Nat.

MONDAY, JA141JdRY 13TH.

PROFESSOR HEitzvani writes to the Times on the best means of as- certaining whether oil sold as paraffin or petroline is explosive, and recommends the following test: "Let two or three drops of it be allowed to fall upon a plate or saucer, and apply to them a lighted match; if the flame spreads over the surface of the drops the oil should on no second be used, as it will under many circumstances prove explosive. The genuine paraffin or petroline will not burn except upon a wick."

— It appears certain that the seat for Oxford, now vacant by the death of Mr. Vernon Harcourt, will be contested by the Tories. A meeting, convened by.the President of the Conservative Registration Society, was held at the Star Hotel, Oxford, on Saturday, and Colonel lane, of Worsley Park, was selected as the Tory candidate, in oppo- sition to Sir Henry Dashwood. Colonel Pane was present himself, and addressed the meeting in explanation of his political views. A rumour of Sir H. Dashwood's retirement from the contest was also circulated in Oxford.

— Mr. C. M. Willick, the well-known actuary, forwards to us as. usual the following statistics of the corn averages for the last seven years, and the consequent value of 100/. of tithe rent-charge :

"Sin,—As many of your readers may feel anxious to know the result of the Corn Averages for the seven years to Christmas, 1861, published by authority in the London Gazette of Friday evening, viz.: s. d.

WHEAT 7 Of per imperial bushel II/L.1E1.El 4 71 ditto OATH 3 1 ditto I beg to state for their information, that each 1001. of tithe rent-charge will, for the year 1862, amount to 1091. 13s. 6d., or very nearly 2i per cent, less than last year's value. The value for the year 18.55 was only 89/. 15s. 81d., or nearly 20 per cent, below the amount of the present year. "The following statement from my 'Annual Tithe Commutation Tables,' will show the worth of 1001. of tithe rent-charge for each year since the passing of

the Tithe Commutation Act, viz.:

X a. d.

L s. d.

For the Year 1887 98 13

of

For the Year 1850 98 16 10 1838 97 7 11 1861 96 11 4f 1839 95 7 9 1852 93 16 llf 1840 98 15 9f 1853 91

13 si

1841 102 12 5f 1864 90 19 5 1842 103 8 2f 1853 89 15 8f 1848 105 12 2f 1866 .. 98 18 lf 1844 104 3 6 1857 ..... ...

1845 103 17 11* 1858 105 16 31 1846 102 17 ef 1869 108 19 0 1847 99 18 10f 1860 110 17 81 1848 1849 102 1 0 100 8 71 1861 1862 112 109 3 18

41

6

26)2619 16 71

General average for 26 years 4100 15 3

— The Chancellor of the Exchequer was engaged throughout Friday and Saturday in presiding at various public meetings, &c., at Edinburgh and Leith. He arrived in Edinburgh on Friday, and in the morning presided at a meeting of the Court of the University, of i which he s Rector. In the evening Mr. Gladstone was enter- tained by Sir David Brewster, president and vice-chancellor, and the professors of the University, at their annual symposium, the Lord Justice Clerk, the Lord Advocate, M.P., the Solicitor-General, and Mr. More, M.P., being all present, On Saturday morning, the Right Honourable gentleman laid the foundation stone of a new episcopal church at Leith, and addressed the assemblage at the conclusion of the ceremony. He was "then entertained at lunch at the parsonage, and immediately afterwards proceeded to the Assembly-rooms where he was presented by the Provost, in the name of the magistrates and council, with the following address :

"We, the Provost, magistrates, and Council of Leith, gladly avail ourselves of your presence within our burgh on the occasion of laying the foundation stone of an edifice connected with the Church of which you are a distinguished member, to offer you our sincere and hearty congratulations on your visit to the birthplace of your respected father, the late Sir John Gladstone, of Fasciae. While we would remember with gratitude the munificence of your father in the enduring monuments he has left in his native town—a testimony at once of his deep con- cern for the spiritual as well as the temporal interests of our community—we would not be unmindful of what is due to yourself personally. on account of the distinguished position you occupy in the councils of the nation, a position you have reached not by the aid of adventitious circumstances, but by the praise- worthy cultivation of those talents with which you have been endowed, sustained and adorned by unimpeachable rectitude of conduct. That you may long be spared to enjoy the honours you have won, and to enlighten the deliberations of the British Senate by your acknowledged eloquence and ability, and to develops more and more those great commercial principles inaugurated by the late Sir Robert Peel, which under your own statesmanship are doing so much to promote the welfare and happiness of this as well as the neighbouring nations, is the sincere wish of the body who, on behalf of the community over which they have the honour to preside now respectfully address you."

Mr. Gladstone replied in a long and eloquent speech. After a graceful tribute to the memory of the late Lord Aberdeen, whose death almost literally commenced the past year, and an allusion to the loss of the Prince Consort, which might be said to have closed the year, Mr. Gladstone proceeded to comment at length on the English view of the recent events in America, and the happy removal of all appre- hensions of a rupture between the two nations.

" There is no doubt of the fact—I am not pretending to reveal secrets, or to be an interpreter of public opinion more than any other man,--but there is no doubt, I think, of the fact that all the thinking men in this country did come to the conclusion that in that war which had commenced the party which was apparently the strongest had committed themselves to an enterprize which would probably prove to be completely beyond their powers. (Cheers.) We saw there a military undertaking of tremendous difficulty, and a military undertaking which, if it was to be successful, would only be the preface and introduction to political difficulties far greater than even the military difficulties of the war itself. (Cheers.) Now, I am afraid that when this opinion came to be prevalent in England, that this war was a war to be lamented and to be deprecated, and likely to result in great misery, great effu- sion of human blood, enormous waste of treasure, permanent estraugement, and bitterness of feeling—I am afraid that the formation of that opinion, though conscientiously formed, gave deep offence to the people, or to many persons at least in the United States. Well, we know in private life that the same thing constantly happens. It constantly happens that when a man is engaged with his whole heart and will upon some enterprize which he thinks vital to his well-being, and when some other person is known to have said that he thinks the enterprize ought; not to be undertaken, great irritability, great sus- ceptibility is the result, and such a state of things arises in despite of the inclination of the men themselves, in whom there is no disposition to quarrel and to contention. I believe that is a true description, on the whole, of the state of things between England and America at the time when the case of the Trent occurred and produced so profound a sensation in this country. When that case occurred I need not say that it was the duty of the Government to use their very best exertions to make an examination of the facts and law of the case, because if we had been mistaken in our view of the facts and law I hold that, wi.atever our inclination might be to maintain the honour of the country, our first duty is, not to disturb the facts, but to pay strict obedience to the laws, and especially to those laws prevailing between nation and nation, the creation of which is one of the greatest results of modern civilization, and the maintenance of which is of vital interest to every people in the world. (Cheers.) But, having used the best exertion in our power to inform ourselves on these points, we made the demand to the American Government which is known to the country. You all know, also, the success of that application. (Cheers.) Now, what I earnestly hope is, that we shall take in good part the concession that America has made. Do not let us be tempted to criticize in an unfriendly spirit any portion of their proceedings ; perhaps if any individual might be tempted to criticize their proceed- ings it is the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Laughter.) I hear some people say, 'Why did they not give up Messrs. Mason and Slidell at once, without waiting for our demand?' Well, now, I think I am the person who has the best right to put that question, because undoubtedly, if they had given up Messrs. Mason and Slidell at once, without waiting for our demand, it would have saved the various departments of the State a great deal of trouble, and would have enabled me to present at the close of the financial year a balance-sheet more entirely satisfac- tory than I can now possibly do, although I do not despond with respect to it. But I hope that question will not be put. I trust nothing will be said and nothing will be thought in this country about previous questions and old contro- versies with the Americana. Let us endeavour to look at their conduct in a generous spirit. We have formed an opinion in regard to this war, which, although we have formed it conscientiously, I am afraid will produce a suscepti- bility in America. Do not let us add to that susceptibility by indulging in any- thing which may possibly cause irritation. Let us look, ladies and gentlemen, upon the bright side of that which the Americans have done, and surely a bright side it has. Let us look back to the moment when the Prince of Wales appeared in the United States of America, and when men by the thousand, by tens of thousands, and by hundreds of thousands, trooped together from all parts to give him a welcome as enthusiastic, and as obviously proceeding from the depths of the heart, as if those vast countries had still been a portion of the dominions of our Queen. (cheers.) Let us look to the fact that they are of necessity a people subject to quick and violent action of opinion, and liable to great public excitement—intensely agreed on the subject of war in which they were engaged, until aroused t'o a high pitch of ex- pectation by hearing that one of their vessels of war had laid hold on the Com- missioners of the Southern States, whom they regarded simply as rebels. Let us look to the fact that in the midst of that exultation, and in a country where the principles of popular government and democracy are carried to extremes-- that even, however, in this struggle of life and death, as they think it to be—that even, while ebullitions were taking place all over the country of joy and exultation at this capture—that even there this popular and democratic government has, under the demand of a foreign Power, written these words for they are the closing words in the despatch of Mr. Seward- ' The four words, will be cheerfully liberated.' (Loud cheers.) Let us take these words, I say, without minute criticism upon any thing that may have passed at former times, and may have been open to differences of view— let us accept them with thankfulness to the Almighty for having removed any apparent cause of deadly collision in which the hearts of the people of this country were united as the heart of one man to vindicate, under all circum- stances and to all extremities, the honour of the British flag, and to discharge the duty of protection to those who had placed themselves under its shelter. (Cheers.) Let us form good auguries for the future from that which now stands among the records of the past, and let us hope that, whatever remains, or whatever may yet arise to be adjusted in those relations between the two countries which afford a thousand points of contact every day, and must neces- sarily likewise afford opportunities for collision,—let us hope that in whatever may arise or remain to be adjusted a spirit of brotherly concord may prevail ; and, together with a disposition to assert our rights, we may be permitted to cherish a dismition to interpret handsomely and liberally the acts and intentions of others, and to avoid, if we can, aggravating the frightful evils of the civil war in America by perhaps even greater evils—at any rate, enormous evils to what, though not a civil war, would be next to a civil war—any conflict between America and England. (cheers.)" The remainder of the Right Honourable gentleman's speech con- sisted chiefly of details concerning the operations of the French Treaty, with especial regard to the cheap wine question. It appeared from those statistics that while the decrease in our exports to Ame- rica for the last three months of last year as compared with those of the corresponding period of 1860, was 3,177,0001.; this decrease was to a great extent compensated for by an increase of more than 2,000,000/. in our exports to France for the same three months. In the afternoon Mr. Gladstone attended a meeting of the Episcopal Endowment Association where, for the third time in the course of the day, he spoke at great length. In the evening he was.entertained at dinner by the Lord Advocate, and left Edinburgh on the evening of the following day.

inevitable expenses for repairs, &c., there is a deficiencyof nearly ngland : altogether madequate th meet.

— The Australian mail just arrived brings,full details of the fate of the unfortunate exploring expedition of Mr. Robert O'Hara Burke and his three companions. The expedition consisted of Mr. Burke, Mr. George Landells, Messrs.Wills, Herman Beckler, Ludwig Beckler, ten men (including three sepoys) and twenty-seven camels which had been brought over from India by Mr. Landells. They left Mel- bourne in August, 1860, but before many. months, a dispute about authority arose between Burke and Landells, which terminated in the latter and Dr. Beckler quitting the expedition. Burke then divided the expedition into two parties, the one, under himself, tct push on to Cooper's Creek, and the other to bring up the stores to a depot station previously agreed upon. Arrived at Cooper's Creek, Burke again divided the party. A party of three or four, under the com- mand of a man named Bmhe, were left at the depa, and the others, after considerable difficulties, appear to have really reached the Albert River, laid down by Captain Stokes in his map of the Gulf of Carpentaria, published in 1846, and to have exceeded " Stokes's farthest," by several miles. They then turned back, and after endu- ring great hardships and many delays, they reached the depot, but found to their horror that the party left in charge had all deserted it, a note dated only seven hours before their arrival having been left in the cache. Being too weak to attempt to follow them, Burke and his companions, after leaving a note in the cache, started for the settled parts of South Australia, but very shortly were compelled to return through exhaustion. In the mean time, Brahe had returned, having met the party in charge of the stores on their way to the depot, but not taking the trouble to open the cache, failed to perceive any signs of Burke, and left for the second time, together with the party which had brought up the stores. After this unfortunate contretemps nothing but disasters appear to have befallen the party, and the end is that but one of their whole number has regained Mel- bourne alive. A letter from Sir Henry Barkly, promising a detailed history of the whole expedition, was read by Sir Roderick Murchison before the Royal Geographical Society on Monday. 20001., which the funds at the disposal of the Dean and Chapter are When they heard of the recognition of the rights of the South and of the

WEDNESDAY, JANUA.RY 15TH.

— A public meeting, convened by the Lord Mayor, was held at the Mansion House, on Tuesday, to adopt proper measures for the erection of a lasting monument to his late Royal Highness the Prince Consort. The attendance was very large, and included the Marquises of Salisbury and Breadalbane, the Earl of Coventry, Lord down, the Bishop of London, and more than twenty members of the ouse of Commons. The Lord Mayor took the chair, and called upon the Bishop of London to move the first resolution, which was as follows :

"That this meeting deeply deploring the irreparable loss the country has sus- tained by the lamented death of his late Royal Highness the Prince Consort, whose powerful and well-regulated mind and great abilities have for more than twenty years been unceasingly devoted to improving the condition of the humbler classes and to the development and extension of science and art, and to the judicious education and training of the royal family, is of opinion that a lasting memorial should be erected, commemorative of his many virtues and expressive of the gratitude of the people."

The second resolution, which proposed that the memorial adopted should be of a monumental and national character, and that its design and mode of construction should be approved by her Majesty, was moved by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who expressed in warm terms his sense of the public and domestic virtues of his late Royal Highness. Baron Lionel de Rothschild, M.P., then proposed the

TUESDAY, JANUARY 14TH.

— The daily papers continue to teem with suggestions as to the most appropriate form of the memorial to his late Royal Highness the Prince Consort. The enlargement of the South Kensington Museum ; the removal from Alexandria and erection in Hyde Park of the obelisk presented to this country by Mehemet Ali; the con- struction of a wide boulevard as an approach to the Exhibition of 1862, having, perhaps, been more prominently brought forward than any others. At present, however, no one suggestion seems to have met with any very general support. — The second of the present series of special services in St. Paul's Cathedral was held on Sunday evening last, and was attended by the fall number of 3706, for whom accommodation is provided. Dr. Milman, the Dean, has issued a further appeal for subscriptions to the Cathedral Fund, stating that in consequence of increased and formation of a committee for the collection of subscriptions. After

a few words from the Hon. G. Denman, M.P., a.s tile representad itself, Mr. Greenhow, the worthy shipping-master of this port, is entitled to the tive of the legal profession, a numerous and influential COM- chid praise for it. His intimate knowledge of seamen enabled him to. state mittee was nominated at the motion of Mr. H. Lewis, M.P. The their requirements. At first, as I well know, there was a strong prejudice

subscriptions at the close of the proceedings amounted to nearly 40004, including a draft of 1050/. from the Society of Arts, which was accompanied by the following letter:

"Society of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, Adelphi, London, Jan. 13. "My Lord Mayor,— Although the meeting to be holden to-morrow may be considered, perhaps, only as a preliminary one towards organizing a national testimonial in commemoration of his Royal Highness the Prince Consort, the Society of Arts cannot allow it to take place without affording some token of its sincere regard for its late President, of its sense of his service sto arts, science, and manufactures, and of its wish to do all in its power to assist in establishing a memorial worthy of that great Prince. "I am desired, therefore, to inform your Lordship that the Council, subject to the confirmation of the Society, have voted the sum of 1000 guineas, to be applied towards the erection of a national monument, the design of which, as well as-the mode of execution, shall have been approved by the Queen.

"The Council also direct me to acquaint your Lordship that, in taking this step—which they regard only as one of others which may be adopted to per- petuate the Prince's memory—it is in their contemplation to aid in founding an industrial university, and in establishing travelling scholarships, in honour of the Prince, both of which objects his Royal Highness, their President, had deeply at heart.—I have the honour to be,

" Your Lordship's most obedient servant,

"P. La NEVE FOSTER, Secretary.

— Lord Henley and Mr. Gilpin, the members for Northampton, addressed their constituents at the Corn Exchange, on Monday night. Mr. Gilpin congratulated his hearers on the removal of the threatened danger of war which had been hanging over us for some time past, and spoke in laudatory terms of the conduct of Mr. Seward, who, he said, "setting aside all feelings of irritation—all those natural feelings of irritation which a man m his position must feel— surrounded, as he was, by all the elements of discord, had calmly argued the question really more as if he were the counsel for Eng- land than if he was an opponent in America." Mr. Gilpin also s oke with much warmth against the recognition of the South by

Southern Confederacy, they must recollect that the question was now whether they would recognize slaveowners, and be participators with slavery. (Hair, hear.) He did not mean to say that the circumstance could ever arise by which we should be bound to recognize the Southern Confederacy. We did not hesitate to recognize Japan, though certain of their doings were very repugnant to our notions of common-sense Christianity and common decency. We had no right to say we would not recognize an accomplished fact because that accomplished fact was not in accordance with our views. The time might come—but he hoped it would not—when from the Northern Union having made peace with that C011,. federacy our Government might be called upon to recognize that as a separate nation ; but come when it would, we should recognize in that nation a nation of slaveowners. (Hear, hear.) We should recognize that nation as existing, but when pointed out by our schoolboys it should be pointed out as a blot upon the fair face of civilization (chers); and what did they think of the men who were coming to this country for the purpose of obtaining the recognition of the Con- federate States? He was anxious that this subject should be thoroughly under- stood by the people of this country. The time had come when the voice of the people unmistakably heard did influence, as it ought to influence, not merely the decisions of Parliament, but the decisions of the Government; and the more the people of this country took into consideration these great questions and resolved upon them, the more, in his opinion, were they likely to come in Parliament and elsewhere to a right decision upon them too. The object of the Southern Con- federacy above all other objects was—and they would find that it was—again to legalize the slave trade (hear, hear), to open up the barbarities against which Clarkson, and Buxton, and Wilberforce and Sturge, and Burchel4 and linibb had protested, and had spent long and useful lives in successfully denouncing. He knew that if there was one principle which had thoroughly permeated every class in this country, it was an unmitigated hatred of the trade in human flesh. (Cheers.) He knew that there was not a man of sufficient eloquence or ability to carry in any fairly gathered meeting of the working men of this country, in any part of the kingdom, a resolution in favour of slavery. Slavery, black or white, they abhorred. His interest in slavery matters was no new interest ; it had grown with his growth and strengthened with his strength. If there was any one thing to him more abhorrent than another, in the contemplation of the war—the suicidal, fratricidal, civil, and yet uncivil war which threatened us with America—it was that our Union Jack should float side by side with the flag that emblematized slavery in its worst and most horrible form. (Cheers.) Let them look at the character of that population which had raised the standard of disaffection, and he thought they would then hesitate before they would directly or indirectly give their sanction to a premature and an unnecessary ac- knowledgment of the Southern States of America. (Cheers.) originating the reserve movement is due. Regarding the nature of the plan

Lord Henley also spoke briefly, and expressed his agreement with the opinions just enunciated by his colleague :

"He certainly could not conceive any more unfortunate circumstance than one which should cause a variance between England and the Northern States M America, and which should place us apparently on the side of the Southern States. He fully coincided in the feelings which had been so eloquently expressed by his honourable colleague, that in putting ourselves on the side of the Southern States we must appear as if we were putting ourselves on the side of slavery. It would be an awful consideration that Englishmen who had laboured and sacri- ficed for the purpose of giving up slavery, should find themselves fighting on the side of those who were attempting to maintain that system. They must not think of their pockets; in order to get cotton they must not go to war and defend the Southern Confederation. (cheers)"

— More than 400 men of the Tyne Naval Reserve, the total strength of which is now over 1200, were entertained on Tuesday at a substantial dinner at Shields, provided for them by the liberality of the Duke of Northumberland, Lord Ravensworth, and several of the resident county magistrates and shipowners. Mr. Hodgson, M.P, took the chair, and the toast of the evening, "The Naval Reserve, espceially the Tyne Volunteers," was proposed by Captain Bedford Pim, R.N., who said :

"Some three years ago a Royal Commission was appointed to inquire into the best method of manning the navy, and when it was manned, of keeping up the supply of seamen. The importance of the subject, in the then defenceless state of the country, engrossed public attention, and received the earnest consideration of Sir John P;ikington and the late Board of Admiralty, to whom the credit of against everything naval, but I am happy to say that this feeling has vanished, in proof of which I need only allude to the esteem in which my friends Captain Palmer and Lieutenant Campbell are held, and the very high opinion they entertain of the Reserve sailors who came under their orders. 'Times are altered since the Russian war ; I had then to pick up a crew for a gunboat the best way I could, and I only hope I may never see such a lot toge- ther again on board ship. Now all the gunboats we possess could be manned at once by Reserve men, who would make the very best crews in the world for that class of vessel; in short, it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the Naval Reserve. A standing navy is what the country requires, and then with a powerful reserve we may hold our own against all corners. I see by the Regis- trar-General's report, that in many places there is only one naval reserve man. Those ports have not enjoyed the advantage of a training ship—not even a gun- boat, I suspect, has been sent to stir up their seafaring population, and until that is done the numbers will not increase ; for if the men are worth having they must be looked after, and I have no doubt when the system is per- fected we shall number all the British seamen sailing in our merchant vessels. At present I do not think the men are fully alive to all the benefits they derive from the Reserve. It is not alone the retaining fee of 61., the pension of 12/., or the 1/. Is. per week training pay, but the amount of knowledge gained that must be taken into consideration. I appeal to any sailor present, if what he has lately learnt has not made him feel twice the man be was before learning, besides giving him additional confidence in his own powers. Already the Reserve has been of great value to the nation. Your late loyal de- monstrations strengthened the bands of Government, and enabled it to act with vigour and confidence, while at the same time the Americans learnt that we were a united people, jealous of our honour, and quite ready to resent any inso- lence to our flag. Two valuable lessons have been taught us by the Trent affair— first, by bringing prominently before our eyes the melancholy condition to which a nation may be brought by universal suffrage and ultra Radicalism, a warning which will, I hope, strengthen the Conservative party in this country ; secondly, by proving to every one the great value of being prepared. In this instance millions have been saved to the nation. Nothing but our readiness for war prevented a collision with the Federal States. In conclusion I should like to give a word of advice to the fine fellows now present. Do not be content with merely learning to knock your guns about, but in your leisure hours study the science of gunnery and the laws of projectiles. Keep up your cutlass drill by taking single- sticks to sea with you, and rapping away at each other on the forecastle, and, if half-a-dozen Reserve men happen to be together in the trams ship, I should strongly recommend them to purchase a rifle and perfect themselves in firing at a mark. I must now propose the toast, which I do with the greatest of pleasure."

Mr. MgDowell, a member of the Reserve, returned thanks, and Mr. Streaker proposed the health of the Chhirman. In responding, Mr. Hodgson said :

"He knew well that he spoke to many a man who held political opinions at variance with his own. There was one subject upon which, at the time he came forward as a candidate, he differed from many of them ; and that was that the best policy of this country was to maintain our navy in a high state of efficiency and strength. (Cheers.) He still held to that opinion: and he asked them whether it was not true that, if one thing more than another had prevented us from being at war at that moment, it was the policy which he had advocated, at the last election. (Cheers.) He did not say this in a boasting spirit ; but he did say that, with a great country like this, we were at all times bound to main- tain a navy which should not only efficiently protect our shores, but should carry with effect our mandates to the furthermost parts of the earth. (Cheers.) He concurred with his gallant friend that the way to defend this country was nut by sticking up fortresses at the mouths of rivers and placing garrisons all along the coast ; the way was to strengthen the wooden walls of Old England (cheers), and to meet the enemy before he touched our shores. (cheers.)"

— Mr. Beresford Hope delivered a lecture on the American question to a large audience in the schoolroom at Hawkhurst, on Tuesday. After referring to the "atrocious and almost unparalleled barbarity" displayed in the destruction of Charleston harbour, in- telligence of the accomplishment of which had just arrived, Mr. Hope proceeded to lay down two propositions : first, that the Southern States were not rebels ; and secondly, that the extinction of slavery would be but promoted by assisting the South against the North. In support of the theory that the Southerners were not rebels, Mr. Hope argued that the contrary supposition was merely based upon the fallacy that the President, Senate, and House of Representatives were the correlatives of Queen, Lords and Commons at home.

"Theoretically there was some degree of truth in that notion, practically there was a vast difference. Great Britain and Ireland formed a united State, with one national Legislature and one national Administration. America was a federal Republic_, composed of thirty-four sovereign States, each with its own two Houses of Legislature and its own Administrative Body, while the Federal Government existed only for the discharge of certain limited and specific func- tions—such as the regulation of the army, coinage, light-houses, navigation, copyright, foreign affairs, federal taxes, &c., which were delegated to it by the separate States. And all the American war, with its horrible bloodshed, its destruction of great ports and populous cities, its dislocation of commerce and paralysis of industry, had arisen simply because the North objected to the too liberal interpretation which the South put upon the sovereign rights of States apart from the control of the Federal Government."

After reference to the constitutional history of the Union for evi- dence in favour of their devotion, and an assertion that no one could condemn the South without denying the right of justifiable revolution under all possible circumstances—even from the government of a Bombs or a lien Fling Mr. Hope passed on to the slavery question :

"As to slavery, which they must not forget was a bequest to the States from England, the North found their climate was not adapted for negro labour, so they abolished slavery within their own limits, and sold their slaves to the South. (A laugh.) The North still contrived to make a profit out of slavery by ad- vancing money on mortgage of slave estates, and by engaging covertly in the slave trade—New York being the port which supplied vessels for the Cuban traffic in negroes. (Hear, hear.) In the South a negro was, as a rule, well treated, being regarded as a chattel ; but in the North even a tree black was regarded with the utmost aversion, and was excluded from the same tavern, the same railway car, the same church as the white man. (Hear.) In the distribution of seats in the House of Representatives five blacks counted as three whites ; and this of course put the South at a great disadvantage in regard to area and population in the estimate of their title to representation. The 233 representatives were redistributed every ten years acccording to population, and the result was that the North, who were increasing more rapinly than the South, were gradually gaining more members from the latter. This drove the South to seek for the admission of another Slave State into the Union to rectify the balance. Smarting under the oppressive protective code of the North, and alarmed at the gradual loss of their influence in Congress, the South resolved upon secession. Another thing also alarmed them. In England it was held a matter of common honesty that when slavery was abolished the holders of slaves should receive compensation. Mr. Helps, however, the mouthpiece of the ultra- abolitionists in the North, had published a work, in which he spoke of compen- sation as utterly preposterous, the very suggestion of which was criminal, and the demand wicked, monstrous, and damnable.' (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The work was recommended by sixty-eight members of Congress, of whom Mr.. Seward was one. The South might be wrong in seceding, but, after all, their alarm was not unnatural. (Hear, hear.) The new constitution which the Con- federates had adopted was a good test of their character and intentions. One of of the leading stipulations of that constitution was not to be found in the Federal Constitution, though it had been dealt with by an act of Congress—and that was the absolute prohibition of the slave trade. (Hear hear)."

The Southern constitution was also, Mr. Hope maintained, far superior in many other respects to that of the Union; and what was most important of all, he was convinced that the interests of hn- manity, as regarded the condition of the slave, would be far better served by the success of the South than.by the restoration of the Federal power :

" Heretofore the South had been obliged to play with slavery as a valuable card in its political game in the Senate and House of Representatives. But once the South was released from its contest with the North it could deal with slavery as a question affecting its social convenience and prosperity, and not its political existence. It had already ameliorated the condition of the slave. To be of real benefit to the black their emancipation should be gradual, not sudden. There were many stages of serfdom between absolute slavery and absolute freedom.. When recognised as an independent State the Smith would be brought into hnme- diate and intimate connexion with the Old World, on which it must rely for its manufactures, literature, and education. The public opinion of Europe would gra- dually exhibit slavery in its true colours to the South, lead it on to the transforma- tion of slavery into serfdom till some coining generation could deal with the black men as this generation was incompetent to do, and endow him with absolute freedom. (Hear, hear.) If, however, Europe turned its back upon the South, the latter might be driven in a fit of spits to return to its old courses--to reject the prohibition of the slave trade, and re-establish it in all its original horror. Had England any interest in wishing success to either side? He did not say so ; but he said that England had an interest in wishing for peace on the only terms possible for the happiness of the world—the final and complete separation of the two commonwealths. (Hear, hear.) If that meant success to the South, it was not his fault that the North was acting on the aggressive, and the South on the defensive."

After dwelling for some time on the cotton interest of England,. which would of course be benefited by the success of the South, Mr. Hope concluded thus :

"To adopt Lord Russell's felicitous phrase, it was a struggle for power on the- side of the North, and for independence on the side of the South. lie wished to see sonic good to England in the success of either party. If the South won he fancied he could descry glimmering in the distance gradual freedom for the slave, a liberal conservative constitution growing up out of unbridled democracy, free trade with a boundless expanse of the richest soil, from which English mills and vessels would reap a golden harvest, the high civilization of Europe per- vading a people prepared for its influence, a trim ally tied to us by the bonds of interest. nterest. (Hear, hear.) If the North won he would like to see the mann- facturens of Pennsylvania competing ins friendly way with those of Wolverhampton Massachusetts with Manchester, and the Federal Government willing to respect the integrity and security of Canada as a dependency of England. When he looked in that direction, however, he discerned a bank of clouds and fog, through, which loomed visions of Federal bankruptcy, a prolongation of internecine strife, the shackles of the slave riveted more firmly than ever, or else slavery swept away in one universal tempest of bloodshed and arson, lust and carnage, famine and desolation, the worst passions of an unchained democracy let loose to develop its dream of universal insult and promiscuous conquest, or else a military despotism setting its iron yoke upon an enslaved people, and employing their energies in outrage and aggression. (Cheers.)"

— Notwithstanding the recent exposures of the trade system of terrorism at Sheffield, the following letter has been received by Messrs. Ibbotson Brothers, of the Globe-street Works, Sheffield:

"Sir this is to inform you that you have got som nob stick in youre imploy we are informe that youre foreman over the fitters and turners as set them on and if you have any regard for youre own boddes and place you will set them of as soon as possible for we are dertimed to put a step to nob stick there is men wolking about the streets who as sirved there time to the trade and who as large famles we dont think it is right that you should employ men who as sirved their time to other thrades such as comb smiths cuttlers and even Jentlemans sirvents thease is --'s sorts of men we canasure you tha are dears men to any marster to have, we can asure you that as long as you keep that fool of a thick head of a — you will allwase have some bother he will have frish men every month he dare not employ a good man for feer you should see the diferance between him and a good workman if you was to get som good men and give them a good wage you wood find them the chepest men youre foreman has thorne you men), a pound a way you have to pay for his blunders and deale to- sir we would have you to remember the acorn strt outrage nob stick caused that outrage we might as well go to prison as to be clamed to death as for — we dont think it necessary to warns him he is not worth it he must abid by the result it will be a warme night for him the first chance for he has don more harms to our trade then all the men in the trade."

— Mr. Leatham, M.P., addressed a meeting in the Gymnasium. Hall, Huddersfield, on Tuesday evening, in support of the conduct of the Ministry on the Trent case.

— The counsel for the prosecution in the case of Dr. Rowland Williams having concluded their arguments in support of the articles, Dr. Deane replied on behalf of the defendant on Thursday, contend- ing that though his client had called in question the consistency of several books of the Old and New Testament, he had not denied their authenticity. After quoting from numerous theologians of undoubted orthodoxy in support of the opinion advanced by Dr. Williams, the learned counsel concluded by asserting that his client had looked at the question in the spirit of a scholar and churchman, and therefore ought not to be condemned. Judgment will not, it is said, be given. until Trinity Term, if so early.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 17TII.

— Commander Semmes, of the famous Confederate cruiser Sumter, writes a long letter to the limes, "in defence of his ship against the scurrilous and cowardly attack made upon him by Mr. Gideon Welles," whom he designates as Secretary of the Navy "for the Northern fragment of what was formerly known as the United States of America." Commander Semmes quotes an "elegant ex- tract" from Mr. Welles's report, in which the Sumter is evoken of as a "piratical rover," and his crew "as misguided men, prostrating themselves to purposes of plunder," who have "violated laws and moral obligations," &c. In reply, Commander Semmes asserts that the Sumter is not a pirate, or even a privateer, but a duly commis- sioned ship of war, and returns Mr. Welles's hard words with good interest. "These officers of the defunct Union are so blinded with venom that they have lost the power to distinguish between terms." Mr. Welles, says Commander Semmes, imitates the "dirty and men- dacious Yankee press," and "with his deluded associates," who are still under the idea that the South forms "part of the old Yankee dominion," and "with the blind rage of a balled madman," has sent no less than six of his largest and fastest steamers in pursuit of the Sumter. Mr. Semmes then recounts his exploits in the way of burning Yankee ships, &c., at considerable length, interspersing his narrative with constant ironical allusions to Mr. Welles and his six frigates, and after deliberately washing his hands in pitch for a column of the Times, suddenly recollects there is a possibility of their being defiled, quotes a text to that effect, and with a parting

"takes leave of Mr. Gideon Welles and his scurrilous report."

- A meeting of the depositors in the Bilston Savings-bank was held on Wednesday, Mr. Tidd Pratt attending for the purpose of presenting the report of his investigations into the accounts. Mr. Pratt fully explained the system of fraud by which the depositors had been swindled. The Rev. H. S. Fletcher, one of the managers, was in 1848 appointed actuary and treasurer, and from then until 1862, he appears to have made false entries, cooked accounts, forged, and swindled the unfortunate depositors with as much ease as if there had been no manager or trustees in existence. "For the security of the depositors, some few years ago-be thought about the year 1850-the Commissioners for the Ruction of the National Debt made an order that the trustees of every savings-bank should send -up every week an account of the money they had received and of the money they had paid away, which weekly return was to be signed by the treasurer and actuary, and by the manager who was in attendance at the time of the transactions taking place. The daybook from August, 1852, to August, 1857, could not be found ; but he had carefully gone over every page of the book from the latter date up to the present time, and found from com- paring the 1200 out of the 1400 depositors' books that had been brought in for examination, that the money received and the money paid away bad been correctly entered ; but, unfortunately, in making the weekly return to the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, the Rev. H. S. Fletcher did not enter correctly the money which he had received, nor the money which he had paid away. He (Mr. Pratt) had brought some of the weekly returns with him, and would give them some examples of this mode of procedure. The return for the let of January, 1859, states that there bad been received from depositors 2341. 16s. 2d., while, if the manager who countersigned that return had looked, as he ought to have done, at the accounts in the book for that date, he would have found that the amount received was 3341. 16s. 2d., and that therefore 1001. was that week abstracted. In the follow- ing week the actuary paid to depositors 74/. 19s. 3d., but returned the payments 1741. 19s. 8d. The next week he returned the payments to depositors as 1511, while, according to the book, he had paid away but 611. The next week the pay- ments out were 1421., but were returned at 1921., 601. being thus abstracted ; but in the next week he returned himself as having received but 1831. 15s. 10d., whereas 2831. 15s. 108. had been paid him; and as having paid away 1481. 3s. 9d, when he had paid away but 481. Si. 98. In that week he thus abstracted 2001.; but in another week he put into his pocket 3001., by returning that he had received but 1541. Ils. 10d., when the books showed the receipts to be 2541. lie. 10d.: and that he had paid away 2431. 19s. 6d., when it appeared from the book that he had paid but 431. 19s. 6d. The same system of defalca- tion appeared to have been pursued throughout without anybody but the Rev. Mr. Fletcher, acting as treasurer and actuary, participating in the transaction. In this way he (Mr. Pratt) had ascertained that from the end of September to December, 1858, 7001.; in the year 1859, 10001.; in 1860, 9001.; and in 1861, to the end of March, 400/. had been abstracted. (Great sensation.) On the 25th of March last it would be remembered that he (Mr. Pratt) gave a lecture in that room on Friendly Societies, and at the close of the lecture be alluded to the savings-bank of that town as being one from which annual returns had been wanting, and being very irregular in the keeping of its accounts ; and it was somewhat singular that the last 1001. that was abstracted was taken the week before the delivery of thatlecture, and that no some of money was afterwards abstracted."

In conclusion, Mr. Tidd Pratt expressed his belief that the recent Act for the creation of Post Office Savings-Banks, was one of the most useful ever passed, and reminded his hearers, that for every penny invested in such savings-banks, Government was directly re- sponsible.