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FRANCE.—The ceremony of proclaiming the constitution in Paris passed OS' on Sunday without political excitement, and with indifferent success as a national fete.

On the beating of the rappel at early morn, "the call was obeyed," taYS Gaiignuni, "with unusual zeal, notwithstanding a black cheerless lloveraber sky, a bleak wind, biting cold, and a rather heavy fall of snow, constituted strong temptations to remain within doors." The aspect of the Place de la Concorde was striking-

" One hundred and two lofty flag-staffs, ornamented with shields and trophies, and carrying long tricolor streamers, surrounded the greater part of the square. On the shields were written the names of the eighty-six departments, those of Algeria, and of the different French Colonies. The flag-staffs were united by garlands of oak. In the fear corners of the Place were four other immense flag-staffs, with gigantic tricolor streamers bearing the date of the Revolution of February 1848. The obelisk was also decorated, and within the railings was a statue of the ' Constitution,' with the left breast uncovered, a crown of laurel on the head, in the right hand a lance, in the left the Constitution. The statue was not much admired. The Pont de la Concorde was also decorated with columns, flags, and streamers, bearing patriotic inscriptions. Opposite the obelisk was a dome ninety feet high, surmounted with the cross. 'The structure was covered with crimson velvet, relieved with gold. On the front and on either side were inscribed, in gold letters, the words Aimez-vous lea uns lea entree.'" The National Guards, the Garde Mobile, the troops of the Line, and the Artillery, were posted along the route of the procession from the National Assembly to the dome in the Place de la Concorde. Within the dome, seats were placed for the National Assembly, the Diplomatic Corps, and others. Among the diplomatists were our own Ambassador and the Pope's Nuncio. The procession started from the Assembly at nine- General Ca- vaignao and M. Armand Marrast at its head. The Genera wore the uni- form of his military rank, but added an African caban, very splendidly embroidered. The most notable participators in the ceremony were the clergy, who attended in great numbers. They started from the Madeleine under the Archbishop of Paris, amidst the ringing of the great bell of Notre Dame and the bells of all the churches of Paris. As soon as the clergy had taken its place round the altar, M. Marrast descended from his tribune under the dome, and advanced with General Cavaignac and other officials, to an estrade in front of the altar, whence he could be seen by all the assembled populace; and thence, under the pelting snow, he read the Constitution from a great manuscript roll. He continued un- covered through the whole time of his reading; but some attendants per-. force put a cloak over his shoulders. General Cavaignac defied the snow for a time, but at last put on his hat. The reading of the Constitution was. listened to with the most profound silence; and, on its conclusion, M. Mar- rest cried, " Viva in Republique!" to which some cries of " Vive la Re- publique! Viva la Constitution!" responded. There were also some cries of " Viva Cavaignac!"

General Cavaignac, M. Marrast, and the other public officers, then ascended to the altar. " Te Deum " was chanted. The Archbishop of Paris next celebrated a low mass; and then, advancing to the front of the platform, he gave his episcopal benediction to the people. This was one of the most striking features in the whole proceedings. The Prelate wore his mitre and bore his crozier; there were thousands of bristling bayonets before him, the drums were beating and the cannon roaring. The Arch- bishop offered up a prayer for the Republic, and then retired with his clergy to the Madeleine. The troops were passed in review,—a dull cere- mony of three hours long; more guns were tired, and patriotic cries raised.. The civil functionaries departed; the military marched off; and the popu- lace were quickly driven away by the snow. A few fireworks in the evening closed the fete.

General Cavaignac, improving the occasion afforded by the final settle- ment of the Constitution at the end of last week issued an address to all the civil and military functionaries of the Republic, reminding them of the new guarantees given to their power and the new duties cast on their offices.

The address commenced with a retrospect. "From the month of February up to the present day the principle alone was proclaimed; but the law, the written rttle;Whlehlrthe-ftnal consecration of it, was wanting to the principle.Hence irresolution, persevering hostility, and exclusive pretensions, and finally, the wild and insensate projects of a small number. The revolution not being defined, au- dacious minds took scope; and because a necessary interval of time was to elapse- between the destruction of the Monarchical edifice and the construction of the Republican edifice, it seemed as if all was to be done anew, and that nothing of the existing society was to be preserved. These fatal theories could only produce bitter fruit; and you know what terrible responsibility falls on them for the acts of sacrilegious preparation or savage aggression which, under a borrowed flag, attacked all that is most respected, most sacred, and most vital, in human so- ciety." But the constitution is perfected, and the revolution is defined in its or- ganization and its law; henceforth the existence of the Republic is indissolubly connected with the maintenance of good political and social order. "The Re- public without good order, good order without the Republic, are henceforth two facts equally impossible; and he who should pretend to separate them, or to sa- crifice one to the other, is a dangerous citizen, condemned by reason and rejected by the country. . . . Founded on the great principle of universal suffrage, such as it is defined and determined in its application by the constitution of the Re- public, the constitution leaves all liberty of discussion, and takes away all pretext for insurrection and revolt. . . . Universal suffrage is the entire revolution; all the other principles no longer present themselves but as consequences. In the first rank of these consequences you all place that which consists in maintaining the Government under the action and inviolable respect of the majority." Every period has its errors and its dangers. "You know the dangers of our epoch, and you will continue to combat them with the devotedness that the Re- public has a right to expect of you : the support of the authority which directs you, and the opinion of an entire nation, will be the sources whence you will de- rive courage in the face of audacious aggressions, if any should again take place. Long political struggles preceded the revolution which is being accomplished un- der our eyes and by our efforts. Parties had been long in conflict; the men who composed them were separated by energetic dissentiment and profound incom- patibilities. You will not forget that the Revolution of February is the entire nation beholding without anger the suicide of the Monarchy, which remained alone with itself. You will not forget that the Republic, the object of the hopes and of the old worship of a small number of citizens, proclaimed on the day when all other government, all other authority, was wanting to the country, has been accepted and legitimized by the acclamation of the entire nation. In what has passed I do not see a conspiracy which triumphs and maintains itself by violence and exclusion: I see in it the evolution, painful without doubt in its crisis, but fortunate and natural, of a nation which suffered in its wants and its cleared and most respectable rights. Under the influence of these salutary truths, you will re main convinced that the souvenirs of former struggles, and of the sympathies or re- pulsions attached to them if they still subsist, must be effaced and extinguished. You will devote all your efforts to this work of peace and conciliation. The nation has not had the Republic imposed upon it; nor will it submit to a minority, whatever it may be. Engaged seriously and irrevocably in a Republican course, it will not cast a look behind. . . . . In the post which you occupy, and devoted as you are to the new institutions which insure the future of the Republic, you will experience no sentiment of systematic exclusion. In the choice which you will have to propose or to make, open the career resolutely to every citizen who cornea to you with a sincere heart and honest intentions. Examine what he is worth, not from whence he comes; let it suffice for you that his character guarantees his word. Bat you will turn aside without hesitation whoever does not deserve from you the enlightened confidence which you will seek in your conscience. Apply yourself, therefore, to conciliate men and to reconcile them to each other. No- thing will better secure convictions and hearts to the Republic, than the spirit of wisdom and impartiality which you may display." But in this course, the most contradictory attacks will be provoked. "Some will accuse you of deserting the cause and principles you are called upon to de- fend and make prevaiL Leave to facts and to time the care of demonstrating whether you or they have best comprehended the interests of the Republic. Others, on the contrary, will accuse you of hesitation, of exclusion, perhaps of duplicity. In the face of all these obstacles, neither hasten nor delay your march: the feeling that you are doing your duty will indicate to you the just measure; do not suffer yourself to be diverted from it. Think that the public life of a functionary belongs to you, and, consequently, to truth and to error. Do not be eager to defend yourself against a calumny; know that as soon as one is destroyed another is ready. Devote year time rather to your country than to yourself. If, in the exercise of your functions, you have to experience some disgust, some dis- couragement, think that all these attacks, all these calumnies, have no longer du- ration than your temporary authority, and that after that is at end nothing will remain but your acts, which will mark you for remembrance or oblivion, for the gratitude or contempt of your fellow citizens. Think that free nations are sus- picious, and that it is right that they should be so. More than one nation has stifled its own liberties under the weight of its gratitude, but I know none who have lost them through remorse for ingratitude." General Cavaignac suggests motives for growing confidence among citizens, both in the stability of institutions at home and the permanence of peace with foreign countries; and he concludes with a reference to religion' and a call on its teachers for cooperation in establishing that Republic which has inscribed on its constitution the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, revealed to the world by the Gospel.

General Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon are now deemed the only can- didates for the National Presidency; and the prospects of the two seem to fluctuate from day to day in public opinion. The later accounts, both from friendly and adverse quarters, state that General Cavaignac's chances are somewhat improved. The Prefects of Departments are engaged heart- ily in his behalf, and his party in Paris are both indefatigable and skilful. The Legitimists are divided: the Marquis de la Rochejacquelin has declared for Napoleon, but some important heads of the party are said strenuously to oppose taking either part. So too the Moderates are at variance. M. Thiers and the Constitutionnel are against Cavaignac; while a good section -Of the Rue de Poitiers, and the Journal des Debats, stoutly fight his battle.

The Assembly went through "a scene" on Monday evening. It is usual on the close of each day's business to read the order of next day's procedure. It is also usual for the President of the Chamber to announce on the preceding day the expiration of his month of office. On Monday evening, M. Armand Marriest proceeded to read in the usual manner of course the orders of next day; but the first he read was "The ballot for the election of the President of the Assembly," although his term would not expire till the 19th. It was only by chance that this announcement Caught the vigilant ear of M. Tascherean; who immediately ascended the tribune and asked an explanation of the irregularity. M. Manast coolly announced, that be had resigned earlier than the usual day, the 19th, in order to give the many Deputies who had lately obtained leave of absence an opportunity of voting on the reelection. A great excitement arose, and M. Marrast's proceedings were denounced as a shuffling manceuvre (esco- barderie); but the proposition to proceed in the election was not modified. Meetings were held that night, and it was resolved to put up M. de Malleville in opposition to M. Marrast. M. Marrast, however, was triumphant next day—the votes for him were 378, and for M. Malieville but 144.

It is announced that Admiral Bandin has proceeded to Tunis with two frigates, because the Bey of Tunis has refused to acknowledge the French Republic.

M. Cabet, the Chief of the Icarian Communists, has been sentenced, by the Court of Correctional Police of Paris, to one month's imprisonment, for having in his possession fourteen muskets and a quantity of ammunition.

Paussu..—A momentous crisis has arisen at Berlin. Our latest intelli- gence last week was to the effect that the King had allowed the Count of Brandenburg to desist from the attempt at forming a Ministry. This deter- mination was quickly changed; for in the Gazette of the 9th instant the formation of the following Ministry, of persons not members of the As. sembly, was announced—the Count of Brandenburg, President and Minis- ter ad interim of Foreign Affairs; Manteuffel, (brother of the King's Aide- -de-camp,) Interior- General de Strotha, (Commander of Saarlone, opposite Treves, on the Rhine frontier—a hero of the Wrangel and Schreckenstein school,) War; Ladenberg, Education; Kisker, Justice; Kuhne, Finance; Fommer-Esche, Commerce.

At the meeting of the Chamber on the 9th, the Count of Brandenburg, Strotha, Manteuffel, and Ladenberg, entered as Ministers; and the first arose to address the House; but the President stopped him, declaring that he could not speak without obtaining the Assembly's leave. Count Bran- denburg desisted, handed in a Royal decree, and sat down. The decree WES read, and was a thunderstroke to the Assembly. Alluding briefly to the display of Republican symbols, and to criminal demonstrations of force to overawe the Assembly, it stated that there was a necessity to transfer the sittings from Berlin to Brandenburg, and declared "the sittings of the Constituent Assembly to be prorogued" to the 27th of the month, when it required that body to reassemble at Brandenburg. The reading of the de- cree was interrupted by violent exclamations and protests. The Minister was apostrophized with cries of " Never, never! we protest; we will not assent; we will perish here sooner; it is illegal:, it is unconstitutional: we are masters." In the midst of this tumult the Count of Brandenburg rose and said- " In consequence of the Royal message which has just been read, I summon the Assembly to suspend its deliberations forthwith, and to adjourn until the day specified. I must at the same time declare all further prolongation of the delibe- rations to be illegal, and protest against them in the name of the Crown." Be then with his colleagues left the hall of the Assembly. As soon as the excitement had somewhat abated, the steps to be taken were discussed. Two motions were made—the first by Borneman, that the Ministers should be required to withdraw their message: this was rejected. The second, divided into three clauses, ran in these terms— "For the present there is not sufficient grounds for removing the sitting of the deliberation to any othel place: it will therefore remain at Berlin. The Crown is not entitled to the right of adjourning, removing, or dissolving the Chamber against its will. The responsible functionaries who may have advised the Crown to issue the above message, are not qualified to do so, or to represent the Govern- ment: on the contrary, they have thereby rendered themselves guilty of derelic- tion of duty towards the Crown, the country, and Assembly." [It is stated that the Count of Brandenburg's nomination was not countersigned by a Minister, and that allusion is here made to the error.] The three clauses of the motion were put separately, and they were car- ried almost unanimously by the members remaining in the Chamber—about 240; but some 50 members of the Right had first withdrawn, and they afterwards sent in a protest.

The following significant occurrence in the Diplomatic gallery is noted. The whole Diplomatic Corps watched the proceedings attentively till the passing of the propositions bidding open defiance to the Royal decree. Thereupon M. Nothomb, the Belgic Envoy Extraordinary, rose, and, turn- ing to his colleagues said, " Gentlemen, you will excuse me for observing, that strictly speaking it is our duty not to remain here any longer. We are accredited to the King, and not to this Assembly. His Majesty has formally declared the Assembly closed: in our eyes it ought to be so con- sidered; and consequently, upon general principles, and in virtue of all constitutional antecedents, I hold it to be my duty to withdraw." Upon this M. Arago said, " My opinion perfectly accords with yours, and I shall also retire. The Wurtemburg Minister followed the example of his two colleagues; and the remaining members of the Diplomatic Corps coinciding the whole quitted the gallery.

The Assembly resolved to sit in permanence. The President and some thirty members accordingly remained in the House all night. During the evening and night the populace were in a fearfully excited state, hurrying about and grouping incessantly on different spots; but they were every- where addressed, and persuaded to remain peaceable, by members of the Left, who spread themselves through the city on the mission of preaching a policy of passive resistance.

The members of the Assembly were called together by Unruh at five o'clock on the morning of the 10th, and told of negotiations that had passed. The Count of Brandenburg had sent him a formal note, addressed to him simply as Councillor of State, warning him and the members of the Assembly against the illegality of persisting to meet in Berlin and making him and them answerable for all grave consequences. The minority of fifty-nine from the Right had formally protested that the Assembly was constituent only; that in the decree which summoned it no place of meet- ing was mentioned; that the King had therefore the right to name the place of meeting, and the right and duty to change that place of ter- rorism rendered a change proper; that the Assembly was bound to sub- mit; and that further resolutions passed at Berlin were invalid, and could not bind the fifty-nine or the rest of the country.

Deputations from various bodies had gone to the King with prayers to retract; but had not even had an interview. In the evening of the 9th, the President of the Police had formally demanded of Rimpler, Com- mandant of the Burgher Guard, whether the Guard "intended to act" on the morrow of the 10th, in closing by force the Hall of the Assembly. The Captains of Battalions met, and resolved to inform the Government, that the Burgher Guard would protect the Chamber, as well as the Government, from all violence on the part of the people; but that, should the military be called in, the Burgher Guard would close round the theatre of the As- sembly, and stand with ordered arms between the soldiers and the house; and should the military then advance, in defiance of the protest of the Burgher Guard and President, the former would retire, and take no part in the proceeding. It was in consequence of these resolutions that the Assembly met at five a. m. instead of nine as it had intended: 225 mem- bers were counted.

Unruh addressed the House in a speech counselling the most cautious moderation—" to maintain the most undeviating attitude of dignified passive resistance." The O'Connell maxims were reiterated almost in terms—" every drop of blood shed through our fault must injure, but can- not benefit, our cause "; "the blood of our citizens must not be squander- ed; it must be reserved for other occasions." At eight a.m. the members refreshed themselves without quitting the House. The Burgher Guard surrounded the House with a deep cordon, and the people assembled in vast crowds and testified their sympathy with the Representatives; orators addressing them with advice to keep the strictest attitude of peacefulness.

At about noon, the Assembly was debating a proposition to consider the note of the President of Police to Rimpler, and the issuing of a proclama- tion, when it was announced that the military were breaking camp and about to enter the city.

Gessler—" The Assembly is not commissioned to issue proclamations, but to agree to a constitution.*

Berg—" I agree with the previous speakers; but we are here in virtue of higher mandate, that of defending the rights of the people. This we have done to the utmost. A hostile army is approaching: this army is, alas! our own. It is advancing against the capital, against 250 peaceable men—against us! The projected proclamation will contain nothing which will not meet with universal a probation. It will be a protest against this act of compulsion, and will merely call upon the people to limit their opposition to legal measures. The meaning of the petition is another affair. Who knows how long we may remain together? Let, then, this proclamation be our last will and testament, left to the people—s testament whence the green tree of liberty may spring forth afresh, should our enemies apply an axe to its roots." (Immense applause from house and galleries.)

A Committee of five was appointed to draw up the proclamation. While they were doing so there was great uneasiness at the advance of the troops. Several members rushed to the windows and seized their out-door habili- ments, as if to fly; but they were recalled by general shouts of" Order!" "To your seats!" Berg arose and said- " Gentlemen, I have held it to be my duty to remove the great seal of the Chamber from the custody of subordinate functionaries, and I here place it Opal the desk of the President."

The Committee of five entered, and read their proclamation, as follows.

"TO THE PRUSEILiN PEOPLE.

"The Brandenburg Ministry, formed against the almost unanimous will of the National Assembly, has by its first act interrupted our deliberations and decreed our removal. The Assembly of Prussian Deputies has resisted this assault upon its rights, by deciding that its deliberations should continue at Berlin. It has also declared that it disavowed the right of the Crown to remove, prorogue, or dissolve it; and that it considered the advisers of the Crown who recommended these measures to be unfit to govern the land, and even to have violated their duties. The Brandenburg Ministry, in consequence of our declaration, has pre- pounced the prolongation of our deliberations to be illegal, and threatened to em- ploy measures of military compulsion. Fellow citizens, we address you at tb! moment that the National Assembly is about to be dispersed by bayonets! Stand firm by the liberties for which we stake our life and brood. Do not deviate, bOlr- aver, from the path of legality. Firmness and moderation will, with God's help, cause liberty to triumph !

The document was adopted by the Assembly, amidst applauding accla- mations, and it was ordered that 40,000 copies should be sent to the pro- vinces.

At half-past four, the President rose suddenly, and announced that the theatre of the Assembly was completely surrounded by the military. The Commandant of the Burgher Guard had questioned General Wrangel why he thus assembled his troops. Wrangel answered, that he really should be glad to get quickly into quarters: he was protecting the Assembly. Rimpler—" The Assembly declines your protection; how long shall you keep your troops here?" Wrangel— My troops are used to the bivouac: they can remain here a week, if the Assembly sit so long." At five o'clock, the President announced that General Wrangel persisted in blockading the Assembly. He would allow the gentlemen in the House to go out of it, but would allow none to return. "As to an Assembly, he only knew of one that had been dissolved." The Assembly resolved, on the advice of Unruh, to submit to force under protest; to withdraw, and reassemble else- where next day. This was done. The troops made passages; the Depu- ties marched out two and two; and the Burgher Guard followed them in columns. The people were harangued from houses, and seemed to enter into the policy preached by the Left. They dispersed peacefully, and the town assumed an appearance of mysterious calm.

On the morning of the 11th, 240 of the expelled Deputies met in the great hall of the Rifle Guild, and proceeded to transact business. Ad- dresses of sympathy poured in from public bodies in Berlin, and from the provinces. The Town-Council voted its freedom as a present to Unruh and two other members. A Commission of sixteen was appointed to draw up a full report of events for national circulation; a Commission of eight were to consider and report on the expediency of impeaching the Ministry, and in the event of their perseverence in present courses, of stopping sup- plies. A report that it was intended to disband and disarm the Burgher Guard reached the Assembly, and caused immense excitement. It was resolved that those who advised these measures were traitors to the country; that the Burgher Guard should be forbidden on pain of being themselves declared traitors, to surrender their arms; and that they should be ordered and directed to defend themselves to the last against all at- tempts to disarm them.

Later in the day, a Royal proclamation appeared, by which the Burgher Guard was disbanded, in consequence of its illegal deportment on the pre- vious day. The document contained also these passages, in the King's own peculiar style- " I am perfectly aware that these measures are liable to manifold misrepre- sentations, and will be abused to such end by a revolutionary party, and may also excite apprehension in the minds of otherwise well-disposed citizens of the state, respecting the positive assurances of the liberties granted to my people. But I am equally and decidedly conscious that the future wellbeing of Prussia and Ger- many justify them to demand this step of me and of my Government.

"I turn, therefore, in this decisive moment, to the whole country—to all of you, my faithful Prussian; with the confidence that the illegal resistance offered by a portion of your representatives, unmindful of the true duty towards the people and the Crown, against the removal of the National Assembly, will be earnestly and decidedly disapproved of by you. I exhort you not to give place to those in- sinuations which would make you believe that I would abrogate the liberties pro- mised in the days of March—that I would deviate from the constitutional road entered upon.

"Prussians, ye who stand firm in your good faith of olden days to me—ye who yet bear in remembrance the history of my royal house, and its devotion to the peo- ple—I conjure you to cleave firmly to it in days of adversity, as in the days of prosperity.

"But ye too are beginning to vacillate. I conjure you to halt on the road of that steep abyss, and to await the result which will follow. "To all of you I again give the inviolable assurance that nothing shall be abro- gated from your constitutional liberties; that it shall be my holiest endeavour to be unto you, by the help of God, a good constitutional King, so that we may mutually erect a stately and tenable edifice beneath whose roof, to the weal of our Prussian and our whole German fatherland, our posterity may quietly and peacefully rejoice in the blessings of genuine and true liberty for generations to come. May the blessings of God rest upon our work!"

On the 12th, there appeared another proclamation more especially de- voted to dissolving the Burgher Guard, in these words, after long prelimi- nary statements-

" In conformity with the 3d section of the law of the 17th October, for the or- ganization of the Burgher Guard, the contents of which are as follows= The Burgher Guard can be suspended or dissolved by order of the King, for motives to be mentioned in the decree of dissolution. This suspension cannot exceed six months. The order for reforming the Burgher Guard mast be published three months after its suspension.' We have declared the Burgher Guard of Berlin is dissolved; and the competent authorities are hereby required to execute this de-

The Burgher Guard met and_ resolved not to disband, or to yield up their arms. During the day, foreigners arrived and families departed; both ominous events. The people maintained a peaceable attitude, but were with difficulty restrained. The Assembly continued its proceedings in the hall of the Schatzen Guild. Deputations and addresses from the provinces were announced; an important one from the Assembly of Repre- sentatives of the two Mecklenburgs, applauding the Assembly for its con- dact, and promising all assistance in their power; another from Magde- burg, making a similar declaration, and sending 5,000 dollars for the De- puties, whose allowances were stopped; others from Stettin, Anklam, 3r.c. At air o'clock, General Wrangel determined to place the city in a state of siege; and the state of siege was shortly after proclaimed by officers at the Corners of all the principal streets. But at the same time the interval was prolonged one day, for yielding up the arms of the Burgher Guard. The soldiers patrolled in large bodies and dispersed the crowd; and the Parlia- ment members of the Left were again seen in all directions conjuring the people to disperse, and to be quiet. The intelligent and hardy artisans of the great iron-works were seen hastening to and fro wherever excitement arose, and calming it with the words "Be cool—be quiet!" The night passed without any outbreak; and it seemed plain that the People agreed with the surviving Assembly to carry out the plan of strictly Passive resistance. On the 13th, the proceedings of the Assembly were interrupted by the entry of an officer from General Wrangel, summoning it, as an "illegal meeting, to disperse." The Vice-President Ploniee was in the chair, and he refused to leave it unless by force. The whole House shouted, "Never till forced by arms!" Upon this two or three officers With a party of Lathers entered, and repeating the summons, received tho same answer. Thereupon the officers exclaimed, " We will not use bayo- nets, but other means "; and the soldiers advanced, seized the chair upon which M. Pliinies was seated, and carried him, as gently as possible, into the street, where they deposited him safely. The Members followed their President, the whole protesting against this violation of his dignity; and the sitting was adjourned to another time and place. The people caught up the Representatives, and carried them aloft as if in triumph, beyond the array of military. During the whole of the 13th, the people disregarded the proclamation of the state of siege, and continued to assemble in crowds wherever the military did not prevent them; but they dispersed when the latter marched into their masses. Towards night, a proclamation appeared directing the soldiers to forbear no longer, but " at once fire " on all persons who persisted in assembling, or remaining together after a summons to withdraw.

The Ex-President of the National Assembly, M. Grabow, had an au- dience with the King; and the King is said to have uttered the following words—" I know that my crown is at stake; nevertheless, I am firmly resolved not to yield."

AIISTRIA.—The news from Vienna is scanty, and it cornea irregularly The city is in a state of prostrate submission to the Imperial power. By far the most interesting fact is the one thus briefly announced in the Vienna Gazette of the 10th instant-

" In virtue of a sentence passed by martial law on the 8th instant, Robert Blum, publisher, of Leipzig, convicted on his own confession of speeches exciting to re- volt, and of armed opposition to the Imperial troops, was, in virtue of a proclama- tion of Prince Windischgratz, of the 20th and 23d October, condemned to death; and the execution thereof carried and fulfilled, at half-past seven o'clock on the morning of the 9th November 1848, by powder and lead."

But scanty particulars of the execution have arrived. One account says— "At six in the morning, the misguided man was informed of the sentence. He replied, that he expected it. A little before seven, the prisoner arrived, in an open van with a guard of curiassiers, in the Brigitinner. Kneeling down, he tied the handkerchief over his eyes with his own hands. He fell dead at the first dis- charge, two balls having entered his chest and one his head. The body was con- veyed to the military hospital."

Another account is— "Robert Blum was all but secretly shot yesterday morning, in the Brigitinner meadow, just outside the Leopoldstadt. So secretly, in fact, was the whole affair managed—trial, sentence, and execution—that it was not till the afternoon that the report of it was spread about the town; thanks to the hints dropped., in a triumphant tone, by certain Austrian officers. It is impossible to describe the gloom which this execution has cast over the capital. The subdued tone of con- versation in the cafes and other places of public resort, the mysterious whisper, the suspicious glance, all betray the public, uneasiness. Arrests, frequent, nu- nitrous, and secret, are the order of the day." It is stated, positively, that death was inflicted upon Messenhauser on the same day; but the fact is contradicted with equal positiveness, and is certain.

Nothing is known of affairs in Hungary.

UNITED STATES.—The mail steam-ship Niagara arrived at Liverpool is the beginning of the week, with papers from New York to the 31st October.. Their sole topic of interest is the approaching Presidential election. The chance of General Taylor is still most generally considered the best. In the probability that he will be the President, we quote a few passages from a speech made by him to some volunteers lately returned front Mexico, which stamp him as the peace candidate for power. General Taylor commenced with a rhetorical foil- " This war has served to manifest the existence ofa deep unconquerable heroism in all classes of our people. It has not been by any means confined to the sterner sex; for nowhere has it shone brighter than in the conduct and sentiments of the softer sex of our country, so many of whom have honoured us with their pre- sence on this occasion. During my public service, I have become familiar with deeds which place the women of our country on a level with the Spartan and. Roman mothers, of whose heroism history records so many interesting examples. I have known mothers to send their only sons to the wars, telling them to return with honour or not at all. I have known Meters to part with only brothers, with words full of pride and hope of their return with bright laurels. I have known wives to tear themselves from the arms of devoted husbands, and to forget all their own cams and affections in a general lied patriotic pride and devotion ti their country's and their husband's honour." He expressed these sentiments on the horrors of war, and on the Mexi- can war in particular- " But I cannot avoid the opportunity, whilst referring to the achievements a our arms, of expressing my deep conviction of the evils of war, of which here, as elsewhere, my mind receives daily and mournful proof. Throughout my ser- vice I assure you, the proudest momenta of victory have been darkened and ren- tiered sorrowful by the reflection of the painful occurrences which it produces; of the wives made widows, of parents made childless, of friends bereft of thus bound to them by the dearest ties: for the awful results of war are not eon- fined to the bloody scenes of the battle-field; but disease—slow, consuming disease—more than any of the instruments of war, scatters death among those engaged in the trying fatigues and exposures of military duty. Of those whO have died in active service in Mexioo, the proportion of those cut down by disease to those who fell on the battle-field is about five to one. For these reasons, as a constant witness of all the stern and painful realities of war, I assure you that there is no one who rejoices more in the conclusion of the war with Mexico, nOlt happily terminated, than I do. It was not from any apprehension of the dn or any, dread of the fatigues and sufferings to which I might be exposed, thaatie701 warmly desired the conclusion of this war; but it was because I looked upon war as a great evil—as a last resort—which, when it can be honourably concluded, it is the first duty of a nation, especially a republic, to terminate." Speaking of the military spirit prevalent in the United States, he raid that there was more reason to fear that such a spirit would carry them too far, and impel them to the invasion of their neighbours' territory, than that it would fall short of the defence of their own territory and honour. In =I- elusion he said— "I have ever cherished the sentiment of the father of his country, who cau- tioned us against leaving our own soil and territory for a foreign country—who inculcated as a cardinal principle of our Republican institutions, that we should eschew all foreign alliances and connexions, and confine ourselves to the improve ment of our own proper soil, and the advancement of peace and happiness within our own proper boundaries."