IRELAND.

Mr. Hawes won his seat for Kinsale, on Saturday, by a very narrow majority; tha votes being 97 for Hawes, 94 for Lord Clinton.

On Tuesday the Heads of the University of Dublin waited on the Lord- Lieutenant to declare their confidence in the Executive Government, and to protest against the wicked attempts made to induce a foreign government to interfere in the domestic affairs of the country. It had been intended to march in procession from Trinity College, with a body of 1,500 students ; but this course was relinquished on the expressed wish of the Viceroy; who, however, received the deputation surrounded by his staff and house- hold, and in the presence of a great number of ladies. Lord Clarendon's reply to the address was of moderate sentiment though firm and well expressed.

Amongst the many signatures to the declaration at the Chamber of Com- merce, pledging the subscribers to sustain the Lord-Lieutenant in measures for the preservation of tranquillity and order, is that of the Duke of Leinster.

The Government has multiplied precautions against the demonstrations of the 17th—though nothing serious was expected. Barricades were raised to protect the Bank and Castle, two light field-pieces were mounted at the Ordnance Office, a troop of Enniskillen Dragoons had been quartered at a large livery-stable in the heart of' the city, and a squadron of light dra- goons posted at the riding-school in Castle Yard. The Bank guards were doubled, and extra sentries posted, night and day; a large force of Con- stabulary was brought in from the County Wicklow, and the keeping of the city peace intrusted to the charge of the Commissioners of Police. Mr: Hodge, the Government reporter, had arrived.

The Evening Mail of Wednesday has this paragraph- " We have every reason to believe that the disposable force at present in Dublin, including cavalry, infantry, artillery, and police, considerably exceeds 10,000 men! During this day large quantities of ammunition have been despatched from the magazine to the several points which are to be occupied on Friday by the mili- tary. The only ostensible preparations made by the disaffected consists in a quantity of stone-shot, placed at their disposal by the Paving Board. There is scarcely a street in Dublin that has not been covered within the last few days with shingle." The following dry and formidable document, dated the 27th Marsh 1835, is also republished, for the information of the civil and military authorities, as a general order which is still in full force-

" It has been found by experience, that when troops have been called upon to act in aid of the civil power for the maintenance of the public peace or in the en. forcement of the law, and have, with a view to intimidation, fired over the heads of persons riotously assembled, the effect has been that lives have been lost or wounds received by persons taking no part in resistance to the law, and also that parties engaged in such resistance have been encouraged to greater acts of daring and violence. In order toguard against the recurrence of such an evil, the Ge- neral Commanding-in-chief desires that officers commanding troops or detach- meats will, on every occasion on which they may be employed in the suppression of riots or in the enforcement of the law, take the most effectual means, in con- junction with the magistrates under whose orders they may be placed, for notify- ing beforehand, and explaining to the people opposed to them, that in the event of the troops being ordered to fire, their fire will be effective. " By command of the Right Hon. General Lord Hill, Commanding-in-chief, "Joipr MACDONALD, Adjt.-General"

Mr. John O'Connell has published an anxious and deprecatory address to his fellow countrymen, on the growth of belligerent feeling in Ireland, and the fading influence Of his late father's peaceful counsels. He warns Irishmen against the wild and strong talkers- " Recollect, I beseech of you, the experience we had in 1843 of the value of big words, written or spoken. Four of the men whose wild language was heavily cited against ns at our trials, hung back and saved themselves, leaving innocent persons to bear the consequences of their offences. " I will not mention names, but I must mention facts. One of them was known to be hiding in the country. Another is grievously suspected of having offered himself to the Government of the day; and having been refused only because he could, of course, prove nothing of treason in our committee delibera- tions."

Reminding them of' the peculiar causes, not characteristic of their own position, which secured success to the Parisian revolt, he declares that for his own part he will not be guilty of his countrymen's blood. The people of Paris, used to fire-arms, having full means of acquiring arms, and being an united people, would yet, as he personally witnessed, have been utterly crushed if the armed and disciplined Guards had not joined them. Violence, therefore, is as insane as it is criminal. He beseeches his countrymen to eschew idle vaponrings about fighting, and appeal to English justice through the medium of English self-interest. Ask them if it is worth their while to keep Ireland in bondage at such a cost; and point out how justice to Ireland will save millions to the English Exchequer. Throw- ing in a side regret at a possible defection of the clergy, seduced by the Government, he calls for "one more great, peaceable, constitutional effort, for poor Ireland"; and the victory will be gained. He announces the intention to persist firmly but peacefully in holding the projected meetings on St. Patrick's Day.

On the other side, there have been, boiling demonstrations of the Irish Confederates at the Music Hall. Mr. J. B. Dillon 'moved the adoption of an address from the Council, in such passages as these-

" Reptiles, whose breath is poison, will crawl around your steps, whispering suspicion, ridiculing all manly sentiment, decrying bold courses, undermining year confidence, and chilling the ardour of your hopes: you must tread these reptiles beneath your feet." "Whoever leads on we shall follow; insisting only that we shall go forward— forward, though graves were to yawn and gibbets to frown across our path."

Mr. Smith O'Brien was Mild and merciful, but sail not encouraging to England—

He was not desirous that the French should invade and subdue .England. A Voice—" Certainly." (Cheers and laughter.) Still less was he desirous that France should invade and subdue Ireland. But he did say this to the British Government, that he for one would not use any influence which he might possess with the people of that country to induce them to fight the battle of England, unless they had a Parliament in Ireland.

Mr. Richard O'Gorman can no longer hold his hands-

" We were!aceful," legal,' and 'constitutional.' And what concession have we gained? Islo more than this—Repeal is allowed to be an open question. We have gained Coercion Bills and Special Commissions: the result of all has been disunion, humiliation, and disgrace. Away, then, with this miserable delusion— the instincts of man repudiate it—the heart grows sick at the thought." He pointed to Sicily, and from the allusion drew shame to Irishmen, and especially to some of the priesthood. "Shall the Sicilian priest walk amid the battle, raise the cross on high, and cheer the patriot strife by the promise of a glorious im- mortality, whilst the Irish priest preaches tame and degrading submission."

He moved a resolution, which was carried with acclamations, that the Irish should follow the example of the English people, " who are now generally organizing and arming themselves," under the sanction of their authorities—arm for the defence of their country in any emergency. Mr. Duffy proposed a series of resolutions expressing the joy of the meeting at the union of the Old and Young Ireland Repealed, which had begun at Drogheda, Kilkenny, and Limerick; and proposing a Na- tional Council of Union at Dublin. He proposed the 13th of April, the anniversary of the '82 Declaration of Independence, as the day of meeting. These were adopted with "enthusiasm," and great cheering for Mitchell and Reilly. The audience on breaking up were obstreperously noisy in the streets. Some assembled near the Castle, and " groaned " the Lord- Lieutenant and cheered the French Republic.

Meanwhile, the War party par excellence are not behind in incitement s Mr. John Mitchell, in his United Irishman, " takes leave to trample on the privilege of Parliament in order to tell Lord Lansdowne that he lies in his throat," when he contemptuously pardons the escapades of that paper for "want of character" in its conductors. He recommends Lord Clarendon to pack up his portmanteau and decamp while he can do so easily, and take with him the Union flag untorn. Dir. Mitchell, says to Lord Clarendon— I will tell yon the reason why you do not try to punish my sedition': it is because you know you would be defeated; it is because you are conscious that ton and your colleagues, and your red-tape officials, are not a government at all, hat a crew of conspirators, holding our country by force, fraud, corruption, and espionage; and you are afraid to take issue with me in your own law courts, dimply because you know that your law courts are a sham, just as your bayonets are a chimera, and that it only needs one bold effort to trample on them both." Again—if London upset " Parliament," " constitution," " stocks and Jews," and even " Queen," and had a first-class French revolution of their awn, with terror and guillotine and all that, France would not feel bound to interfere- " But if Ireland rose in insurrection against the Government which rules it for England, against the garrison which the English call classes' here, and if Eng- land, or any foreign power, landed one man on this our island to.intimidate or de- feat us in the assertion of our natural and national right, then the French Repub- lic would believe itself entitled, i.e. justified, necessitated, to protect by force of arms that legitimate movement' of an oppressed nation for life, for nationality, for greatness. . . . " We must utter and maintain the God-sent truth—the decree that is in the hearts of us all—hate of England to the death. We must make it known, not in the vile cant of moral force' speculators—of Parliament- ary Joseph Adya—who say to us, ' Send another shilling, and next session, or next year, or some time, you will hear of something to your advantage.'" . . . " It must be sounded otherwise."

The Nation is also cool and practical- " We trust the meetings on St. Patrick's Day will decree a national militia of volunteers, send a deputation to the Queen asking the usual licence, and pro seed to enrol them. The example has already been set by London. It will be followed by all Ireland. " If the enrolment become as universal as in '82, the dress and arms need not be uniform, but a general resemblance would be convenient. Some sound military authorities hold that the bulk of a national militia ought to be armed simply with the pike. Fire-arms are overvalued. In pitched battles it is calculated that not more than one man falls in every 600 musket-shots; in skirmishes, a still smaller proportion. But in a charge of pikes, whatever front rank holds its ground against it dies. Certainly our militia ought not to rely exclusively on either weapon. The national genius, so vehement and impetuous, exhibits itself with greatest effect in a charge; and for that service your pike is the tool. " A corps of a hundred men, with five officers, would be convenient. A cap- tain, lieutenant, an ensign, a sergeant, and a corporal. The corps to elect their own officers. The officers to elect majors, colonels, provincial generals, and a commander-in-chief. Two drill-sergeants ought to be temporarily employed, to train each corps. Old soldiers or ex-policemen, fit for this work, are to be found in every district. " This is the first step; the second follows close upon it. A National Assembly has been the sure source of all struggling nations. Philadelphia, Paris, Dungan- non, are the catch-words of its history. " From out our National Guards, or from the country indiscriminately, let us then choose a National Council. Let them be elected by deliberate vote of the people in every county and city in Ireland. The Convention Act says nothing to the contrary; it prohibits only the election of delegates to procure alterations in the law. Oar National Council will have a different and a higher duty."

Mr. Meagher of the Sword says, in a letter intended to have been read at the meeting above-mentioned- "prom this out, the deepest and blackest line should be drawn between the people of Ireland and the Ministers of England, their soldiers and their lawyers, their bullies and their beggars. God grant it, that in a few months at farthest, the Irish sea may flow between them and for ever! Till then, and still for ever —Vive la Republique !"

The Pilot is much scandalized at this outrageous language, and makes a double use of it- " The most discerning people now begin to think there is more in all this than meets the ear. Can these men be honest? they say. Why are they not prose- cuted? "

The proceedings at Conciliation Hall on Monday were varied by the admission of a recent and distilignished convert—lord. Miltown. The meeting was numerously attended, in expectation too of a " scene " aft& the late publication of Mr. -Yoh's- O'Connell's letter denouncing . the Phy, sical Force enthusiasts. Mr. Hodges, the Government reporter, was pre- sent. Nothing of interest occurred, however, beyond the speech of Lord Miltown. His Lordship frankly stated the difference between French and Irish grievances— It was not by such means that the French revolution was brought about, but by the force of public opinion, which had silenced the cannon of the tyrant, and made his swords and bayonets useless. The soldiers of the Ex-King of France, one and all, knew that the demands of the people were founded on justice, reason, and common sense; and that the opposition to them was based on tyranny and oppression. The French question was this—that the people there were not allowed to meet and discuss political questions fairly and freely. But they could not complain that they had not full licence to meet and talk in Ireland: therefore no comparison exited. Louis Philippe sat on the throne of France by the will of the people, not by the divine right of kings; and he was the man to deprive that people of liberty. They were, however, differently situated, for they were go- verned by a constitutional queen. Three cheers for the Queen. (Tremendous applause.) He suggested a Parliamentary policy for Irish Members— If the Irish people pursued the legal and constitutional path which had been pointed out to them by their great leader, they would succeed in their object. There were already thirty-seven Irish Members pledged to Repeal He recom- mended these Members not to declare war to the knife, because he abhorred any- thing savouring of violence; but he recommended them to an unmitigated hos- tility to every Government until the Union be repealed. Let them vote against every single measure—good. bad, and indifferent—proposed by the British Govern- ment. Let them not make long speeches, but simply say " No" to every measure. Let them not even vote for inquiry into anything, but say "No, no, no," to every project of a Ministry that refuses to grant full justice to Ireland. (Cheers.) If thirty-seven Members acted so together, they could effect mach. lie heard an anecdote at the time the Boroughmongering Parliament was in force. A Peer waited on a member of the Government, and asked for a particular situation. " The place is promised to another," replied the Minister. The applicant briefly observed, " I have ten votes." "But, my dear Lord, as the place is promised, what can I do?" Again the reply was, " I have ten votes." (Laughter.) By this parrot-cry he made an impression upon the man in power, and got the situation. He recommended that to every remon- strance of the British Government the Irish Members should call for justice for their country, and add, " We are thirty-seven." (Cheers.) If they go on in this way for some time, they may not obtain the repeal of the Union, but they may compel the Ministry to consider the necessity of yielding instalments of justice. The Irish should have at least two hundred representatives in Parliament, and the Irish Peers should be placed upon a similar footing with the English. Surely this was but common justice. The United Parliament should also meet in Dub-

lin for the consideration of Irish business, and let English business be discuoilet in London.

Lord Miltown attributed his junction with the Repeaters to the rejection of Mr. Dunne's motion in the House of Commons, supported by nearly every one of the Irish Members, for a Committee on the operation of the Irish Poor-law.

Mr. John O'Connell proposed terms of reconciliation with Young Ire- land. Rent 451.

The subject of the altar denunciations has been revived by the publi- cation of a letter from Dr. Slattery to Dr. M'Hale, conveying to the latter some sentiments said to have been expressed by Cardinal Franconi on the publication of the Papal rescript of the 3d of January. According to this story, the Cardinal regretted the trouble taken to refute the charges that the rescript has alluded to, as he did not believe them. The following pas- sages have been published in Ireland as veritable extracts from letters re- ceived by Dr. Slattery.

" Rome, 28th February 1848. " My Lord,. . . . . .

. . The Secretary to the Propaganda said that the letter was a private one; it was written merely to get information, and any one readies it would see that it was not to be published. He also said the Pope concurred in these views, and they were both very much displeased that a private communica-

tion should have been published. . . .

" The Pope praised your Grace's letter very much, and said you took a right Christian view of priestly interference in politics. If religion or necessity require that they should interfere, they have a right to do so: if the religion or the lives of the people be in danger, religion itself and charity call on them to interfere and to speak out; but in mere political matters which are not connected with religion, priests should not take a part. This is what the Pope said. He kept your Grace's letter, expressing great approbation of it, and said that he fully approved of your views."