Mr. Balfour opened the debate on Tuesday. He showed that,
before extending Household Suffrage to Ireland, Mr. Gladstone had met the argument that it would involve an immense Home-rule majority by saying that the English majority the other way would be still greater, and that there was no reason why the British electors to be added in this island should be afraid to look in the face the Irish electors to be added in Ireland ; but the result of the Irish elections were no sooner known, than Mr. Gladstone changed his line, and insisted that constitutionally we ought not to look them in the face and refuse their demand. But he did not apply the same rule to Ulster. Mr. Balfour ridiculed the proposal to admit Irish votes to determine what Government should be in power,—and, of course, as a corollary, what measures Govern- ment should undertake,—and then to exclude them on British measures, for, of course, no British measure which the Government did not approve, would be proposed by it at all; and, as for private Members' measures, they now hardly ever affect to be serious. The Home-rule Bill was a bastard com- bination of Federalism, Colonial government, and British Constitutionalism, and was a mere imposture, impossible in its details, and even worse in. its great principles. Mr. Bryce, who replied to Mr. Balfour, calmly assumed, however, that some such measure is sure ultimately to be passed, and argued the case for the Parliamentary stop-cock, which is to turn off or turn on Irish Members, quite seriously, as if he genuinely believed in it. But Mr. Bryce was evidently prepared for a much more complete development of Federalism between Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and England, than anything pro- vided for in this Bill.
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