NEWS OF THE WEEK.

Amin the furor of forwarding bills in time for the prorogation, the conduct of Ministers has been debated in Parliament with unusual perseverance and diversity of subject. Ireland and the official relations with the Repeal Association have come under discussion. The occasion was the Committee in the House of Lords on the bill to continue and amend the acts for the suppression of unlawful oaths in Ireland. The Earl of Shrewsbury began, with a natural and well-expressed demand for

"remedial measures," and a specific reference to the Protestant

Establishment in Ireland, as an institution invidious for its dis- proportionate wealth in reference to the statistics of religious opi- nion in that country. He did not ask for spoliation of the Pro- testant Church, but for its reconstruction, and for the facili- ties towarfla endowing the Roman Catholic Church without

burdening the State. Lord Shrewsbury's claims, however just in themselves and moderate in expression, were felt to be out of time ; and the discussion passed to other topics. Lord Glengall tested the sincerity of the Government in discouraging agitation, by proposing a clause enabling the Executive to put down any association dangerous to the public peace ; the general proposition being levelled at the Repeal Association. This extracted from Lord

Lansdowne a statement that the Repeal Association is no longer in existence, with an intimation that if it were revived it probably mould be put down ; Ministers holding that they have already suf- ficient powers for such a purpose. The President of the Council speaks in a manner very different from that of his colleague the First Lord of the Treasury, who recognized the legitimacy of as- sociation for repeal of the Union. Besides being a man of a more

direct understanding and more independent of gossiping criti-

cisms, Lord Lansdowne is under no necessity of acting a part to curry favour in the theatre of the Commons. On the assurance of Ministers, and by the advice of the Duke of Wellington, Lord Glengall withdrew his clause : but surely Parliament ought not to separate without ascertaining beyond a doubt that the Lord- Lieutenant really does possess discretionary powers sufficient for any purpose of orderly government.

The Lords have waived their amendments on the Public Health Bill, not without strong expressions of regret at the perversity of

the Commons. And so the bill has become an act, and we have a

law of public health, such as it is. But the cholera approaches, without our possessing any sort of security that the most effective means will be used to check and miti,gate the progress of the evil :

all we have is a feeble law, with a totally inadequate machinery. The reason why we are debarred from having a better law is plain : Lord Ellenboroug,h said truly, that the bill had not the

support of an united Cabinet in the Commons. It is " on/y Lord Morpeth's measure " ; and although Lord Morpeth is a man of very benevolent intentions, enjoying much personal regard for

his bonhommie, as a member of the Government he is of no im- portance. The duties of his office, indeed, have become of first- rate importance; but Lord Morpeth's progress in political life has

been in the inverse direction. Amid the difficulties that beset a feeble Government, the feeblest of its departments must go to the wall, and cannot be expected to produce any but feeble measures. A new spirit of scrutiny, more in accordance with "constitu- tional" traditions, exhibits itself in Committee of Supply : Mr.

Hume is no longer the isolated being that he was, but is imitated by. a host of Members on all sides, who—often, it must be allowed, With more zeal than mastery of the subject—demand to know the

rights of all the votes. The newborn curiosity has received a useful impulse from the detection of Ministers in a shabby act of Patronage. Sir Charles Trevelyan, as officer of the Treasury, was

very-active in administering the funds for relief of the Irish, and Ministers rewarded him ostensibly with the new chfil order of the Bath; not ostensibly, they also rewarded him with a good round sum of 2,5001., paid out of a fund called "Civil Con-

tingencies." The theory of that fund is, that it is intrusted to Ministers as a supply of cash in case the Estimates should fall short ; but they are now found out in giving it away to favoured

servants. No one denies that Sir Charles Trevelyan earned re- ward; but it is observed that the exertions of overworked subordi- nates are not recognized in any proportionate degree ; that Whig favourites are particularly lucky ; and that, merited.Or net, the re- ward was given in a clandestine way, as if to evade notice. On a subsequent day, Ministers were called to account fArAlteir disposal of the lower places in the Post-office; and Lord John Russell avowed an opinion that patronage of the kind may be

distributed in favour of Parliamentary supporters. In fact, the places of postmasters and letter-carriers are sometimes intrusted to persons so unfit by ignorance or irregular habits as to inflict a

nuisance on the public. We have heard of postmasters who could not even read! But what is to be expected, if such places

are given as rewards for the bangers-on of election-agents ? Mr.

Tufnell had the face to say that it is difficult to find respectable persons willing to accept places under the Post-office: does he affect to ignore the multitudes of persons, in every way respect- able, whom the hardness of the times makes willing to accept any situation? Perhaps Mr. Tufnell means it to be taken for granted that his peculiar difficulty is occasioned by the limiting of his choice to the Whig connexion ? From the Treasury to the village post-office the rule is the same—public patronage and public pay converted to party purposes and private profit. Abroad, the conduct of Ministers has been called in question by Mr. Disraeli, in one of his most brilliant and lea-st practical orations. As an essay, full of striking antithesis and happy turns of expression, it surprises you out or many an admiring smile ; but as the suggestion of practical statesmanship it is not very co-

gent. Disraeli was witty on the inviting subject of Lord Minto's

roving commission to go about Europe advising any princes that wanted constitutional teaching; and described the worthy Earl

as uniformly producing results the very opposite of those which he sought : he condemned the present mediation in Italy, as too late ; and deprecated the special accord with France, as superero-

gatory, since France cannot go to war, and her alliance is not useful. To all these positions he gave a colour by the play of his fancy. The unwonted foil of an autag,onist more playful and less

substantial than himself, imparted to Lord Palmerston's reply an

unusual air of sobriety and force. He showed that Lord Minto's expedition, open as it was to easy ridicule, had not failed of its own fault, but had been defeated by circumstances, and had ten- ded to peace; that France is neither so helpless nor so useless as Mr. Disraeli described her; and that, in spite of the untoward

events in Italy, the joint mediation of England and France may yet produce beneficial and peaceful results. In short, by favour of Mr. Disraeli's adroit antagonism, Lord Palmerston was enabled to cut a very respectable figure. It was the cunning pupil, task- ing his skill, not to defeat but to show off the great master of fence; it was the courtier playing at chess with the king; and it is bard if clearsighted Lord Palmerston does not think Mr. Dis- raeli, with one exception, the cleverest man at diplomatics in the whole of Europe—the shrewdest, the adroitest, the man of the justest appreciation—the most opposite in every respect to a David Urquhart.

Lord Palmerston has also, at last, presented for its second reading the bill, passed in haste by the Lords some five or six mouths ago, to permit diplomatic relations with Rome. The Foreign Secretary was again fortunate in his antagonists—though not by their good-will—for they were Mr. Anstey and Mr. Urquhart. Sir Robert Inglis is used up on that subject, and as harmless as a discharged gull. So, with a nine-minutes speech, no reasons, and very few pretexts, Lord Pahnerston jauntily carried his hilt through its critical stage ; leaving it to the poor Premier to sup- ply a few serious arguments for form's sake.