GREAT BRITAIN AND EGYPT By SIR EVELYN WRENCH T O write
on Anglo-Egyptian relations is often a thank- less task. On one side are those Englishmen who regard any effort to solve the problem as treason and who think concessions useless; in their view Great Britain made a supreme blunder when she abolished the Protec- torate in 1922. They point to the corruption which they assert is rife in Egypt today. They say that apart from the intellectual classes in Cairo and Alexandria, 90 per cent. of the population—and especially the hard-working fellaheen—would be much better off under a strong British administration. No more concessions to- Nationalists should be the British " Slogan." They envisage longingly the firm policy which a British Mussolini would enforce.
On the other side are the Egyptian intellectuals and politically-minded classes, • no doubt only - a minority, but in whose hands the political power must necessarily reside for many years. They ask why does Great Britain not place Anglo-Egyptian relations on a permanently satisfac- tory basis by settling the points at issue once for all.
There is annattnosphere of expectancy in Cairo today as anyone who has just been there, as I have, must realize. A new High Commissioner with a great reputation, in the person of Sir Miles LainpSon, has arrived, and it is hoped that he will leave his mark on Anglo-Egyptian relations. Certainly Great Britain could not have sent a better man to Egypt. Sir Miles Lampson has. had much experience of the East ; he had to tread his way very warily' in China. He has a striking presence and much charm of manner. I do not think Sir Miles will make any declaration of policy for some time. He is determined to study conditions on the spot before making up his mind—a very wise proceeding. Not since Cromer has the British Resident had a greater opportunity of putting the relations between Great Britain and Egypt on a satisfactory and permanent footing.
Provided we set about it in the right way, it should be poslible to* draw- up a Treaty of pernianent alliance between Egypt and Great Britain, which would be of great" benefit to both parties. But we must understand t he Egyptian point of view and endeavoui to satisfy Egyptian anibui. propre. Despite What may be* said to the -contrary, Egypt wants Great Britain's co-operation and help. She has no desire to change advisers. Egypt would stand to gain nothing by substituting Italy or France for Great Britain on the banks of the Nile.
Egyptians like many other people are sensitive about their status. They see other Eastern nations, like Persia and Irak, masters of their fate. If they want British advice or assistance, they wish to be free to ask for it and not have it forced upon them. Egyptians point with pride to their ancient civilization; and they think they have every right to their independence. The demand for a Treaty of Alliance should, however, come from Egypt, and it should be made in such a way than there could be no shadoW of a doubt that it represented all sections Of Egyptian opinion. But even if no such demand were forthcoming, and there are obviously diffi- culties in the way of getting such a declaration, I think Great Britain would be well advised to set forth the basis on which- she would be prepared forthwith to make a permanent Treaty of Affiance with Egypt. If necessary, some of the points covered by the 1927 negotiations would have to be reiterated.
There is no subject on which there is such complete agreement among Egyptians as on the necessity for the abolition of the Capitulations. Their existence hampers Egypt at every turn. Great Britain agreed to their abolition subject to the consent of the other Powers in 1927. Sooner or later they will have to go. No modern independent State would tolerate them. If Great Britain were formally to declare that she would do her utmost to get other nations to agree to their abolition, she would show Egypt that she was determined to help the country by every means in her power to freedom and equality of status. But before agreeing to the abolition of the Capitu- lations there would have to be a 25-year guarantee that all Europeans -would be tried by a European Judge, and in the case of appeal, by a court in which the majority of . the judges would be Europeans. Such guarantees Egypt would, I believe, be ready to give.
In former Anglo-Egyptian discussions the problem of the withdrawal of the Army of Occupation to the Canal zone was agreed. This is a matter for the technical experts. Egypt knows that the holding of the Suez Canal is a major Imperial issue, and that in no circum- stances will Great Britain consent to lessen her control of the great Imperial highway between East and West. Egypt, so far as I was able to judge, is ready to acquiesce in this cardinal condition of British policy. In an air age the problem of defence is no longer what it was even ten years ago. The essential factor is that there would have to be strong British air defences in the canal zone. It might also be wise to associate Egypt with the defence of the canal, which would become a joint British and Egyptian interest if we took Egypt into full partnership.
In past Anglo-Egyptian discussions, the problem of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan proved one of the stumbling- blocks. Today I think most Egyptians are quite ready to agree to a postponement of the problem of the Sudan for 15 or 20 years. They are realists. They recognize that Great Britain has no intention of withdrawing from the vast territory to which she has brought law and order.
In the air age, in which the flying services between East and West are extended each year, the increasing im- portance of Palestine and Egypt becomes apparent. If Great Britain could ensure a friendly Egypt, a loyal partner, and get rid of the present anomalous status, she would have gone a long way. towards strengthening the strategic position of the British Commonwealth in the Near East, upon which World peace so largely depends.
There are, of course, many difficult corners to be nego- tiated on the road to a full understanding. There is the problem of the taxation of Europeans. What guarantees could Egypt give which. would satisfy the European com- munity ? It must be remembered that much of Egypt's foreign trade is in the hands of Europeans, by whom it has been built up. But none of these problems is in- surmountable, granted the right spirit on each side. Egypt wants British help. If we meet her on the general problem of the Capitulations and of " equality of status,' I am sure she will be willing to give guarantees as to her readiness to employ British officials satisfactory to both parties. Most Egyptians recognize that Great Britain and the British community genuinely wish Egypt well. The British name stands high, despite the fact that after the War we sometimes sent the wrong kind of public servant to the country. But if we could once hold out the hand of friendship to Egypt, in no patronizing spirit, I think we would be surprised at the response, and incidentally we should have done a good day's work for the stability of the Near East. In South Africa we took nationalism into partnership. Cannot we do the same in Egypt ? A frank and full Anglo-Egyptian understanding should be the immediate aim of British policy.
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