GEORGIA :—STATE CAPITALS.
LFROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.]
New York, March 4, 1865. No news from General Sherman, no movement in Virginia, where the country has been made impracticable by the rain and melting snow of the last fortnight. Only such indications of al lack of confidence in the so-called capital of the insurgents as are given by denunciations in their papers of Confederate members of Congress who are running away, and of such citizens as begin to tremble because ordnance and stores are moving out of the city. Denunciations, too, of Governor Brown, of Georgia, who, in a message just sent in to the Legislattre of that State, while he rails at and defies the Yankees and their Government, also pours out wrath and indignation upon Mr. Jeffersoh Davis and his Administration, thereby, the Richmond papers say, giving "the best reasons for believing our struggles against the Yankees to be vain and hopeless," and does much toward accomplishing "the purpose of reducing the people of these [the Confederate] States to absolute despair." The recriminations of these people, who now seem to agree only in their hatred of the Government which they sought to destroy only because they saw that they could no longer rule it in the interest of slavery, are of moment only because they show that the events of the last four years, while they have built up and strengthened the power of the Government of the Republic, and bound together in the bonds of a tried and confirmed patriotism its supporters in the North, have disintegrated and shaken to its shallow and loose-laid foundations the political structure which was raised with so much vaunting at home and amid so much applause abroad in the South. Strength and endurance are to settle this question, not the words of Rich- mond editors, or of State Governors, or even of Jefferson Davis himself. General Lee will move with no less skill and caution, Ins troops will fight with no less bravery, because of Governor Brown's objurgations. It is only when General Lee is defeated
that Governor Brown and his message become of very much im- portance. But there is one paragraph in the Richmond Whig's leader which is of peculiar interest to all those good people who have believed, or been inclined to believe, that in the so-called Confederacy the Government has been only carrying out the will of the whole people, and has done this with strict observance of the forms of law and the spirit of constitutional liberty. Governor Brown has dared to assert the contrary in very decided language in regard to the State of Georgia. Whereupon the Richmond paper retorts :—
" We do not wish to argue with Governor Brown in regard to any of the complaints which he makes. We do not mean to say that any or all of those complaints may not be well founded. But we do say that Georgia is not by any means the only State that has had equal causes of irritation and annoyance. If there have been illegal impressmente in Georgia, so have there been illegal impressments in all the other States. If Georgians have been arrested without authority of law, so have Caro- linians and Alabamians."
Whoever heard till now of illegal impressments or arrests without authority of law in time of civil war, except among a queer people called " Federals?" Governor Brown is a very wicked man, and worse, imprudent. He has compelled some most unpleasant and damaging admissions. He has made some himself. We all know of what high-toned, chivalric men, though not of course always accomplished or well-read men, the Confederate armies have been composed; how perfect the discipline of that army was, and how far in every respect it was above that rabble- of "Federals " that went about plundering, and ravishing,. and making a savage war, just as might have been expected from such a set of low-bred rascals. Well, would you be- lieve it? Governor Brown has been and gone and solemnly. declared in a message that "more than half the convicts that were released from the penitentiary to fight have since deserted V' Governor Brown ! Governor Brown ! to let such a very large cat out of the bag ! You should be ashamed of yourself. But there- is yet even "a browner horror" in this message, one quite black. in fact. It goes plump against the arming of the negroes, and it does on these grounds—that "we cannot expect them to perform deeds of heroism when fighting to continue the enslavement of their wives and children, and it is not reasonable to demand it of them." What a preposterous Brown! He goes on. "Whenever we establish the fact that they are a military people, we destroy our theory that they are unfit to be free. When we arm the slaves, we abandon slavery." A good aunt of mine used to say thitt there is a difference between being mad and being stark, staring mad. This man Brown certainly passes the line,—he is indiscreetly insane. To entertain such foolish notions is bad enough, but to declare them eoram populo, to blurt them right out before the- whole world When affairs in Georgia have reached such a. pitch that a Governor declares his belief that negroes will not fight to secure the enslavement of their wives and children, and to. sustain the theory that they are not fit to be free, and declares this, too, in response to a call from the Confederate Commander-in- Chief for negro soldiers, it is a pretty sure sign that the world, or something else, is coming to an end.
New York, February 22, 1865.
Some of my readers may remember my having told them that we have in this country no capital in the European sense of the word,—that is, that we have no city which is the political, social, literary, and commercial metropolis of the nation ; that Washing- ton is merely the place at which the political business of the country is done, and that while Congress is not in session its material and social aspect is exceedingly provincial. Not only is this the case with regard to the national capital, but as to the local seats of Government. The capitals of the States are, with two or three exceptions, towns which are second or third-rate as. to size, wealth, society, and trade, and which have no other than their political importance. I revert to the subject 6propos of a strong effort how making to transfer the seat of the local govern- ment of this State from Albany to the city of New York. All of my readers may not know that Albany, although it has 65,000 inhabitants, is only the fifth city in importance in this. State, and lies 150 miles from the seaboard upon the Hudson._ Yet it is the capital of the State, and New York, the third city in the world, has no other importance in the State, or even in the country, than that which is due to its wealth and the number of its voters. Within the last week or two there has been a sudden' and altogether unaccountable stir about making New York the capital of the State. The Board of Supervisors of the City and
County (they are one), who have absolute control of its capital of Ohio, Indianapolis, of Indiana, Springfield, of Illinois, money, and also the reputation of being the most vulgar and cor- Columbia, of South Carolina, Milledgeville, of Georgia, and in fact rapt set of men that could be well got together, have gone so far almost all the State capitals, are placed in the centre of the States, as to offer to give to the State, out and out, a building known as without any regard whatever to other considerations. The reasons the new City Hall, which is not yet quite finished, and the coat of for this are the desire, first, to prevent the jealousy (petty jealousy, which will be more than 3,000,000 dole. in gold ; and Mayor to be sure) which is found to be excited if the advantages of Gunther, who defined patriotism as " enlightened self-interest," proximity to the capital are not equally distributed ; second, to and wrote a letter to discourage emigration which he knew would make the distance to be travelled by members of the Legislature be widely copied because of his official position, and which from their various districts (for remember, each member must live contained statements that he knew were untrue, is also doing in the district which he represents) as nearly the same as is possible. all in his power to aid this new project. New York should For this latter motive there are also two reasons. The first is that be the national capital. The presence of the Houses of Con- the trouble and inconvenience of travelling to the capital, which are grew, the President, and the Departments in the largest and sometimes very great, shall not press upon one member more than wealthiest city of the country would be advantageous in two upon another. The second is not such a pleasant one to mention. It important respects. It would raise the tone of society in the is that the members may receive as nearly as possible an equal sum city, and also raise that of Congress. Indeed the fitness of such from the treasury for travelling expenses. Each member is allowed a union of political to social and commercial importance is too so much per mile for the distance, by the shortest practical mute, be- obvious to need illustration. But the transfer of the State capital tween his home and the seat of Government ; and as the allowance is to this city is a project at which all decent people shudder. It pretty liberal, this mileage, as it is called, is an item to be con- would only bring another sink of political corruption within our sidered, or which is considered, by the honourable gentlemen already sorely afflicted borders, and we know that it is with hereinbefore mentioned when they estimate the inducements pre- plunder and political debauchery in their eye that the men who sented to them to devote their time and their talents to the service are managing this job have taken it in hand. One reason urged of their country. It is not surprising therefore that the project for the transfer is one of the strongest reasons against it among to remove the seat of Government of New York to this city, all who are not petty politicians or lobby agents. It is actually, in the extreme south-eastern corner of the State, is met by a and in terms, said that Albany has become unpleasant to the counter-project to remove it westward nearer the middle, to Roches- members of the State Legislature because there, with the exception ter. But there is really no good reason, though many bad, why of one or two houses, they are excluded from respectable and there should be any change whatever. In a very few of the older cultivated society'; and it is supposed that if the seat of Govern- and smaller commonwealths, because they are small as well as ment is transferred to New York, they would be at least received old, the seat of Government remains, as from the beginning, at in circles in which they would find gaiety and money,—which the principal city which is on the sea side of the State. Such are is doubtless true, but they would be yet more rigidly Massachusetts, whose capital is Boston, and Maryland, whose excluded from cultivated society than in Albany, because, capital is Baltimore, the principal seaports of those States. But as a matter of course, the resources of that society are tenfold even in staid, Quaker Pennsylvania, the demand for equal rights greater in New York than in Albany; and the presence of a in the position of the capital prevailed many years ago ; and member of the State Legislature in her rooms, unless he happened the State House was transferred from Philadelphia, a fine, to be a gentleman, and having some other claims to attention, large city, to Harrisonburg, an insignificant, half-German town, would be regarded by any lady in such society as a blemish, if not merely because it was midway between the Delaware and the an offence. Thus while the importance of the national Govern- Ohio.
ment and the ability of the men which it brings round it would It is not only to expose a disingenuous and injurious statement attract society to it, and at the same time exercise a mollifying that I notice the attempt of the correspondent of the London social influence upon its members, the transfer of the State Times, in his letter just received here, to make the readers of thfit Legislature hither, from its comparatively inferior importance paper believe that we of the free States are oppressing and kid- and the very inferior character of the men composing it, would napping the negroes, while we are hypocritically professing to be attended with no such effects. Society par excellence would carry on a war to prevent the extension of slavery. He says in pass the members by, and they would be lost in the lower brief that no negro is safe here in the streets, but that he is depths of a great city, among such people as could find in the seized upon by" crimps," plied with drugged liquor, or accused of " Honourable " which is put before the name of every public man being a deserter, and hurried off "to the slavery of the Federal here above the grade of hog-reeve an inducement to treat them army." He mentions one instance in which three negro sailors, with attention. I am not exaggerating this matter. I have seen who were British subjects, were seized upon the latter pretence, many men thus decorated and placed in legislative positions and says that acts like this furnish ample reason for a declara- whose lack of character and education, whose manners and speech tion of war against us if Great Britain were hostilely inclined. It would make them unwelcome guests in the humblest houses known is quite probable that the case of his three negro sailors is perfectly to me where there is any reasonable pretension to respectability true. But how wrongful is the use to which he puts it. Those and refinement. "What a shocking condition of things !" exclaims sailors were seized, not by agents of the United States Government, the British reader. It is unpleasant, to speak very mildly. But but by crimps ; and " crimp " is a word the necessity for the use of it would be a very great mistake to base a surmise of the cha- which did not arise in this country, and which was hardly known racter of the legislation upon that of the legislators. There is here to the general public until within a year or two. And the corruption enough in the New York Legislature in regard to what sailors were not seized by the crimps because they were negroes, are called private bills, but the general legislation of the State but because they were men. They represented so many dollars of will compare favourably with that of any country in the world. bounty, or of reward for the arrest of pretended deserters. For The reason of this is that as to laws, strictly speaking, the Legis- one negro that has fallen into the clutches of these crimps, there lature is a mere expression of the will of the more intelligent part have been at least a hundred white men, as every one here knows. of a community through which education is very generally dif- This perversion of the truth is a fine example of the manner fused. These corrupt men are shrewd enough to see that they in which facts that cannot be denied are used by British would lose their places and their plunder if they did not legislate correspondents and travellers in this country to deepen the wisely for the good of the community. Are they singular in this? bad impression which their predecessors have made against Would it be impossible to point out a powerful monarch who in us, and in these efforts they always seem to be successful. personal character is not much their superior, and who holds his Government is now through its military police-agents pursuing place by much the same tenure? I may properly correct here these crimps and bounty agents relentlessly. The most enormous a mistake which I have seen made in more than one European frauds and wrongs have been discovered. They concern the State paper, and by more than one travelling diarist. It is that our of New York chiefly, and are perpetrated for the most part in national and local seats of government are placed in villages and this city and its vicinity, to which as a great man-mart the county towns of small importance, for the purpose of removing the agents come for the means of filling their quotas. The bounty Legislature and the executive officers beyond the influence and the brokers, the bipunty jumpers, and the crimps have cheated both violence of a mob ; an inference that would only excite a smile lathe sides—the Government and those who came for men ; and the United States. The towns for State capitals are so selected merely on consequence is that the State has thousands of men down upon its account of physical an4 gconomical reasons. The object is to have rolls that have never been mustered into service. Now, who are them as nearly as possible in the centre of the State ; and if you will these crimps and brokers? No product of our soil or our institu- examine a map of the United States you will see that Columbus, the tions. The names thus far made public are Mooney, Lynch, County (they are one), who have absolute control of its capital of Ohio, Indianapolis, of Indiana, Springfield, of Illinois, money, and also the reputation of being the most vulgar and cor- Columbia, of South Carolina, Milledgeville, of Georgia, and in fact rapt set of men that could be well got together, have gone so far almost all the State capitals, are placed in the centre of the States, as to offer to give to the State, out and out, a building known as without any regard whatever to other considerations. The reasons the new City Hall, which is not yet quite finished, and the coat of for this are the desire, first, to prevent the jealousy (petty jealousy, which will be more than 3,000,000 dole. in gold ; and Mayor to be sure) which is found to be excited if the advantages of Gunther, who defined patriotism as " enlightened self-interest," proximity to the capital are not equally distributed ; second, to and wrote a letter to discourage emigration which he knew would make the distance to be travelled by members of the Legislature be widely copied because of his official position, and which from their various districts (for remember, each member must live contained statements that he knew were untrue, is also doing in the district which he represents) as nearly the same as is possible. all in his power to aid this new project. New York should For this latter motive there are also two reasons. The first is that be the national capital. The presence of the Houses of Con- the trouble and inconvenience of travelling to the capital, which are grew, the President, and the Departments in the largest and sometimes very great, shall not press upon one member more than wealthiest city of the country would be advantageous in two upon another. The second is not such a pleasant one to mention. It important respects. It would raise the tone of society in the is that the members may receive as nearly as possible an equal sum city, and also raise that of Congress. Indeed the fitness of such from the treasury for travelling expenses. Each member is allowed a union of political to social and commercial importance is too so much per mile for the distance, by the shortest practical mute, be- obvious to need illustration. But the transfer of the State capital tween his home and the seat of Government ; and as the allowance is to this city is a project at which all decent people shudder. It pretty liberal, this mileage, as it is called, is an item to be con- would only bring another sink of political corruption within our sidered, or which is considered, by the honourable gentlemen already sorely afflicted borders, and we know that it is with hereinbefore mentioned when they estimate the inducements pre- plunder and political debauchery in their eye that the men who sented to them to devote their time and their talents to the service are managing this job have taken it in hand. One reason urged of their country. It is not surprising therefore that the project for the transfer is one of the strongest reasons against it among to remove the seat of Government of New York to this city, all who are not petty politicians or lobby agents. It is actually, in the extreme south-eastern corner of the State, is met by a and in terms, said that Albany has become unpleasant to the counter-project to remove it westward nearer the middle, to Roches- members of the State Legislature because there, with the exception ter. But there is really no good reason, though many bad, why of one or two houses, they are excluded from respectable and there should be any change whatever. In a very few of the older cultivated society'; and it is supposed that if the seat of Govern- and smaller commonwealths, because they are small as well as ment is transferred to New York, they would be at least received old, the seat of Government remains, as from the beginning, at in circles in which they would find gaiety and money,—which the principal city which is on the sea side of the State. Such are is doubtless true, but they would be yet more rigidly Massachusetts, whose capital is Boston, and Maryland, whose excluded from cultivated society than in Albany, because, capital is Baltimore, the principal seaports of those States. But as a matter of course, the resources of that society are tenfold even in staid, Quaker Pennsylvania, the demand for equal rights greater in New York than in Albany; and the presence of a in the position of the capital prevailed many years ago ; and member of the State Legislature in her rooms, unless he happened the State House was transferred from Philadelphia, a fine, to be a gentleman, and having some other claims to attention, large city, to Harrisonburg, an insignificant, half-German town, would be regarded by any lady in such society as a blemish, if not merely because it was midway between the Delaware and the an offence. Thus while the importance of the national Govern- Ohio.
ment and the ability of the men which it brings round it would It is not only to expose a disingenuous and injurious statement attract society to it, and at the same time exercise a mollifying that I notice the attempt of the correspondent of the London social influence upon its members, the transfer of the State Times, in his letter just received here, to make the readers of thfit Legislature hither, from its comparatively inferior importance paper believe that we of the free States are oppressing and kid- and the very inferior character of the men composing it, would napping the negroes, while we are hypocritically professing to be attended with no such effects. Society par excellence would carry on a war to prevent the extension of slavery. He says in pass the members by, and they would be lost in the lower brief that no negro is safe here in the streets, but that he is depths of a great city, among such people as could find in the seized upon by" crimps," plied with drugged liquor, or accused of " Honourable " which is put before the name of every public man being a deserter, and hurried off "to the slavery of the Federal here above the grade of hog-reeve an inducement to treat them army." He mentions one instance in which three negro sailors, with attention. I am not exaggerating this matter. I have seen who were British subjects, were seized upon the latter pretence, many men thus decorated and placed in legislative positions and says that acts like this furnish ample reason for a declara- whose lack of character and education, whose manners and speech tion of war against us if Great Britain were hostilely inclined. It would make them unwelcome guests in the humblest houses known is quite probable that the case of his three negro sailors is perfectly to me where there is any reasonable pretension to respectability true. But how wrongful is the use to which he puts it. Those and refinement. "What a shocking condition of things !" exclaims sailors were seized, not by agents of the United States Government, the British reader. It is unpleasant, to speak very mildly. But but by crimps ; and " crimp " is a word the necessity for the use of it would be a very great mistake to base a surmise of the cha- which did not arise in this country, and which was hardly known racter of the legislation upon that of the legislators. There is here to the general public until within a year or two. And the corruption enough in the New York Legislature in regard to what sailors were not seized by the crimps because they were negroes, are called private bills, but the general legislation of the State but because they were men. They represented so many dollars of will compare favourably with that of any country in the world. bounty, or of reward for the arrest of pretended deserters. For The reason of this is that as to laws, strictly speaking, the Legis- one negro that has fallen into the clutches of these crimps, there lature is a mere expression of the will of the more intelligent part have been at least a hundred white men, as every one here knows. of a community through which education is very generally dif- This perversion of the truth is a fine example of the manner fused. These corrupt men are shrewd enough to see that they in which facts that cannot be denied are used by British would lose their places and their plunder if they did not legislate correspondents and travellers in this country to deepen the wisely for the good of the community. Are they singular in this? bad impression which their predecessors have made against Would it be impossible to point out a powerful monarch who in us, and in these efforts they always seem to be successful. personal character is not much their superior, and who holds his Government is now through its military police-agents pursuing place by much the same tenure? I may properly correct here these crimps and bounty agents relentlessly. The most enormous a mistake which I have seen made in more than one European frauds and wrongs have been discovered. They concern the State paper, and by more than one travelling diarist. It is that our of New York chiefly, and are perpetrated for the most part in national and local seats of government are placed in villages and this city and its vicinity, to which as a great man-mart the county towns of small importance, for the purpose of removing the agents come for the means of filling their quotas. The bounty Legislature and the executive officers beyond the influence and the brokers, the bipunty jumpers, and the crimps have cheated both violence of a mob ; an inference that would only excite a smile lathe sides—the Government and those who came for men ; and the United States. The towns for State capitals are so selected merely on consequence is that the State has thousands of men down upon its account of physical an4 gconomical reasons. The object is to have rolls that have never been mustered into service. Now, who are them as nearly as possible in the centre of the State ; and if you will these crimps and brokers? No product of our soil or our institu- examine a map of the United States you will see that Columbus, the tions. The names thus far made public are Mooney, Lynch,
McidelmiirDefffi, Fay, Mill, Carson, Mulhem, Flaherty, Keegan, and one Hebrew from our "old-do" quarter, Lyon Isaacs.
Not one of them is A YANKEE.
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