit, and a people without en- thusiasm, why are you to suppose that France is going to conquer the world, and why to prevent that are you going to sacrifice your allies?

The good course open to the noble Foreign Secretary is one which his abilities, knowledge, and courage, fully qualify him to adopt and succeed in; it is the one every Englishman should adopt. "Let him tell the world, that under his coun- sels England will maintain the principles of international law—will observe the stipulations of existing treaties—will not sanction any outrage of the rights of na- tions—will not counsel any of her allies to yield their legitimate interests in order to gratify the morbid vanity of an ill-regulated society." Then would Lord Pal- merston earn the sympathy of sovereigns and the trust of suffering nations, ra- ther than by attempting to regulate the world in a forced concert with the Ja- cobin system, which begins with fraternity and universal charity, and ends with assassination and universal spoliation. The Foreign Secretary might add to his own influence and to the greatness of his country. He might in this craven age vindicate the grandeur of public justice as a British Minister should do; for no bandit nations will cross mountains and invade capitals when they know that England is on the side of the law and ready to uphold it. "For, Sir, in public as Much as in private matters, I have seen enough to be convinced that in the long run nothing can withstand the majesty of law, the force of truth, and the inspira- tion of honour." (Much c)leering.) Lord PaLatonsrorr thankfully acknowledged the discreet forbearance which the House had shown in these matters; and admitted the legitimate right of Members to express their opinions, as'Mr. Disraeli had done, on the affairs which convulsed Europe.

The objects of Lord Minto's mission were, in some degree, those stated by Mr. Disraeli; whom, however, Lord Palmerston thought better informed in that respect than he would allow the House to infer from his speech. The facts were briefly these. Towards the end of the summer, in consequence of the altered policy of the newly-elected Pope, principles of reform and of administrative and constitutional improvement spread fast over the whole surface of Italy. Difficulties were experienced between the governments and the people in regard to the march which improvement should take; in no part of Italy more urgent difficulties than at Rome. It was intimated to Lord Palmerston, not publicly but still most authentically, that the Roman Government was anxious to have at Rome the presence of a confidential representative from this country, even in a private capacity, who, possessing the entire confidence of her Majesty's Government, and being experienced and in- formed upon matters of policy, might be referred to upon occasions of difficulty. Lord Minto was then just about to proceed to Italy, on his private account: he was designated as a member of this Government possessing its entire confidence —acting as its eye, ear, and mind, and able to take an independent course on any sudden emergency. A similar wish basing been expressed by other governments of Italy, the Earl of Minto carried letters accrediting him on a special mission to the Courts of Turin and Florence. His interference was not therefore by any means uncalled for. He obtruded his advice on nobody, and gave his counsel only when and where it was asked fin the removal of difficulties pointed out. On the one hand, he pointed out that governments might trust their people, and not fear to yield constitutional changes which were demanded: on the other hand, the most ardent reformers were counselled that their legitimate national objects would be best pursued by placing confidence in their governments, and by not urging constitutional changes too rapidly. At Turin, Florence, and Rome, .Lord

Minto was eminently successful: important changes in the institutions of those countries were made without convulsion or a disturbance of the harmony be_ tween the sovereigns and the people.

DITLOMAITC RELATIONS WITH ROME.

On Thursday, Lord PALMERSTON moved the second reading of the Diplomatic Relations with Rome Bill ; and explained its objects in a very brief speech. [Sir Robert Inglis said that, "by Shrewsbury clock," the speech lasted but nine minutes.] Doubts, and doubts only, have existed, whether,. upon the interpretation to be put upon words in ancient acts of Parliament, it is or is not lawful for the Sove- reign of this country to hold diplomatic intercourse with the Court of Rome. IThe chief doubt has arisen on the construction of the word " communion "; and upon the plain interpretation of that section of the law which prohibits the Sovereign of these realms from holding communion with the Court of Rome, it appears simply that the law requires the Sovereign to be of the Protestant religion. It has been deemed expedient to remove those doubts. It is impossible to imagine how diplomatic intercourse with Rome can shake the faith of the English Sove- reign, any more than the existing diplomatic intercourse with Mussulman courts, Soonee or &nab, has converted our Sovereign to Islamism. We have diplomatic relations with courts professing every form of religion, except the Roman Catholic modification of the Christian religion. Such exclusion, unless it were founded on substantial grounds, must hurt our interests. When Italy is covered with rail- ways in connexion with those of Germany and France, it will probably be desired that our Indian mails should pass through the Roman territory; but we shall be excluded from communications to make commercial arrangements and legalize the transit of our mails.

Mr. ANSTEY opposed the bill at some length. He contended that it was not necessary to seek any new authority for diplomatic communications with Rome on purely temporal affairs. The present laws are directed against the importation of bulls, &c., and the recognition or vindication of Papal authority; and that law it was which Ministers desired to break: they wanted to obtain not only the Monarchical but the Papal authority to govern or misgovern Ireland; and Mr. Anstey contended that any such use of the Papal influence would be impracticable and mischievous. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months.

The amendment was seconded by Mr. URQUHART. It was supported by Sir ROBERT INGLIS, on the ground that the bill was the first step towards being " reconciled " with Rome. He did not object to communication with any temporal ruler of Rome—Dictator, Triumvir, or Tribune—even if Rienzi were among them. The amendment was also supported by Mr. Lew, Mr. Narinn, Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER, Mr. FAG, and Mr. NEWDEGATE.

Lord JonN RUSSELL contended for the expediency of doing regularly and openly what is now done irregularly and circuitously; and bantered Sir Robert Inglis for Carbonaro sympathies with Rienzi. Lord John also explained the nature of a private letter to Archbishop Murray,' at which Sir Robert had glanced.

"Its substance was to inform Archbishop Murray, that Lord Clarendon had been considering the amendments in the proposed statutes of the Colleges which are not yet formed in Ireland; and that he hoped that those amendments would have the effect of removing the suspicion of many of the Roman Catholic clergy and laity that the Colleges would be of an irreligious character, and would tend to promote infidelity. The object of that letter no doubt was, that the Pope, Who had written to Ireland advising the Roman Catholics not to have anything to do with the Colleges, should consider those amendments, which might probably lead him to withdraw his censure. I remember when that plan was first proposed, my honourable friend lifted up his hands and said, 'Here is a gigantic scheme of god- less education!' That was his feeling as a Protestant. Some of the Roman Ca- tholic Bishops entertained the same objection. Was Lord Clarendon wrong, then, in endeavonnng to allay the fears which existed, and to render the Colleges use- ful to persons of all communities?"

"When we had under discussion in this House the admission of Jews into Par- liament, then we were all Christians together: Roman Catholics Presbyterians, and members of the Church of England, were all closely united: (Laughter.) There were none but the Jews who were to be excluded—who were unfit to be admitted into our brotherhood. (Laughter.) But the bill relating to the Jews having been got rid of, our dear and beloved brethren the Roman Catholics have gone back as far as ever from our communion, and we are no longer to treat them with that great kindness which was used towards them when the Jews were to be the objects of proscription and exclusion!" Mr. GLADSTONE could not refuse to affirm the principle of the bill, by voting for the second reading; but he desired to postpone it till next ses- sion; deeming the time unsuited to consider the question, when the Tope has so inopportunely been dividing the English territory into Archbishop- rics and Bishoprics.

The bill was supported by Mr. MOOB.E, Mr. MORGAN Joarr O'Coritotts and the Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY.

On a division, the second reading was carried, by 125 to 46; the bill to be committed on Wednesday next.

Twit ROYAL ASSENT was given, by commission, on Monday, to the Rum-duties Bill, the West India Islands Relief Bill, the Evicted Destitute Poor (Ireland) Bill, Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Bill, Public Works (Ireland) Bill, Law of Entails (Scotland) Bill, Windsor Castle and Town Approaches Improvement Bill, Regent's Quadrant Colonnade Bill, and many other public and private bills.

ELECTIONEERING USE OF OFFICIAL PATRONAGE. When the report of the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill was under consideration, on Thursday, Sir HENRY HALFORD complained that William Newby, brother of an elector who had voted for Mr. Dunn Gardner at Leicester, had been appointed, at that gen- tleman's recommendation, to be letter-carrier between Market Harborough and Kelworth. [Mr. Gardner has been unseated for bribery.] Sir GuARLES Boo- MILL complained of the distribution of Post-office patronage at Shoreham. Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND found that he too had a grievance: he recommended ajar- son for the vacant post at Leicester, and received just such an answer from Lord Clanricarde as he expected. He 13;41 always voted with Ministers when they were right; but their usual supporters voted with them when they were wrong, and that was the reason why the just claims of Sir Henry lialford and himself were over- looked. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that at the time of the appointment, Lord Clanricarde was ignorant of Mr. Gardner's having been unseated for bribery. If Sir Henry Halford meant to lay down this rule—that after a gentleman had been unseated on the ground of bribery through his agents, the Post-office, being aware of the circumstance, ought not to attend to his recommendations, Lord John entirely concurred with him. If, on the other hand, Sir Henry meant to say that the Postmaster-General was not to take the recommendation of any Member for borough, but must attend only to the recommendations of his political enemies, Lord John begged leave to dissent from that proposition. Mr. Tor/fgt.!, said, it was very difficult to find respectable persons willing to fill the Post-office situations. Mr. NEWDEGATE, as whipper-in for a party in that House, would have DO diffi- culty in assisting Mr. Tuthell, as far as the appointment of Conservatives was concerned. DERBY Warr. On Thursday, Mr. Nownzaart moved the issue of the writ for Derby. Lord Joust RUSSELL objected to the issue of the writ, until the

Corrupt Practices Bill should have been disposed of; and moved the adjourn- ment of the debate till Wednesday. After a short discussion, the House divided, and the adjournment was carried, by 85 to 43.

CHARGES AGALNST THE MILITARY IN IRELAND. On Thursday, Mr. Datum made complaints respecting the conduct of certain officers. He repeated some charges against General Macdonald, of using violent language and threats at Thurles, when Mr. Smith O'Brien was arrested,—holding a pistol to the head of entleman, &c. Sir GEORGE GREY made an explanation which showed the ore foundation for these rumours. General Macdonald sent Captain Mackenzie to the Thurles station, to order a train for the conveyance of Mr. Smith O'Brien, and to stop any other trains from starting for Dublin, in order to prevent unto- ward excitement on the route. Captain Mackenzie found a mail-train ready to start; and the guard refused to stop until the captain presented a pistol at him: within five minutes Mr. O'Brien was forwarded by that very train. Mr. yeller also complained that Colonel Taylor encamped with a body of soldiers in his private grounds. Mr. Fox bleur-E read an account from Colonel Taylor, which was diametrically opposed to Mr. Maher's story. Mr. Maher said that there were 800 or 1.000 men, within thirty yards of the house: Colonel Taylor said there were 571 Of all ranks; they were encamped in a field that was shut out from the house by a screen of trees; the steward made no objection, but offered Colonel Taylor personal accommodation in the house, which was declined— and stabling for the horses, which was accepted. The matter dropped without result.

TEE ENGINE-DRIVERS QUARREL. On Monday, in reply to Mr. THonriEur, Mr. GLYN stated that adequate provision had been made on the North-western Railway to conduct the service of that line without the engine-drivers who are in collision with the company; and that the movement of the men had been dictated to them by a club in the North of England, which had also ordered other mem- bers in the North to resign their present situations. OMITTED CANADIAN CORRESPONDENCE. On Monday, before going into Committee of Supply, Lord GEORGE BENTDICK moved SR address to the Crown, requesting that the Earl of Elgin be directed to transmit forthwith copies of omitted correspondence between the Provincial Secretary and the Secretary of the Montreal Board of Trade. Lord Joins RUSSELL opposed the address in this shape, as implying undeserved censure on Lord Elgin: but there was no objection to produce the required correspondence, and it will be presented when it arrives. The motion was negatived.

SLAVERY IN THE East.. Before going into a Committee of Supply on Wed- nesday afternoon, Mr. URQUHART moved, "That from the correspondence laid upon the table of this House in reference to the suppression of the slave-trade in Mussulman countries, it appears that her Majesty's servants have adopted pro- ceedings calculated to aggravate the horrors of the traffic, and to alienate from this country the good-will of the Governments and nations so interfered with." He contended that slavery in the East is mild; that it cannot be abolished with- out dissolving the framework of society; and that therefore Persia cannot abolish slave-dealing. Lord PALMERSTON admitted the difference between Eastern and Western slavery: but the horrors of the Eastern and Western trade in slaves are identical; and our efforts for its abolition have made great progress. It is already abolished in Tunis, in the Eastern seas, in the dominions of Muscat, and in the Arab territories on the Persian gulf; and Persia has fulfilledher pledge to abolish the trade. Tunis has abolished slavery itself. The motion was negatived with- out division.

MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA. On Monday, in replying to Lord DUDLEY STUART, Lord PALMERST'ON stated that he relied on the accuracy of the report which represented the Russian corps that had entered Moldavia, as now having retired or being about to retire. Their entry had been made at the request of the Hospodar of the province. No troops had entered Wallachia.