Another subject which takes up much of the space is
elections. Ponder the figures suggested as reasonable for election expenses by an ad- vanced reforming Liberal of the 1860s. The Duke of Bedford offers a thousand undepreciated Vic- torian pounds towards Amberley's election in South Devon, but Amberley's father on his behalf accepts only half this 'handsome offer'; believing 'that a limitation of the candidate's ex- penses to £500 on boroughs and £1,000 on counties . . . would do more to stop corruption than the bill we have just proposed.' These figures must surely be multiplied by at least six to produce a rough equivalent in today's de- s, generate and ever-degenerating currency. But in those bad old days both the individual MP and the constituency campaign really mattered.
Two things which mattered especially in that particular South Devon campaign were the inadequacies of Amberley's religious faith and of his views 'on observance of the Lord's Day.' Yet, as his son remarks characteristically, 'These obstacles might . . . have been overcome, for the farmers liked his views on rabbits (which he thought they should be allowed to destroy). . . . But a graver matter, more painful even than
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