Eirbatrd ant prottitingl itt ParTianurnt.

1. COMMUTATION OF TITHES.

The Ministerial plan for the Commutation of Tithes was introduced to the House of Commons on Tuesday, by Lord ALTHOltl'. His Lordship forgot that it was necessary to move that the House should go into Committee ; and was proceeding with his speech, when he was reminded by Mr. Stanley of this preliminary motion. The order of the day was then read, the Speaker left the Chair, and Lord Althorp proceeded. He said that it was agreed on all bands that the tithes did not belong to the landlords ; and he should also take it for granted, in accordance with the opinion of the majority of the House, that there ought to be an Established Church, and that the property of the Esta- blishment was not larger than it required. As the owners of land had purchased or inherited it subject to the deduction of one tenth, of course they could not equitably deprive the possessors of this tenth without giving them a fair equivalent for it. It might be said, that a plan which secured the tithe-owner an equivalent would not relieve the tithe-payer. He held a different opinion. In the plan he should pro- pose, the irritation consequent on the present mode of collection would be got rid of. Relief would also be given to the owners and occupiers of land who had expended capital in improving it, and whose tithe might now be taken in kind, very much to their injury. The labourers also would be benefited by the alteration he intended to recommend ; for it

i

was well known, that in most instances more labour would be employed on land, if it were not for the certainty, that in proportion to the pro- ductiveness of that land, there would be more tithe to pay. When he spoke of giving an equivalent, he did not mean a full equivalent for the present amount of tithe ; but he would go upon the scale of what was the customary payment in making the composition. The value of tithe was enhanced or diminished by such a variety of circumstances,—such as distance from or proximity to a market-town, the mode of cultivation, &c.—that it would be a matter of extreme difficulty to get at the actual legal value, and the best way was to take the ordinary value. The prin- ciple of his measure, then, was this. The tithe should bear a fixed pro- portion to the rent of land ; that is, if the rent rose, the tithe should rise; if the rent fell, the tithe also should lx diminished in the like pro- portion. He would take the general value of the land, and would make the tithe payable by the owner not the occupier. There would be no necessity, except in a few cases, for an actual valuation of the land, as the rent paid for it would be a good criterion of its value. In some instances, however, he was aware that this principle could not fairly be acted upon, and the tithe should not depend upon the rent. There ought to be a distinction between pasture and arable land, or hind which had been broken up more than five years. A larger amount should be given for arable than for pasture land. It might be said, that his plan gave an unfair advantage to the owners of poor land, where the tithe bore a greater proportion to the rent than the good land : but when the bill should be in the hands of members, they would, he hoped, be satisfied that such was not the case. He had made diligent inquiries in all parts' of the country, but the answer he had received did not furnish him with the means of fixing any scale for the apportionment of tithe, founded upon the amount of rent actually payable. He had ascertained, how- ever, that the proportions which the tithe bore to the rent were exceed- ingly various ; and in many instance, the operation of a plan generally supposed to be equitable—that of applying the same rule to all—would produce a reduction or increase in the amount paid for tithe of 25 per cent. His plan was to have all the lands in the various parishes valued, by separate valuators for each county; the object of such valuations being to ascertain the amount of rent and value of tithes in each dis- trict, distinguishing lay from ecclesiastical impropriations. The sums of these payments should be laid before the Magistrates at Quarter- sessions ; who would determine the proportion the tithe bore to the rent, and what proportion of the burden should be laid upon arable, and what upon pasture land. Hop lands would be considered as arable land. By this plan, the lenient tithe-owner would not suffer, and the harsh col- lector of his dues would not gain, as would have been the case had the measure of last session been persevered in. Existing rights tinder mo- doses would not be .uterfered with : each individual modus would be the subject of a separate calculation. The disadvantage of a fixed annual payment would be got rid of by his present proposition ; which was a very material improvement on the measure of last year, for eventually such fixed annual payments might absorb the whole value of the land. He would also give tithe-payers the right to reedeem the tithe by a payment equal to twenty-five years' purchase on the annual value, and would thus give every facility for preventing the injurious operation of tithe upon the investment of capital. The sums paid in redemptiomof clerical tithes would clearly be clerical property; and he would place them at the disposal of a clerical commission, composed of the Bishop of the diocese and such other Commissioners as he might appoint, for the purpose of investing them in land and securities for the benefit of the incumbent of the parish to which they belonged. In order to faci- litate redemption, the tithe-payers might render the amount stipulated for an incumbrance on their properties, like a mortgage, bearing interest at four per cent., redeemable at the option of the borrower, but not liable to be foreclosed by the mortgagee. 1Vhen it was difficult to as- certain the lawful owner of the tithe, the money might be paid into the

Exchequer, to be drawn thence by the party who should prove his title to it. A similar measure to the one he propesed, had worked well in Scotland ; though it was there less advantageous to the landowner than

the one he now proposed. In Scotland, the great feudal proprietors possessed themselves of the tithes of the lay impropriators, to whom one-fifth of the rent was payable. These tithes were redeemable at nine years' purchase. He was anxious to relieve the Quakers from the payment of tithes, but did not see how he could do it. Lord Althorp apologized for the very imperfect manner in which he had laid before the House his views on this extremely difficult, complicated, and important subject ; and concluded with moving the two following resolutions.

"First, That the coll2etion of tithes in England and Wales shall cease and deter mine. That, instead of tithes, the owners of tithe land shall pay a fixed proportion tn (of) the annual value thereof to the tithe.owner ; and that such proportion shall be as- cert.med in the several counties.

" Secondly. That all parties liable to such tithe may redeem the same by the pay- ment of a sum of money equal to twenty.five years' purchase."

Mr. ALEXANDER BARING inquired if the income of the clergy was to be subject to poor-rates?

Lord ALTHORP said, that as rent was a payment minus the poor- rates, and the commuted payment for tithe would be calculated on the rent, it would be obviously unjust to reduce it still further by a rate to the poor ; for that would be making the clergy pay the rate twice over.

Mr. BARING resumed. Ile was ready to agree to the resolutions pro forma; but would postpone giving an opinion on the subject till the bill was before them, and he had had time to examine it.

It might not be difficult to point out objections to any plan that might be submitted ; but feeling, as every body must feel, the extreme importance of set- tling this question, he hoped that gentlemen would nut be very nice in looking at a measure which, whether they regarded it in a moral point of view, or in reference to its religious operation, or to its probable results on the agricultural interests of the country, was of the utmost and extremest importance.

Mr. GREENE asked if rectorial and vicarial tithes were to be put on the same footing? How would they arrange the proportions to be paid to the lay rector and the vicar?

Lord ALTHORP said, nothing would be more easy than to determine the proportions. By agreeing to the resolutions, no one would be pledged to support the bill.

Mr. HARVEY thought the measure a very complex one. The ma- chinery required would be complicated and expensive. The measure,

he feared, would be shipwrecked by its own honesty. All would be disappointed, for no one would be much benefited by it. To redeem tithes at twenty-five years' purchase, would be a dear bargain for the landowner. He was sorry that nothing was to be done with the sur- plus. The reports of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners would deter- mine the fact of whether or not the property of the Church was too great for its necessities.

Sir ROBERT PEEL did not see how Lord Altborp could release him from the obligation under which be should be placed by agreeing to the

resolutions. He was as much bound by his assent to these, as to any other resolutions. If the House were not to be bound by these reso- lutions, why insert any details in them. It would have been much better to have simply moved that leave be given to bring in a bill to commute tithes in England and Wales. The resolutions were vague, and in no way affirmed the principle of Lord Althorp's measure : they effected nothing.

There were several points which required much consideration and explana- tion. What connexion was there between the payment of tithes and the territo-

rial division of the kingdom into counties? Let the House consider what the consequences of this arrangement must be. He would venture to say, that the practice with respect to the payment of tithes would be found to be different in

different counties and different parishes of the same county. In some, the pro- portion which the tithe bore to the rent was very much larger than in others; for instance, it was considerably higher in Devonshire and Kent than in some other counties: yet the effect of the present biU would be to fix in those counties theproportion for ever.

The distinction between great and small tithes appeared to have been overlooked by Lord Althorp.

Did he mean that land subject to small tithes within a county should here- after pay a contribution on the average of the land subject to great tithes? He

should also like to know how he proposed to act with respect to the case where

the title to tithes was contested. Supposing the question should arise whether milk was subject to tithes, in what way was the dispute to be settled? Lord

Althorp said, that under the proposed plan the clergy were not to be liable to the payment of poor -rates; and, as the money paid for the redemption of tithes might be employed in the purchase of land, Sir Robert concluded that on the same principle the land so purchased would be exempted from the poor-rates. In this case, it would be clearly the interest of the clergy to buy land subject to the heaviest poor-rates. Under these circumstances, he thought that much

objection might be felt to giving to the Church the possession of land at present subject to the poor-rates, but from which it would be exempted on being trans- ferred to the Church.

Sir Robert wished that more encouragement should be given to the vo- luntary commutation of tithe. If an Ecclesiastical Corporation, with the Bishop at its head, were established in each county for the purpose of receiving and investing money paid for the redemption of tithe, he thought a great deal would be done in that way.

Lord ALTHORP made some observations in reply to Sir Robert Peel ; but in so very indistinct a tone, that the reporters could scarcely

catch their purport. He admitted that his resolutions were vague ; and he had no objection to amend them. He then moved the following in the place of those first proposed.

" ust it is expedient to effect the commutation of tithes, and to abolish the pay- ment • d' tithes in kind, throughout England and St, ales ; and in lieu thereof to substitute neth.. oymet.t to be made to the parties entitled to tithes ; and that the power of vxlemptuel .hould be granted to the payers of tithes at a certain number of years'

purchase."

Sir ROBERT Incurs much preferred them to the first resolutions.

Mr. HUME objected to the measure, as being very complicated. He recommended that the plan used in Belgium and Prance, of surveying

every field and recording its value in the Cadastre, should be adopted.

It was impossible to say whether the Clergy were or were not too well paid, in the absence of the information that would be furnished by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. The making the amount of tithe vary with the value of land, would operate, he feared, as a bar to all improve- ment.

Lord ALTHORP replied, that if any gentleman wished to improve his land by the expenditure of capital, he might redeem his tithe. As to the plan of voluntary commutation, he was convinced it would not remove the grievances complained of.

Sir ROBERT PEEL did not require that the commutation should be voluntary on the part of every individual; for supposing that within any

district a certain number of individuals, respectable in point of property and numbers, agreed to a commutation, he would make their resolution binding on the remainder ; and if within a period of two years no volun- tary commutation should be effected, then let the Government try the compulsory plan.

Dr. Lorain/G.1.os, as one of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, ex- pressed his regret that their report had not been made ; and described the difficulty they met with in obtaining correct information.

Mr. PARROTT approved, on the whole, of Lord Althorp's plan.

Colonel WOOD remarked, that perhaps Lord Althorp was not aware that upwards of 2,300, about one-sixth of the total amount of parishes, had already commuted under different enclosure acts upon parochial valuations and if the same course were not adopted with respect to the remaining parishes, the principal source of evil would remain—the small tithes, which brought the Clergy mainly into angry collision with the parishioners, would never be satisfactorily met by a county valuation.

Mr. BLAMIRE, Mr. FRYER, Sir E. KNATCHBULL, and Mr. ROLFE, expressed approbation of the plan.

Sir T. FREMANTLE thought it would be very desirable that new arrangements should be made from time to time, in order that it might be regulated in some degree according as rents had risen ur fallen.

Lord ALTHORP intended, that when the tithe-rate of the county was once established, it should never be altered ; or if the value of any par- ticular portion of land materially altered, and its rent was not considered a fair valuation, the tithe-receiver might demand a new valuation, but entirely at his own expense.

Sir ROBERT PEEL asked, if land, in consequence of its vicinity for instance to a railroad, or from some other fortunate circumstance, very much accidentally increased in value from being worth perhaps 50s., an acre to 50/., whether the tithe would be increased in proportion ? Lord ALTHORP said, that in that case a new valuation might be made.

Mr. JERVIS observed, that no reference was made in the plan to the tithes on eggs, pigs, and wages, which bore heavily on the poor.

Ile also objected to the mode of ascertaining the average. A parish—tray, even a field—night be in more than one county; and in that case, owing to the parish or the field being so situated, the landowner might have to pay a different amount of tithe for laud which was liable to the same burdens.

Mr. AGLIONBY said, it would not do to vest land in perpetuity in the Church ; for the Clergy, who had only a life interest in it, would never lay out money in necessary improvements.

The last resolutions, after some additional remarks from Sir T. FREMANTLE, were then agreed to ; and ordered to be reported on Thursday.

On that day, the report was brought up and agreed to ; and a bill for the Commutation and Redemption of Tithes in England and Wales, was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday, the 15th of May.

2. AMENDMENT OF THE POOR LAWS.

Lord ALTHORP, on Thursday, called the attention of the House to the evils of the existing system of Poor-laws, and the Government plan for removing them. He dwelt at some length on the misery and de- gradation which the bad administration of the Poor-laws had entailed upon the labouring classes, and the ruin which in many places had fallen upon the owners and occupiers of land, from the same cause. Ile attributed much of the evil to the introduction of the allowance system. in the thirty-sixth year of George the Third. A measure was then passed by the Legislature which authorized the Magistracy to order out-door relief to the able-bodied. This was done with the best and kindest motives ; but it had proved a curse, not a benefit, to the poor, and had laid so heavy a burden on many parishes, that they were actu- ally deserted by all who had any thing to lose. The evils of the system were notorious, but it was difficult in the extreme to find out satisfac- tory and practicable means of remedying them. Committee after Com- mittee had inquired into the subject ; but their Reports contained opinions rather than facts. It was therefore deemed necessary, as a preliminary step to the introduction of a legislative measure, to empower a Commission to collect facts, to inquire into the actual working of the system in all its varieties. This had been done ; and the result was, that the Commissioners had made a most able and useful Report—a Report which enabled Government to propose with confidence a bill for the amendment of the Poor-laws. Lord ALTHORP then proceeded to detail the principal features of the plan. He proposed to establish a Central Board, in which large discretionary powers should be vested. It should be the duty of this Board to carry into effect the resolutions of the Legislature, to introduce sound principles and the fruits of expe- rience into the administration of the Poor-laws. On one important point, however, he did not mean to give them discretionary power : a day would be fixed in the bill on which the allowance system should cease. That day would be one in the middle of summer next year, when the agricultural population would be full of employment. The effects which would result from the abolition of the allow- ance system would be highly beneficial to the comfort and cha- racter of the labourer; and he did not anticipate that distress would ensue from the withdrawal of the parochial assistance, because now the labourer considered that it was only a part of his wages which he would then have to look for to his employer, who would only pay the money in a different way. An uniformity of system would be established throughout the country. The Central Board would have the power of making rules for the regulation of parishes, districts, and workhouses, throughout the country; those rules to be submitted to the Home Sec- retary forty days before they were put into practice. The Board would also be empowered to form unions of parishes ; to classify pau- pers in different or the same workhouses ; to suggest to the different parishes the propriety of adding to their present, or building new work- houses, or hiring them. He meant to propose that the owners as well as occupiers of land should have votes in the Vestries; which was but equitable, when large sums were to be voted for permanent objects, such as emigration, or the building of workhouses. Justices of the Peace would no longer be permitted to give orders for out-door relief. This would bring the law back to the state in which it was prior to 1796. An important alteration would be made in the law of settle- ment : he would do away with every mode of acquiring settlement ex- cept by birth or marriage. Children should follow the settlement of their parents till the age of sixteen. Several advantages would be gained by this simplification of the system. Farmers would not be de- terred from hiring labourers by the fear of saddling their parish with the support of them and their families. The labourers would go where their labour was most wanted and best remunerated. The expenses of litigation, which swallowed up so much annually, would in a great measure be avoided. In case of removals, he intended that no removal should take place until previous notice had been given to the parish au-. thorities who were to receive the pauper, together with a statement of the grounds upon which they were required to receive him ; and in case of appeal to the Sessions, no points should be raised except those mentioned in the notice or statement. With regard to the Bas- tardy-laws, he proposed that in future the mother should be held liable to the support of the child, just as a pauper widow ; and that the putative father should not be subject to imprisonment, or punishment, or expense of any kind, at the instance of the parish, though the mother would retain her claim to compensation for any injury she could prove she had sustained, in the same way as in other eases. Lord Althorp thought a vast deal of perjury and vice would be prevented by this al- teration, and it would also put a stop to the demoralizing practice of imprisoning the putative fathers, often the finest young men in the country, among thieves and vagabonds, upon the mere oath of the mother, if, as was generally the case, they could not gisss security for maintenance of the child. He concluded by expressing his conviction, that this measure would raise the labourer from the condition of a pau- perized slave to that degree of independence for which he was once proverbial. He knew that Ministers exposed themselves to the oppo- sition of those who pretended to be the friends of the labouring poor ; but he would fearlessly assert that the measure was designed and well calculated principally to benefit that portion of the population. Ile then moved for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the laws for the relief of the Poor in England and Wales. Lord Althorp sat down amidst loud cheers from all sides of the House.

The measure, as detailed by Lord Althorp, appeared to give very general satisfaction. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND, Colonel TORRENS, Mr. E. BULWER, Mr. Hi CIE, Mr. WARD, Mr. SLANEY, Mr. P. SCROPE, Sir T. FREMANTLE, and other Members (all of whom, owing to the noise in the House, were very indistinctly beard), gave the mo- tion very hearty support.

Mr. RICHARDS regretted that nothing was done for Ireland. Sir S. Wiessi.Ex thought that the alteration in the Bastardy-laws would be in- jurious. Colonel Woon also was of opinion that it bore too hard upon the woman. But upon the whole, these Members also approved of the plan.

In reply to a question from Sir T. FREMANTLE, Lord ALTIIORP said, that an improved method of keeping parochial accounts would be established ; and in reference to an observation by Sir S. WHALLEY, he said that there would be no interference with well-regulated parishes, whose example would be followed. He returned his cordial thanks to the "louse for the approbation it had bestowed on the measure. After an observation by Sir CHARLES BURRELL that the evidence given be- fore the Commissioners was cx parte, and that the plan would fail un- less parishes were allowed to employ extra labour as they saw fit, the discussion was closed, and the bill was brought in. It was read a first time last night ; to be read a second time on Monday week.

3. CHURCH PATRONAGE IN SCOTLAND.

Earl Gars presented petitions in the House of Lords, on Monday, from several places in Scotland for the abolition of the present system of Church patronage ; but said, that although he presented the peti- tions, he did not think himself bound to support their prayer.

The Earl of llosEusaav presented several petitions of the same tenor. He admitted the strong feeling which existed in Scotland on this subject ; but was not prepared to overturn, by a legislative enact- ment, the present system of patronage. The General Assembly had the power to make a satisfactory arrangement ; it would meet next month, and he hoped the public mind in Scotland would be more directed towards that body than to any other medium whatever for brinpiug this very interesting question to a satisfactory result.

In these remarks of Lord ROSEBERRY, the Earl of HADDINGTON concurred ; and the petitions were laid on the table.

4. NATIONAL EDUCATION.

In moving for returns of the charities and schools supported by charitable contributions, on Wednesday, Lord BROUGHAM took oc- casion to speak at length on the subject of national education, and the means of providing it. He defended himself from the imputation of having slackened in his zeal for the diffusion of knowledge among all classes, because he had not since his accession to office pressed the bill which in 1818 he had introduced into the House of Commons. Since that time he had been attentively watching the progress of schools founded and supported by voluntary contributions ; and their increase had been so great as to render it extremely doubtful in his mind whether it would be wise for Government to interfere by establishing a com- pulsory system. It was to be feared that men who were compelled to pay a rate would drop their voluntary subscriptions, and thus on the whole, evil, not improvement, might be the result. Since 1818, the number of scholars in England had increased in the proportion of 16 to 7. In Bedfordshire, there were only 136 schools and 3980 scholars in 1818; but it appeared by the returns made to the House of Com- mons on the motion of Lord Kerry, that now there were 244 schools and 5632 scholars. In Manchester, in 1818, there were 15 dayschools, attended by 2628 children; now there were 216 schools attended by more than 10,000 children. These statements had reference to day schools only; but if Sunday schools were included, the increase would be found to be much greater. Lord Brougham thought that Parlia- ment had acted very wisely in making the two grants of 20,000/. ; and he hoped that a like sum would be voted to aid in the establishment of Normal Schools, where masters might be instructed. He hoped that something would be done to give education a sound and substantial character; which it would not possess if left to depend on casual sup- port. Besides, a generation might arise which " knew not Joseph "- (The Chronicle observes that Mr. Hume Was standing at the lower end of the House]—he meant, a generation which had a greater regard for that petty and mean economy which sacrificed every thing to the in- terests of the moment. At the same time, he was utterly averse to the establishment of such a system of education as the one which existed in Prussia, and which he deemed the very worst that could be introduced into this country. Lord Brougham then spoke of the amount of charitable funds; which he said, notwithstanding all the abuses of their administration, were worth 800,000/. per annum ; and if the property was made the most of, were at least worth from 1,200,0001. to 1,500,0001. These funds were not in many instances ap-

plied to the purposes for which they were originally intended. In some cases they had been very properly diverted, as in those of the Foundling and Small-pox Hospitals. There were others where the Trustees found their own interest in administering the funds according to the express instruction of the original donors, but which were productive

when so administered of public mischief. He seriously warned all such as persevered in this practice, that the Legislature would be com- pelled to interfere, and oblige them to pursue a different and wiser course. He then moved for the returns before mentioned.

The Earl of Massisseumr objected to the establishment of Normal Schools. Men qualified to instruct would always be found in the Cen- tral National Schools.

Lord WYNFORD said, that Lord Brougham should not have made his strong cx parte statements against the Trustees of certain charities

without notice. He talked of the munificence of individuals who had endowed charities ; but by whom, he would ask, had this munificence been displayed, but by that body of men who had lately been so much vilified—the Clergy of the Church of England ? He 'believed that to interfere with the system now existing would produce more evil than good.

Lord BROUGHAM said, he never intended to act in this matter without communicating, with the Trustees of the Charities. Ile knew that many of these Trustees only desired to be invested with the power of abandoning the letter of the bequest, in order to act up to its spirit. There was an instance of this at Wakefield or Leeds (he did not know which),

where there were charitable funds devoted to the maintenance of a grammar- school ; • but as the law had declared that a grammar-school meant a place where

Latin, Greek, and Hebrew are taught—but not English nor Arithmetic—the Trustees had not the power of teaching these more useful accomplishments with- out the aid of the law.

Lord Wynford was wrons in calling the Clergy the exclusive founders of the charities of this kingdom. He did not deny that they had done much, had sacrificed much time and money in establishing schools.

He gave credit to the Church and the Clergy for their efforts in aid of educa- tion. -But there was another body of clergy too, which Lord Wynford had

entirely overlooked. What did he think of the sects of the country—of the number, the intelligence, and the liberality of the Dissenters? They were great coadjutors in the work of education, and by their contributions had increased the means of education for the people. They had spent money which was their own, and they had the more merit in spending, as they had the less to spend.

Where the clergy, who had 3,0001. or 4,000/. a year, spent 30/., they who had only 800/. or 400!. a year spent 31. or 41. ; and he gave them as much credit in their humble sphere for their zealous and charitable and pious and liberal ex- pending of their thousands, us for the equally zealous and charitable expending by the Clergy of the Established Church of their millions ; and he did not know why the efforts of the Dissenters should be passed over in silence while they strained their throats to celebrate the munificence of the Clergy of the Estab- lished Church.

Who but the Dissenters had begun these efforts for education ? Bell and Lancaster might be regarded as the champions of two sides, but it was Lancaster who deserved all the credit of inventing the system of writing on sand and of mutual instruction by monitors. In this instance the Dissenters had merit.

The British and Foreign School Society in 1810—quorion pars minima fuit —was composed chiefly of Dissenters. There was the Duke of Kent, whose name was never to be mentioned without respect and veneration—there was the Duke of Sussex, also an illustrious labourer in the task of national improvement —there was the Duke of Bedford, and there was Lord Somerville—the last, he believed, was a Presbyterian, the three other Illustrious and Noble Personages were members of the Church of England—but all the others were Quakers, and Baptists, and Moravians, and Presbyterians, and Unitarians. In fact, the great body of the Society was composed of Dissenters. In 1810 or 1811, the Church of England founded their schools, in imitation of the Lancasterian schools ; but they did not call them the Bell, they called them the National Schools. It was clear, therefore, that the Dissenters had commenced this excellent course; and that the Church of England had followed in their wake.

For so doing, unquestionably the Church deserved his thanks. The Infant Schools also were much indebted to the Church of England.

Two or three persons met together in 1818, and resolved to establish an Infant School in the city of Westminster. For some time the only Churchmen belonging to this society were the Marquis of Lansdowne and himself. All the rest were Dissenters ; and they had no connexion whatever with any society of Churchmen. To his infinite joy and delight, however, three or four years afterwards, he found that the Clergy of the Established Church were deter- mined not to be behind-hand with the Dissenters on this point. They came bravely forward to establish Infant-Schools of their own. Mean and grovelling creatures might have been deterred from doing so, by the apprehension that It would be imputed to them that they were merely acting in imitation of the Dis- senters. But they were influenced by nobler and purer motives : they gallantly resolved to follow in the wake of those whom, perhaps, they thought they ought to have preceded. He stated it as a eireurnstance highly creditable to them. Ile stated it as a circumstance which highly redounded to their glory. With an abdication of superiority, with a self-denial truly admirable, the Church of England condescended to follow the example which had been set them by the Dissenters, and to establish Infant Schools as extensively—they could not esta- blish them more extensively—to establish Infant Schools as successfully—they could not c.tablish them more successfully—as the Dissenters had done.

Then again, after the Dissenters had established the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, he was certain his excellent friends of the Church would follow the example set them. Accordingly a very little time elapsed after the publication of the Penny Magazine, before the Church published a similar work.

He was not dissatisfied with this; on the contrary, he was delighted with it ; but he merely referred to the time, the date, the chronology of the affair. lie and his friends began, and the Church of ingland—he would not say followed, God for bid that he should say such a thir"s !—but they came after ; the time at which the Church of England established their publication was subsequent to the time at which he and his friends had established theirs. He did not mean to may that it was imitation, but it was posterior. The Church of England hall thus nobly come forward on three occasions after the Dissenters,—they had come forward to establish General Schools ; they had come forward to establish Infant Schools ; they had come forward to establish Cheap Publications. Although it certainly did so happen, that on all these occasions the Church of England had, in point of time, been after the Dissenters, there could be no doubt whatever, that had the Church of England thought proper to take the lead, instead of following the lead, that they would have succeeded, and, in fact, that they must have succeeded, in effecting the objects which they had in view.

After a few words from Lord WYNFORD, the returns were ordered, and the discussion was closed.

5. ADMIS:ION OF' PISSENTERS TO UNIVERSITY DEGREES.

On Thursday, Colonel mitams brought forward his promised motion in the Clouse of Commons for an address to the King request- ing that his Majesty would signify his pleasure to the Universities of Oxford arid Cambridge that they should no longer act under the edicts issued by James the First in 1626. This motion was seconded by Mr. Becismarlam ; but subsequently withdrawn, to make way for one brought forward by Mr G. W. Wools, for " leave to bring in a bill to grant to his Majesty's subjects generality the right of admission to the English Universities, ,and of equal eligibility to degrees therein, notwithstanding their diversities of religious opinions, degrees in Di- vinity alone excepted." The speakers in favour of the motion were Mr. WOOD, Dr. LUSIIINGTON, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Mr. ORD, Mr. Btu, and Mr. BAINES. On the other side, it was strenuously op- posed by Mr. EsTcouser, Mr. GOULBUItN, and Sir ROBERT INGLIS. The House divided : in favour of the motion, 185; against it, 44; majority, 141. Leave was accordingly given to bring in the bill.

The arguments on both sides in this discussion were, with scarcely an exception, the same as those elicited by the presentation of the Cain- bridge petition; which was finally laid oti the tabic on Monday. The debate, as reported, appears to have been a very dull one. '1 he only smart observation was one by Mr. HILL; who, in reference to a remark by Sir R. INGLIS that the oath of allegiance was "a tax on the loyalty of the Dissenters," said, he never heard that the Dissenters considered it a grievance to take the oath of allegiance ; but there was a time when they were more ready to take it than the members of that learned body which Sir Robert Inglis represented.

He would remind Sir Robert, that the views of that learned body on that subject had been enlightened, not by a polemical discussion, not by any pro- found casuist who settled their doubts, bat by the presence of General Car- penter and a troop rf horse in the streets of 0.sfoll. That was an assistance which had never -beets wanted by the Dissenters wheirthe house of Brunswick Lad appealed to their allegiance and loyalty.

In the House of Lords last night, the Duke of Gem:et:seen pre- sented a petition from 258 resident members of the Serrate of Cam- bridge, against the admission of Dissenters to University honours ; and Mr. GOULBURN gave notice in the Commons, that he should present a similar petition on Mon 'ay.

6. MiscELLANEous EsTisevres.

On Monday, the House of Commons resolved itself into a Com- mittee of Supply; and Mr. Rice brought forward the Miscellaneous Estimates. The amount proposed to be voted was reduced, as com- pared with that of last year, by 2:I-1,000/. ; as compared with IS:12, by 726,000/. ; with 1831, by 1,324000/. These reduetions had been effected on a gross estimate of 3,316,0001., and amounted to more than one- third of the whole. The first vote proposed was '22,5111)/. for the pay- ment of the Revising Barristers under the Reform Act, and was less by 8,0l10/. than the sum voted last year. This was agreed to ; and Mr. BICE then moved that 11,550/. be voted for the purchase of two pic- tures by Corregio, for the National Gallery. A conversation arose upon this vote ; inn which Mr. Warms-lime, Mr. Rica, Sir R. lien, Mr. EIVAItT, Sir M. W. Humes-, Mr. Roseme, and Mr. lie

took part. Mr. Rteritves: thought the money too much to be voted for such a purpose, while the poorer classes were suffering so much ; but all the other Members who spoke were decidssily in favour of the vote. Sir R. PEEL saidta I

e money was will hod out, that there were not twenty pictures in the world liner than these two; 10:e eaineas laid been offered for therm some years since, and as Lor:1 :111 :asp hum, though he cuuld not mention the sum, more leel siree• been offered. Sir M. IV. RH:ass said, that the King of Bavaria was ready to give some thousands more for them.

In the course of the discussion on this vote, the conduct of the Royal Academy as regards the hanging of pictures, and the general mail:lees ment of their concerns, and _their claim to apartments in the new Na- tional Gallery, were remarked upon Ly several 'Members. Mr. WAR- BURTON said, that before lung it was probable that all the new building would be wanted for the National Gallery ; and he wished to know whether the power to resume the room to be given to the Royal Aca- demy would be retained. To this Mr. Rice replied, that it undoubt- edly would ; the arrangement was made on that clear understanding. Sir ROBERT PEEL contended, that in that case the public would be justly bound to furnish the Academy with an equivalent. Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to bring the state of the Royal Academy before the House. There was much partiality in the hanging of pic- tures and in the preference given to portraits. Mr. ROEBUCK bored that persons in the garb of mechanics would not much longer be ex- cluded from our public institutions. Sir M. W. RIDLEY said, they were not excluded from all of them. He had seen last year two sailors looking at the National Gallery pictures in Pall Mall ; and witnessed their delight on viewing a sea scene, with a vessel sailing. One of them expressed his pleasure in terms which perhaps he ought not to repeat in that House : be said, " Damn it, Jack, see how well she sails!"

When Mr. RICE proposed 13,0001. on account of the National Gal- lery, Mr. EWART algal!) observed upon the "bad preeminence " given to portraits over historical paintings and landscapes in the exhibitions of the Royal Academy. These portraits were principally the pro ductions of the Academicians themselves, who took care to secure the best places for them. Paintings of a higher character, paintings which required mind, and were the offspring of elevated feeling and poetical imagination, had to give place to exaggerated portraits of some noble Marchioness, or some

"Lord Wont Coffeehouse, the Irish peer. Who killed himselrfor love (with wine), last year."

Mr. E wart also objected to the payment of the shilling admission-money. Sir ROBERT INGLIS and other Members said, that the produce of

admission-tickets was well disposed of, in maintaining schools, sending students to foreign countries, and paying servants ; and Mr. SINCLAIR raised a laugh by declaring, that he derived great pleasure from seeing the portraits of beautiful women, distinguished warriors, and eminent statesmen.

Mr. ROEBUCK wished the Royal Academy to be a national school of painting, instead of a place for private jobbing. The vote then passed. I 17,0001. was voted for the Ira pair of Westminster Hall ; and 2006/. for the salaries of certain Proftssors of Oxford and Cambridge Univer- sities; after tome oppoeitioa from Mr. ROEBUCK, who thought the public shout I not c intribute to the support of the Colleges until they were thrown open t..) the Dissenters.

Mr. Hurls Mr. GROTE, Mr. ROEBUCK, Colonel EVANS, Mr. G. F. YOUNG, end Mr. EWART, objected strongly to the vote of 95,486/. for the support of Consular establishments in various parts of the world. The inequality, and in some cases the amount of the sums paid to the Consuls and Vice-Consuls, was the principal objection. Lord PAL- MERSTON reminded the House that he had saved 29,000/. hr that de- partment; and maintained that it was quite impossible, owing to the variety of duties which Consuls had to perform in different places, that any fixed scale of remuneration could be adopted. Mr. Him moved to reduce the vote by 12,0001. ; but subsequently withdrew his amend- ment, with an intimation that he should bring the whole subject before the House ; and the vote passed.

The vote of 10,000/. to defray the expenses incurred under the direc- tion of the Record Commissioners provoked several observations. Mr. JERVIS wished to know what the Commissioners were about— He thought that as the Commissioners were well paid, and were assisted by a Secretary who received 1,0001. a-year, the public bad a right to expect that they would bring their labours to a close as speedily as possible. He presumed that they were not overburdened with business, for be observed that one of the Commissioners of Records was also employed as a Commissioner to inquire into the 111uoicipal Corporations.

Mr. RICE said, it was impossible to say when the labours of the Commissioners would terminate ; but great part of the present esti- mate was for work actually done.

The salary of the Secretary was riot 10001. a.year ; hut, in fact, only half of that stun. s.:ir F. Palgrave was not a Commissioner, but was employed by the Commissioners as editor of the Rolls of Parliament, at a salary of 1(1001. He was also appointed to the custody of the Records of the Chaptel house, an office perfectly compatible with the discharge of the duties imposed on him by the Commissioners of Public Records, and the salary of 500/. attached to that situa- tion went to make up the salary which he received as editor of the Rolls of Parliament ; so that his appointment afforded a means of reducing the amount of the estimate.

Mr. HAvses and Mr. YOUNG objected to some of the questions re- cently put to the Municipal Companies by Sir F. Palgrave, especially those which related to the religious opinions of the freemen. The motion was finally agreed to. The sum of 20,0001. was granted to enable his Majesty to issue mo- ney to erect School-houses. This vote seemed to give general satisfac- tion. It was stated by Mr. Hawes, that the 20,(;001. granted last year had caused upwards of 60,0004 to be subscribed by individuals for the purposes of education. A number of other votes were passed ; and the Committee rose.

Last night, the House, in a Committee of Supply, proceeded with the discussion of these Estimates. The sums were generally- voted without discussion. Mr. STANLEY, on moving that 14371. 15.s. ehould be allowed to defray the, expenses of seven ernigrazion agents, took occasion to explain the nature of their services. elan). of the pomer class of emigrants were entrapped by false information at Liverpool and other seaports. In order to prevent this, agents had been stationed at Liverpool, Bristol, Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, and Greenock, who gave correct and gratuitous information to all who wished to emi- grate. The salaries and allowance for expenses were lea each a year. Mr. Hume highly approved of the arrangement ; and wished that the City of Loudon would appoint an officer with similar dirties.

The Irish Estimates then came under discussion. Mr. Rice said, that since his accession to office, he had effected a reduction in them to the amount of 104,0001. Ile now proposed to put 20,0001. at the dis- posal of the Lord-Lieutenant for the promotion of education in Ire- land. Of this sum, it was intended to give 20004 to assist the Belfast Institution to build some lecture-rooms, the sum of 20001. having been raised by subscription for that purpose. In the course of a discussion which arose upon the grant of 20,000/. for the Dublin Hospital and House of Industry, Mr. LIT ri.EToN said, that the Report of the Poor-law Commissioners would not appear till after the close of the session.

There was a long and somewhat angry debate on the proposal to give 8,9781. to the Catholic College of Maynooth. Mr. SINCLAIR and Mr. A. JOHNSTONE in the most earnest manner opposed a vote of the public money of this Christian country for the spread of Popery. If he voted for this grant, Mr. SINCLAIR said, he should betray the cause of his country and his God. Mr. A. JOHNSTONE declared, that hold-

ing, as he did, a spiritual office in the Church of Scotland, he must pro- test against the vote. Lord MANDEVILLE and Mr. A. LEEROY con- curred in these sentiments. Mr. SPRING RICE, Mr. CUTLAR FERGUS- SON, Mr. LITTLETON, Dr. BALDWIN, Mr. BROTHERTON, and others supported tine grant. The House divided : in favour of the grant, 137; against it, 11 ; majority, 126.

Several other votes were passed. The Chairman reported progress, and the Committee rose.

7. MISGOVERNMENT OF CANADA.

Mr. ROEBUCK moved, on Tuesday, for a Select Committee to inquire into the political condition of the Canadas. He supported his motion in a long speech, in which he endeavoured to prove, that the provinces were at that moment in a state nearly approaching to open revolt,— especially Lower Canada, where the House of Assembly had seceded from all communication with the Governor, Lord Aylmer, who was threatened with an impeachment ; and that this discontent was caused by numerous acts of misgovernment, and sprang more panticularly at the present moment from the rash and petulant conduct of Mr. Secre- tary Stanley. Mr. Roebuck gave a sketch of the constitution of Lower Canada; to which province his speech almost exclusively ap- plied. Ile stated, that the Government was composed of the Governor, the Legislative Council, supposed to be analogous to our House of Peers, and the House of Assembly or Commons. The Governor was assisted by an Executive Council, which, though nominally distinct, was virtually the same iiS the Legislative Council, the persons com- posing the former being the majority in the latter. The members of the Executive Council were the creatures of the British Government nominated by the Crown, and extremely unpopular with the majority of the people and their representatives in the House of Assembly. This body, in fact, governed the country, and not only ruled but in- sulted the people. Mr. Roebuck described in strong language the dangerous consequences which must result from this treatment of a high-spirited people, who had in the United States the example of a nation perfectly free constantly before them. It was of course a mat- ter of deep interest to the Canadians to get into their own hands the control of the public money. For upwards of twenty years, every arti- fice had been used by the Council to thwart them in the exercise of this right, which they possessed by the constitution of the country. The House of Assembly had, in order to insure their being convoked at least once a year, resolved to vote the estimates for the Civil List an- nually. The Governors, especially the Duke of Richmond, Sir Pere- grine Maitland, and Lord Dalhousie, countenanced by dm Government at home, did all in their power to alter this determinatioa ; which they characterized as intolerable, and disrespectful to the King. During the administration of Sir James Craig, five members of the House of Assembly were actually imprisoned by him in the common gaol of Quebec ; out of which they were turned, without a trial, after a year's confinement. The Receiver-General of the province, Sir John Cald- well, refused to give any account of the public monies in his possession. In this refusal he was supported by Lord Dalhousie ; but the Assembly refused to lay on any more taxes, and thus compelled the Governor to draw upon the Receiver ; who then, as had been suspected, was proved to be a delimiter to the extent of 100,000/. But he was not punished, and still remained a Legislative Councillor, in the enjoyment of the wealth of which he had robbed the public. The grand object of the Government was to obtain a revenue independent of the House of As- sembly. For this purpose, a number of discreditable expedients were resorted to, which still more inflamed the public mind. The religious differences of the people were made the source of discord. The great majority of the inhabitants of Lower Canada were French by descent, and Catholics in religion ; and it had been a great object to create a Bri- tish and Protestant party to counterbalance them. All these circum- stances had engendered a bitter spirit of hostility to the petty oligarchy by which the province was governed. Lord Ripon, during the last five months of his secretaryship, had become aware of the necessity of a change of policy ; and hopes were entertained by the Canadians that better things were in store for them, when, unfortunately, Mr. Stanley became Colonial Secretary ; and the tone in which lie had carried on his correspondence with the Government at Quebec was such as to exas- perate the House of Assembly and the people of the country in an ex- treme degree. The vote by which his despatches were erased from the records of the House proved this clearly.' The first matter on which he came into collision with the House of Assembly, was the address relating to the Legislative Council, which in 1828, Mr. Stanley, then in opposition, had spoken of in strong terms of reprobation. In order to axes taro what were the feelings of the country in regard to the Council, the House of Assembly suggested, through the Governor, that a con- vention should be summoned. But Mr. Stanley was quite horrified at the idea of a convention ; and could think of nothing but the French National Convention and time overthrow of the monarchy. On the other band, the Canadians, who saw the people of the United States constantly having recourse to Conventions, saw nothing revolutionary or disorganizing in them. Mr. Stanley, with singular rashness and ignorance, charged the House of Assembly with a design to overthrow the constitution, and threatened them with a coercion bill. This menace was answered in the resolutions recently passed by the House of Assembly, and answered in the style which an insulted and high- spirited people would surely adopt. The Legislative Council, which the Canadians wish d to make an elective assembly, was an incum- branee at the best out generally a perfect nuisance. It was ridiculous to suppose that British authority was maintained in Canada by a dozen or two of mischief making old men ; yet the idea of altering the con- stitution of this body was equivalent in Mr. Stanley's mind to an over- throw of the monarchy ! On another point Mr. Stanley had quarrelled with the Assembly: they had passed a resolution that no member should hold a place under Government ; and when a Mr. Mondelet, a member, did accept of office, they called upon the Governor to issue a new writ for Montreal, which he represented. The Governor refused; and Mr. Stanley sent a despatch which justly gave great offence. It was like a flippant critique in a review, not like a stateman's document. Yet this resolution was only a copy of one which had been passed in 16811 by the British House of Commons. Mr. Roebuck concluded by impressing upon the House the necessity of adopting a mild and concili- atory policy towards a country situated as Canada is, and of instituting an immediate inquiry into the actual political state of both provinces.

Mr. STANLEY replied at considerable length to the speech of Mr. Roebuck. He remarked, that although the motion had reference to both provinces, the facts were confined entirely to Lower Canada. Upper Canada, Mr. Stanley was happy to say, was in a very different state, notwithstanding the efforts which had been made to produce dis- sensions there. He alluded to the mission of Mr. Mackenzie to this country, and the strong representations which that gentleman had made at the Colonial Office, respecting 'the misgovernment of the province. Lord Ripon had referred to these representations in his despatches; and the House of Assembly thereupon utterly repudiated the idea that there was discontent in the province; and expressed their sorrow that the allegations of such a man as Mr. Mackenzie, who had been expelled -the House as a gross libeller, should have given foundation for the sus- picion. There was indeed an essential difference in the state of Upper and Lower Canada. He courted inquiry into the conduct of Govern- ment towards the House of Assembly of Lower Canada. The facts had been much exaggerated. Mr. Stanley read some extracts from the evidence given in the Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the state of the Canadas, which sat in 1828. They went to prove the ne- e essay of having an independent body of men as a connecting link be- tween the Governor and the House of Assembly—such a body, in fact, as the Legislative Council, whose members were nominated by the Crown. The recommendations of the Committee had been acted upon with perfect good faith. The number of Legislative Councillors had been augmented, and many of the new members were of French extrac- tion. Of this Council, at present, only seven out of thirty-seven were under the control of the Local Government ; %vhereas in 1828, eighteen out of twenty-seven members were dependent on the Crown. It had been his duty to oppose firmly the measures of the House of Assembly, for they were destructive of the constitution of the country. The As- sembly claimed a right of control over the finances of the province ; and this was acknowledged by the Committee of 1828; but the acknow- ledgment was coupled with a kind of stipulation that the Judges should be made independent of the province and its representatives. The right of controlling the expenditure was somewhat rashly conceded by Lord Ripon ; but time Assembly had not voted the salaries of the Judges, though it passed a bill providing that they should hold their offices for life. Respecting the case of Mr. Mondelet, the office to which he had been appointed was not one of emolument, and the appointment did not come within the spirit or letter of the enactment which prevented a member of the Assembly from holding office under the Crown ; which enactment the Assembly decreed, by a resolution, should have the force of law before it had received the Royal assent. The preponderance of time French Canadians was so great in the Lower province, that if the Legislative Council was made elective, the rights of the British resi- dents would be abrogated. 11e would meet the efforts of the discon- tented with constitutional resistance. The Government was on its trial, and he hoped would have an impartial one. He wished to limit the inquiry, however ; and would therefore propose as an amendment, that a Select Committee should be appointed,

" To inquire and report whether the grievances complained of in 1828 by certain in- habitants of Lower Canada had been redressed; and also whether the recommendation of a Committee of that Ilonse, to whom the question of these grievances was referred, bad been complied with on the part of the Gmernment ; also to inquire into other grievances now set forth in the resolutions of the House of Assembly in Low er Canada, and report thereupon to the House."

Rot:scot withdrew his motion ; and Mr. Stanley's amendment was agreed to, after a few remarks from Messrs. O'CONNELL, HOME, P. M. STEwanT, and Lord Howlett-.

8. Miscia.r.axEous SUBJECTS.

ADMINISTRATION or JcsTiee IN LoNnox. The bill for the trial of offenders m London and Middlesex was read a second time in the House of Peers on Tuesday, on time motion of Lord BROUGHAM.

BEER thin.. A conversation took place, on Tuesday, respecting time working of the Beer Act, on the presentation of a petition for its repeal by Lord WYNFORD. Lord BROUGHAM admitted that in some eases it was mischievous. This he thought was principally owing to the introduction of the clause permitting beer to be consumed on the premises ; which was not in the bill as originally brought forward by him. He thought that a more strict enforcement of the police regula- tions would prevent nearly all the evil consequences attributed to the measure. Lords KENYON, SUFFIELD, and the Bishop of LONDON thought that a vast deal of immorality was occasioned by the establish- ment of so many beer-shops. Lord 11ItalarenNe said, that the choice lay between the ',resew system and the old licensing system. He pre- sumed that it was not wished to return to that.

From the information which he had received, he was inclined very much to doubt whether the evils complained of went to the extent that had been repre- sented. The increase of intoxication was one source of complaint ; but certainly it had increased much more in cities, where the Beer Act had comparatively little effect, than in small towns and villages; and lie saw not how the evil could be checked, unless a great change for the better was effected in the morals of the people.

SMUGGLING ACTS AMENDMENT Boa.. This bill, the object of which is to put a stop to time practice of sending smugglers as a punish- merit into time Navy, was read a second time last night, on the motion of Lord AucsaAND ; who remarked that the only way to pin a stop to smuggling, was to lower the ditties, so that it should not be worth any person's while to incur the risk of being detected in practising it. A brief conversation took place ; in the course of which Lord STRANG.. FORD said, that Ministers sacrificed British honour and interest to the French alliance ; and that smuggling was carried on in the French ports, for the first time, with the connivance of English Ministers. Earl GREY denied this. Lord STRANGFORD reasserted it. Earl GREY —" I say, no." Lord STRANGFORD—" I say, yes." Earl GREY- " Well, so it stands, the noble Lord's yes and my no." The bill is to be committed on Monday.

TILE ROYAL 'MUSICAL FESTIVAL. Last night, the Duke of NEW- CASTLE asked if it was determined to persevere in having a musical per- formance in Westminster Abbey? He thought the selection of the place injudicious and improper. Earl GREY said, it was intended that a festival similar to that celebrated in the reign of George the Third should take place in Westminster Abbey. The Earl of MALMESBURY thought, that when there were such high authorities as George the Third, of glorious memory (if he might be permitted to call him so), and Bishop l'orteus, there could be no sound objections to the plan proposed. [The Morning Chronicle says that the Bishop of London was in the House, though he said nothing.] ORDER or THE BATH. On Thursday, a message from the King was delivered to the House of Cominons, relative to the compensation of the officers of the Order of the Bath, whose numbers are about to be reduced. Yesterday, Mr. STANLEY moved that the House should go into Committee to consider his Majesty's message. The Speaker left the chair ; and Mr. STANLEY then explained that it was found the num- ber of Knights of the Bath had been augmented so rapidly that the Order was getting into disrepute. The King had therefore determined not to add to the number except in very rare instances ; and to reduce the number of officers, now paid by fees, from nine to four. It was for compensation to the dismissed officers that the applica- tion was made to the Commons. He then proposed a resolution authorizing the Treasury to make the compensation. Mr. HOME opposed the motion. It the King conferred honours, it was too bad that the people should be made to pay for them. He complained that the practice of conferring these distinctions on men of literary and scientific eminence, which obtained in France and Prussia, was not fol- lowed in this country. Ile proposed to refer the matter to a Commit- tee up stairs. Sir E. CODRINGTON complained of the heavy charge made for fees. He had been charged 3861.; but be refused to pay such an enormous sum, and had never been pressed for it. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that orders of knighthood conferred no distinction on lite-

rary men. What was a blue riband to Sir Isaac Newton ? After some words in reply from Mr. STANLEY, Mr. Hume's amendment was with- drawn. The Committee agreed to the resolution, which is to be re- ported on Monday.

LOCAL COURTS; IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, at the morning sitting on Wednesday, said, in reply to inquiries from Colonel EVANS, that it was the fixed intention of Go- vernment to carry both these bills through during the present session.

COUNSEL FOR PRISONERS. On the motion of Mr. EWART leave was given, on Thursday, to bring in a bill to give prisoners on trial full defence by counsel or attorney.

WoRsitlp IN PRIVATE HOUSES. Mr. HARDY, Oil Thursday, obtained leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Act of the 3.2d George III., so far as it prohibits the assembling of twenty persons besides the family, for the purpose of religious worship, if the same be conducted by a clergy- man or licensed minister.

AMENDMENT OF TIRE GAME ACT. On the same day, Mr. LENNARD, after some opposition from Colonel Woon and Mr. Cairn's, was al- lowed to bring in a bill to repeal those sections of the Game Act which authorized the landlord to prohibit his tenant from killing game on the land in his occupation, although he may be qualified and en- titled so do by the terms of his lease. This, Mr. Lennard said, was one of the grossest acts of injustice ever perpetrated by any Legisla- ture. The act had an ex poet facto operation.

ST. PANCRAS PAVING BILL. At the morning sitting of the House on Monday, the motion for the second reading of this bill was nega- tived, by 35 to 29.

NAVY PENSIoNS REGULATION ACT. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, on Thursday, brought in a bill to alter and consolidate the laws regulating pensions and allowances of civil officers in the Navy. It was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday.

DORCHESTER Us:Ito:vim. At the morning sitting of the House yesterday, upon the presentation of a petition from an individual by 11,Iajor 13eancrEee, there was a long conversation respecting the recent conviction and sentence of the Dorchester labourers. Major 33e4uessax, Mr. Hume., and Colonel EVANS, thought the sentence impolitic and too severe ; and were of opinion that the voice of the country, which culled aloud for its mitigation, should be attended to by Ministers. Mr. EERGUs O'Coxxou said, the men had been tried under a wrong Act. He complained of the precipitancy with which they had been hurried from the duck to the hulks. Mr. ROEBUCK was of opinion that the conviction was illegal : half the profession would say so. The offence for which they suffered was not named in the act under which they were condemned. Colonel EVANS said the sting of the thing, as he understood, was in this, that the legalty of the conviction could not be brought before the King's Bench in the absence of the convicts. Lord Homo:, Lord G. LENNOX, Sir M. W. Mossy, and Mr. G. F. YOUNG, maintained that the men had knowingly violated the law ; that their proceedings were very dangerous, and oppressive to their brother workmen, whom it was necessary to protect ; and that there had been no undue haste in carrying the sentence into effect. The petition was then laid on the table.