13rbatirsi an Pratcellinwi in Vatlintnent.

THE IRISH POOR-LAW. THE IRISH POOR-LAW.

The House of Commons, on Monday, went into Committee, on the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, to consider that part of the Royal Speech which related to the establishment of a system of Poor-laws in Ireland. The passage in question having been read by the Clerk, Lord JonN RUSSELL rose to address the House. He commenced his speech by describing the benefits which a well-administered Poor- law conferred on a country, in preserving peace, preventing vagrancy, producing concord, creating a kindly feeling between landlord and tenant—the powerful person and the dependent, and in diminishing crime. He referred to the history of England for proof of the bene- ficial effect of a Poor-law. Previously to the Act of Elizabeth, the number of crimes committed throughout the country was enormous. In the reign of Henry the Eighth alone, 70,000 were executed for theft and other offences. Gangs of marauders ravaged the country. In the county of Somerset, though 40 were hanged in one year, four- fifths of those who deserved death escaped. In London even, it was found necessary to empower a certain officer to seize offenders in the streets, and hang them without a trial. Several Acts of Parliament were passed with the view to prevent crime by improving the condition of the people ; but the great Act was the 43d of Elizabeth, which pro- vided for the subsistence of cripples, orphans, and impotent persons, and the employment of the destitute able-bodied. In Scotland, an Act was passed during the reign of Elizabeth, providing for the sup- port of the poor, but not for the employment of the able-bodied. Lord John then showed how, by degrees, mischief arose from the maleadministmtion of the Act of Elizabeth. The new English Poor- law was intended to carry out the principle of the Act of Elizabeth ; and its success afforded encouragement to the introduction of a similar system into Ireland. The point to which he wished chiefly to direct attention, was the relief of the indigent. The

Commissioners recommended that Emigration on a large scale should be encouraged ; and that depots should be formed in diffe- rent parts of the country, to which persons preparing to emigrate

might resort. But Ministers bad great doubts whether it was a good principle to aid a certain class of the population in this manner, at the

public expense. There would also be great difficulty in enforcing

discipline in these depots for emigrants. After supporting the persons proposing to emigrate for some time, you might have to turn them adrift to renew their habits of vagrancy. Lord John went on tee state, that he had despatched Mr. George Nicholls, the English Poor,- law Commissioner, to make personal inquiries in Ireland as to the

practicability of extending the English system of relief to that coun- try; and Mr. Nicholls had reported that sliere was no effectual obstacle to the establishment of a Poor-law in Ireland, in many respects resem- bling the English law. In point of fact, a sum equal to between 700.0001. and 800,0001. per annum was at present given away to mendicants in Ireland ; and no doubt, a vast number of mendicants thus relieved

were impostors. A well-administered Poor-law, it was safe to con- clude, would not entail upon the owners of property so heavy a burden as the habit of giving indiscriminate relief to beggars. It was calcu- lated that about 300,0001. a year would be sufficient for the support of the destitute, tinder wise regulations. He then stated in what manner the Government intended that the Poor-law should be carried into effect. It was proposed to divide the country into districts of twenty miles square, gradually, ;recording to the discretion of the English Poor-law Commissioners; to whose num- ber, if necessary, one would be added. In the first instance, only from ten to fifteen unions would be formed ; and in each of these a work- house would be built, capable of holding 800 persons. In these work- houses, but not out of them, destitute persons would be relieved—the able-bodied as well as the aged, the cripple, and the helpless—accord- ing to the discretion of the Guardians ; but nobody would have a right to relief. There would be no law of settlement, as that law he had always considered one of the greatest evils of the English system. These workhouses would be under the management of a Board of Guardians, elected by the ratepayers annually ; but clergymen, whether Protestant, Catholic, or of any other denomination, were not to be mem- bers of the Boards. The rate was to be imposed by the Guardians; and to be levied on the owners and occupiers of property exceeding in yearly value the sum of 5/. ; half the rate to he paid by the landlord, and the other half by the tenant ; under 5/. the rating would affect the landlord only. All owners as well as occupiers would thus be entitled to vote for Guardians of the Poor. It was also proposed that the contributors of a certain amount should have a plurality of votes. It was not intended to introduce any provisions respecting bastardy and apprenticeship. With respect to mendicity and other similar institu' lions, they would be placed under the control of the Commissioners.

Lord John admitted, that by this bill peace and tranquillity would not be at once established in Ireland ; and they must look, perhaps, in some degree, to employment in public works and to emigration as auxi- liary measures. From emigration he did not expect much. He believed that the Colonists were very much opposed to the influx of Irish emi- grants. It was, however, proposed to establish emigration stations at the different sea-ports, where agents would be appointed to give infor- mation to those who required it. The measure, however, which he bad explained to the House, contained no provision respecting the em- ployment in public works or emigration.

After some observations on the necessity of combining a system of general education with that of relief to the poor, whenever a plan could be agreed upon which should not interfere with the particular creed of any sect, Lord John Russell moved a resolution, to the effect that it was expedient to impose a rate on the occupiers of rateable heredits- ments for the purpose of giving effectual relief to the poor of Ireland.

Mr. W. SMITH O'BRIEN, Mr. Slimy, and the O'CONNOR DON, ex- pressed their satisfaction at the introduction of the bill.

Mr. O'CONNELL wished to know how the first-erected workhouses— be they four or five, for the number was immaterial----were to be regu- lated?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not propose to limit the discretion of the Commissioners. In the first ten or fifteen workhouses, destitute per- sons would be selected for admission by the Board of Guardians. All owners and occupiers of property would be rated for their support.

Mr. O'CONNELL observed, that in that case only certain district* would be rated ; but everybody, no matter from what part of the country, might go and be a burden on those exclusively taxed. He next wished to know out of what fund the 700,0001. for building Poor- houses was to come ?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL proposed that it should be raised as a loan, to be repaid in a certain number of years.

Mr. O'CoNsess also wished to know whether, when the hundred poorhouses were erected in the hundred districts, it was intended to have any law of settlement ?

Lord JOHN RrSSELL replied, that at nresent it was not intended to have any law of settlement ; but that point might be fixed hereafter.

Mr. O'CONNELL then said, he did not anticipate much benefit from the plan laid down by Lord John Russell ; but he felt it to be the duty of every Member of the llouse to assist in carrying the measure of the Government into effect. He would assist in working out its details, so as to make them, if possible, practically useful ; but he was very much afraid that the experiment would be attended with great diffi- culty. The hundred workhouses in a hundred districts, each to hold eight hundred person, could only afford shelter and relief to eighty thousand persons. Upon what basis did Lord John Russell calculate that the number of the destitute would be only eighty thousand? He looked upon it as utterly impossible that the claimants for relief would be so few. As to the 300.0001., if it were but to afford the smallest prospect of giving relief to the poor in Leland, be would vote it without hesitation ; but it was totally inadequate to meet the evil. He objected to the gradual introduction of the measure— It seemed to him, that they would thereby create a state of transition, during which neither relief nor charity, neither relief from poor.houses nor alms. from private hands, would be afforded to the suffering population of the

many : time, while it ledessed to be a measure calculated to previa dia- rwts*Ret by giving distnct rcLet, it would prove to be the direct and mne- Aim cease of disturbance in the neighbourhood. If destitution were relieved is sae ,afistriet, it would put in motion all the neighbouring destitution ; and they would thus create an immediate excitement, by the fact of those persons who should not be relieved complaining of the injustice of relieving others and sat rims He disapproved of that part of the plan which confined relief and employment to the workhouses. There was no part of Ireland which might not be made ten times its productive as it was ; and yet such was the diseased condition of that country, that it was now suggested to feed men in a workhouse in idleness. The workhouse system acted

well in England, where the work was a kind of slave labour, to force idle persons to seek employment elsewhere ; but how would that principle act in Ireland, where men would work for twopence a day sataer than be idle? The experiment, however, must be made ; it was impossible to prevent it ; and it was necessary to see how it could be ateempted with the best chance of success. Many thought that a Poor-rate in Ireland would prevent the influx of Irish labourers into England : there could not be a greater mistake. Unmarried men would still go to England ; and the married would go there also, ksaviug their families to be maintained in the workhouses. He im- plored Ministers to think again on the aid to be derived from extensive entignition- Why might not we raise a large fund. as the Americans had done, by the sired land ? A hunched thousand pounds had been realized this year in that turuwa in New South Wales. Let willing and able bodied labourers be sent eat to those colonies where there was a demand for Wrote ; and, after working *few years for good wages, they would acquire land themselves. This view de- served, and be trusted would receive, the consideration of Government and the Noose. 'I hey would find much valuable information, and many useful suggestions, in the Committee which sat on the subject last session. There would be no difficulty in borrowing money for the purpose on the credit of the future sales 1(1=6 ; and fifty or a hundred thousand persons, who were now in a state of destitution, might be sent out at once. Let that be added to the relief which the workhouses would afford. and Pour-laws might perhaps be rendered effi- cient in Ireland. "But, for my own part," said Mr. O'Connell, in conclusion, "I see that, whether efficient or not, a Poor.law we must have."

Lord HOWICK contended, that the amount of destitution in Ireland alight be so far diminished as to render the amount of relief in work- houses, proposed by Lord John Russell, sufficient. In Ireland there was abundance of labour, and an ample field for its employment. There was a deficiency of capital ; but that deficiency might be sup- plied from England, where there was a superabundance of money ready for investment in any speculation that showed even a remote chance of success. The real cause of Irish misery was the disposition of the people to turbulence and crime, arising from circumstances which it was the duty of Parliament to remove. The dread of abso- lute starvation was the main cause of disturbances and violence in Ire- laud. Take away the feeling of insecurity as to the means of sub- sistence, and the disposition to turbulence would cease ; that done, English capital would flow into Ireland to take advantage of cheap labour and other facilities of improvement to be found in that country. It was not, therefore, the actual amount of relief given, but the feeling ef security that if need were relief might be obtained, which would produce the most extensive benefit.

Sir ROBERT PEET, said that Parliament and the country were under deep obligations to Ministers for bringing forward a definite proposition an the subject of the Irish poor ; and he rejoiced that the discussion was carried on without any admixture of party feeling. Among the measures ancillary to Lord John Russell's plan, emigration and em- ployment in public works had been mentioned. He was not sanguine as to the benefits to be derived from emigration. He thought that the long sea voyage would prevent extensive emigration. To move from sae part of a vast continent to another, was easy ; but not so to leave a small island, to secure a ship and a surgeon, and to incur various ex- penses in the remoter' of a wife and family. As to employment in public works, be denied that the House would be justified iu voting millions for the mere purpose of providing employment ; thus interfering with the natural demand for labour. Before the public money was devoted to such a purpose, it should be proved that the work contern- pitted would not he undertaken by individual enterprise, and would produce, when completed, public advantage. To vote money merely to aroploy people, would aggravate existing evils. With regard to the measure itself, he should be sorry to say a word of opposition, and on a subject so important be did not wish to pledge himself prematurely. The few suggestions be should offer to Lord John Russell would be given in the spirit of a friend. He did not think with Mr. O'Connell that the House had no option, of that it was bound to take the Minis. terial Bill. He wished to ask Lord John Russell what, supposing the auudred workhouses to be built, would be the area of square miles to each workhouse : he presumed Jord John was prepared with some calculation ?

Lord JOHN Russeta.--" Twenty square miles."

Lord Howmg—" Twenty miles square."

Sir ROBERT PEEL—" There is considerable difference between twenty square miles and twenty miles square: which do you mean ?" Lord JOHN RUSSELL—" Twenty miles square."

Sir ROBERT PEEL—" That would give an area of 400 miles to each anion. If one member of a family were taken into the workhouses, would the others be compelled to go there also?"

Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that relief would not be given to one of a family unless tine whole came into the workhouse.

Sir ROBERT PEEL resumed. It appealed that the measure was founded on the Success which had attended the workhouse system in England. He wished that they had had longer experience of that sys- tem before it was introduced into Ireland. It had been tried in England under very favourable circumstances ; and he strongly recommended Ministers, before they established it in Ireland, to consider whether it should not he combined with some plan of domiciliary relief.

Mr. JAMES GRATTAN spoke briefly in GA, air of the bill.

Loud STANLEY came forward on this occasion as an Irish landlord, us..es:airily for a great portion of the sem an absentee landlord. But u. had been his desire to discharge the duties of is landlord us far as

they could be performed by an absentee ; and he had never shrunk from bearing his bare of the burdens that might be fairly put upon the landlords of Ireland. The two grand objects of the present men. sure were, first, to Five the landlords in general an interest in the good management of their estates; and secondly, to prevent mendicancy and vagrancy. It was impossible to exaggerate the evil of that most mis- chievous and fatal of all the pests of society in Ireland—mendicancy. It was an evil compared with which, taxation to the amount of a mil. lion or even two millions was as nothing. Many objected to coniput. sory relief, not because it would entail a heavy tax on property, but that it would check the flow of private benevolence in Ireland—

He had witnessed instances of affectionate devotion in which individuals sacri- ficed all comfort to a sense of paramount charity which reflected the very highest credit on the feelings of those in the humblest society of Ireland. It was considered in this country to be an act of extraordinary kindness and charity, if one well to do in the world, enjoying every comfort, if not almost every luxury, were to adopt a destitute family, and bring them up in his owe house, among his own children, and to make them share in his own domestic comfort and happiness; but he would tell English Members of that Ilous, who might not know it, that in Ireland it wasko rare occurrence, no yearly or casual transaction, but a constant and daily occurrence. It was not at all an uncommon thing for those steeped in poverty, when a widow was loft with a large family, although they scarcely know where to obtain bread from day to day, to open their houses ; and there would not be a house into which the widow would not be received. Nay, more, there was nut a family which would refuse to charge itself with the permanent maintenance of the orphans, not according to, but beyond their circumstances. Would he cheek that feeling ? God forbid ! He honoured too highly, and felt too deeply, the Christian principle from which it flowed, to wish to check that sacred fount of charity ; but he would say as a statesman, locking to the condition of the country, to the habits which they wished to promote among the people, and to the foresight which they wished to engender and to foster, they ought not to force:the population so to strain their charity ; because the result was, that highly exalted as the virtue might be—and it was the more highly exalted be- cause it was unseen and unknown, and looked for its reward not here—yet the effect of it was to induce in the population a general sense that it was not neces- sary or not desirable to look to their future comfort, or to the promotion of any improvement in their condition. It was a feeling of charity which was high and holy in its origin; but it was a charity which, unless they limited the necessity for its exercise in a certain degree by law, would kad to social abuses and mischiefs to be deprecated and deplored. It was productive of im- providence, from the very consciousness that the last halfpenny or potato was to be shared with the first applicant for aid that appeared. From what did that state of things anise? He would say without hesitation, that it arose from the conviction that there was nothing on which the destitute could fall back.

He was persuaded that destitution, absolute, entire, and hopeless, must be the stern limit at which to fix relief. Let the situation of England and Ireland be compared in reference to the danger of intro- ducing a new system of Poor-laws-

In England, a system pregnant with abuseshad long existed—a system which was lax beyond all precedent, and which had induced intolerable evils, of which every man was sensible. Here it was necessary to impose checks and re- straints on pauperism ; but in Ireland, where the opposite extreme of things had existed, it was necessary to propose a mitigatory, system. In England, re- strictions were necessary to check the exorbitant evils that had arisen out of a lax system of Poor-laws ; but in Ireland, while the strictest regulations were imperative, which regulations might be gradually improved, the pauper po- pulation should be deprived of no advantage enjoyed by the pauper po- pulation of England. The question was in the one couutry how far they could safely impose restrictions, and in the other how far they could relax ; and if they meant to come to the same result, they should take the opposite line in Ireland, taking care not to relieve to too great an extent in the first instance, but holding out an expectation of greater relief in future.

He was inclined to think, that except in the large towns, the appli- cation for admission into the workhouses would not be very numerous ; the habits of the Irish being so repugnant to the confinement they would have to undergo in those establishments. But it was necessary to consider the location of the workhouses ; for they should be within a distance that the most infirm and destitute persons in the districts could reach them without difficulty, and without begging ; and he would ask Lord John Russell, whether he was not making his workhouse dis- tricts too large? Had he not also gone too far in laying down as a rule, that although absolute destitution was the sole condition of relief, it con- ferred no right to relief, and that none could be established in the absence of a law of settlement ? This was a point of great difficulty ; but let not Ministers shrink from grappling with it. It was jumping too hastily to a conclusion to declare, that because the English law of settlement pro- duced litigation and other evils, there should be no law of settlement in Ireland. Suppose he had said, "Look at the abuses of the old Poor- law in England—therefore let us have no Poonlaw at all : " this was precisely Lord John's doctrine with regard to settlement. Lord Stanley entirely approved of the exclusion of clergymen from the Boards of Guardians ; and with respect to rating, he hoped to see a system introduced which would put an end to the practice of requiring an undertaking from tenants to pay exorbitant rents—the greatest of all evils between landlord and tenant. With regard to the question of destitution, he hoped it would be determined that no person in the actual holding and occupation of land would be considered so des- titute as to give him a claim to relief. He hoped that the measure would tend to check the desire to hold land ; which, owing to his mise- rable cultivation, often starved the poor tenant outright.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL thanked the House for the kindly spirit in which his plan had been received.

Finally, the resolution was agreed to, non. con.

QUALIFICATION OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

Sir Wisarest Moteswonvii, on Tuesday, moved the House of Commons for leave to bring in a "bill to abolish the Property Quali- fication of Members of Parliament." He desired to repeal the statutes 9th Anne, c. 5, and 33d George II. c. 20, which imposed this quali- fication, more on account of their being vicious in principle than be- cause they produced very pernicious consequences' though undoubtedly they were sometimes the cause of great individual hardship. Ile read a passage from Tindal the historian, which showed that at the very time the Act of Queen Anne was passed, an important constitutional principle was held to have Leal infringed in favour of the landed inte- rest. That act merely rendered it necessary that a Member should swear to his being qualified by the possession of certain property ; but as it did not declare any mode of ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the oath, it was found to be inoperative ; and, after several attempts to remedy its defects by standing orders of the House, the 33d of George the Second was passed, which obliges every Member to furnish the particulars of his qualification when required. This law, how- ever, had been bolstered up by standing orders of the House, other- it might be easily evaded. But nothing was easier than to obtain a fic- titious qualification- " Any gentleman who has a sufficient sum at his banker's can obtain from his banker a rent charge as a mere matter of business, for most of the large Lon-

don bankers possess landed property. If the gentleman who desires to be qua-

lified does not possess a sufficient sum at his immediate disposal, he then applies to a friend or to an attorney, who generally can find amongst his clients some person of landed properly willing to grant a fictitious qualification. A deed is

drawn up conveying the rent. charge required, which deed never goes out of the possession of the attorney : in the presence of two witnesses unacquainted with the nature of the transaction, a seeming payment is made of the sum of

money which would be required to make the transaction a real one. if there should be a petition, then the nature of the deed and the consideration are stated to the Committee of the House, and the witnesses prove the transaction to be a bona fide one. This is the safest and simplest mode of proceeding ; though the expense of the stamps renders it rather more costly than a deed of gift, which probably would not be considered to be a bona fide transaction, if the majority of the Committee were opposed in political principles to the Mean- her petitioned against. Any respectable attorney will for a very trifling con- sideration procure a fictitious qualification for one of his clients. The question before a Committee can seldom be whether the qualification is a Gotta fide one, but whether the Member is legally or equitably in possession of the property. A person must be very negligent, or his attorney very ignorant, who finds any difficulty under the qualitication.laws. Nevertheless, many of the Members of the House are not properly qualified. As for a real and bona fide qualifica- tion, it is well known that one-half of the Members of Parliament, if not more, do not in reality possess the amount of landed property required, but sit here in virtue of fictitious qualifications."

Sir William read a letter from " an eminent attorney," describing the various modes of evading the law-

" On the eve of a dissolution of Parliament, (said the attorney's letter,) dozens of sham qualifications are made by solicitors, often drawn and settled by counsel. One solicitor in London is known, in fashionable circles, as a gentle. man who will qualify any candidate, ' respectably introduced to him,' fur 100/., including the stamps. But solicitors of the highest station and unquestionable integrity do not scruple to manufacture qualifications."

Having shown that the present law is easily evaded, Sir William blolesworth contended that it should be repealed, not amended- " The ancient principle of constitutional law is evidently this, that the elec • toral body should he permitted to select z.s their representatives the persons whom they consider to be fittest; and that the free choice of an intelligent body of electors is a fitter proof of the qualification of the Member than any test which can be specified in any law ; for the fitness of an individual to be a representative depends upon his ability and willingness to perform the duties of a legislator. These are mental qualifications, which can hardly be insured by any test specified by law."

He argued against the notion that the possession of wealth was likely to confer peculiar fitness for the office of a legislator : on the contrary, be believed that riches rather tended to prevent the acquire- ment of knowledge, which could only be obtained by labour. He utterly denied that property was a security for the honesty of anybody ; for though the needy were generally dishonest, neediness did not depend upon the amount of a man's property, but upon the proportion between his desires and the means of gratifying them. The deli were supposed to have leisure, and the poor to want it : but how many learned lawyers were in the House, who all swear to the possession of 300/. a year in land, but who, whether briefless or not, would all as readily swear that they have not a moment to spare from their legal avocations? If only men of leisure were allowed to be Members of Parliament, bankers, lawyers, and merchants would be excluded, and only country gentlemen left,—a consummation which he did not think was devoutly to be wished, though Providence had kindly placed him in the favoured class. Believing that neither age, nor profession, nor mode of life. nor, least of all, property, were tests of the intellectual or moral fitness of a man to be a Member of Parliament,—and that the choice ought to be left to the electors,—he moved to repeal the two statutes of Anne and George the Second.

Mr. LEADER seconded the motion. He dwelt upon the absurdity and unfairness of restricting the choice of electors, and saying to them, "You may select your Representative, but you shall select him from a certain class only." He gave a brief history of the various attempts which had been made to " qualify " Members of Parliament ; and quoted two passages from Swift's Examiner, which proved that the Act of Anne was considered by the Tories, who passed it, as a mea- sure for keeping the government in the hands of " landed men," and excluding those whose property was " transient and imaginary." It appeared from a passage in Smollett's History, read by Mr. Leader, that the Act of George the Second was considered by many at the time it passed (in MO) as an act of usurpation on the part of the landed gentlemen. Mr. Hallam, in his Constitutional History, stigmatizes the freehold property qualification as unconstitutional, and in the pre- sent state of society absurd. Mr. Leader then referred to the ex- emptions of sons of Peers, of the members of the Universities, and of the whole body of Scotch Members. for proof that want of the qualifi- cation did not produce mischief. It had been retnarked that there had scarcely ever been a Scotch Member who was not a person of ample or at least independent fot tune. In conclusion, said Mr. Leader- ' The reasons for repealing the present qualification law are, that it is had in principle—contrary to the ancient constitution—unjust to the electoral body. It is notorious to all men accustomed to Parliamentary bu•iiiiess, that it is so easily evaded as to be almost entirely iuoperative; the object for which it was passed has been entirely defeated ; if ever a necessity for it existed, no necessity for it exists now. Its existence in the case of England, Ireland, and Wales, produces no good ; its absence in the case of Scotland causes no evil ; but its continuance in the statute-book, though almost a dead letter, has caused, and does still cause, a bad moral effect on the constituencies. There is no good rea- son fir allowing it to remain in existence : it has lung ceased to have any force; and there are many reasons for its repeal."

Mr. ARTHUR TREVOR opposed the motion, as being most objection. able and odious. There was no weight whatever in the arguments of Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Leader. Men who aspired to a set in Parliament should have a stake in the country. Without the cm& fication, needy persons would get into the House of Commons eat legislate upon property:in which they had no interest.

Mr. EWART begged the House to recollect, that Mr. Trevor, ueiag the son of Peer, might sit in the House without a qualification; but the want of a qualification kept some men of great eminence out of it. For instance, Dr. Southey, though elected, could not take.his seat because he had not 3001. a year in land— The bills which it was now proposed to repeal were founded on the asatrasp- tion that the amount of wealth was equivalent to the amount of independence. This was a most absurd and fallacious notion ; for a person of comparatively small income, provided he lived within it, was certainly in more independent circumstances than a man of large possessions whose wants exceeded his in- come. As a remarkable instance of the union of comparative poverty and in- dependence, he would refer to a well.known circumstance connected with the life of that pure-minded and distinguished man, Andrew Marvel—a name this could never be forgotten in connexion with the history of this country. Wbc could forget the remarkable observation of the Earl of Danby, w a waited upon the patriot in his humble lodging for the purpose of corrupting him, and who, on observing his frugal repast, turned to his attendant, and said—" Dania the man, it is impossible to tempt him!"

Mr. WARBURTON hoped the House would allow the bill to be intro- duced. Those who objected to the entire abolition of the qualifications, might propose in the Committee some alteration of the qualification.

Mr. NIact.EAN said, that to abolish the qualification would be to open the House to men selected from the lowest classes—from the canaille.

Mr. Hole hoped that those Members who came forward upon Ali occasions with sanctified looks and upturned eyes, calling upon use House to attend to the dictates of God and acknowledge a Divine Providence, would vote for a measure which would put a stop to a sys. tem productive in numberless cases of the grossest perjury.

Lord FRANCIS EGERTON would refuse his sanction to the bill; be- cause, if the Legislature declared that the person elected required nt: qualification, it followed as a corollary, that neither did the electors re- quire a qualification ; and that he never would admit.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that Mr. Trevor talked about the "lower orders," and Mr. Maclean about the " canaille"— Mr. TREVOR denied that be had used the expression "lower orders.° Mr. AIACLEAN said lie bad spoken of the "canaille;" and surely in every country there was a canaille.

Mr. O'CoNset.r. said, that not only himself, but Mr. Pryme and, others understood Mr. Trevor to have talked of the lower orders—the rag, tag, and bobtail— Mr. TREVOR protestel that Mr. O'Connell had no right to attribate to him whatever terms of abuse came into his own head.

Mr. O'CONNELT. then briefly stated his objections to the property qualification.

Lord Jotix RUSSELL had come down to the House intending to sup- port the motion "to amend the laws relating to the qualification of Members of Parliament ;" because it was highly inexpedient to keep the law as it stood— It was absurd to say that the merchant or manufacturer, with his 30,000L or 300,0001. in personal property, was unfit to be a member of the House be- cause he did not chance to have 300/. a year in land : it appeared to hiss that each a principle was at variance with one of the glee principles of the coati:- tution. Yet such a principle had been in operation since the reign of Queen Anne: and how did this happen ? Why, it arose fiom the circumstance that in that reign there existed a great jealousy between the landed and trading in- terests ; the trading interest being known to be favourable to the Hanover ant- cession, and other principles to which the landed gently were opposed; acd tie result was, that the landed interest procured this innovation, by which ciainear and burgesses were rendered incapable of holding a seat unless they posriensei landed property. The consequence had been, that in numberless cases erase frauds had been committed ; sod it was very desirable that the system shoutdbe altered. He agreed with Mr. Warburton, that it was much better to mesa the law as to qualification than to abolish qualification altogether. He did ate mean to say that he should apprehend any very great evils from such an entire abolition of the qualification : fur he believed that the good Ruse and discretion of the country might be safely trusted to in the selection of Members; but lye opinion was, that It would be far better, in this case, to modify than to abolish. He was, therefore, ready to vote with the honourable baronet if he wooli consent to let his motion stand in the terms in which it appeared on the Order- book.

Sir WILLIAM MoLeswonrii said, he should not vary his motina. His notice had been erroneously printed in the Order-book. Mr. CHARLES BULLER supported the,motion.

Lord EBRINGTON also supported it ; though be wished Lord JAE Russell's suggestion to be adopted, and a bill to emend the qualiCe-a- brought in.

Mr. IVAKLEY regretted the course taken by Lord John Russell— The noble lord appeared to suppose that be could conciliate tLe honourable gen•lemen opposite, and their friends out of doors ; but he would find be war n.i-•aken. He seemed to be winding a coarse between right and wrong ; am iv.. ;le he would fail to conciliate his enemies, be would shake the confidence of

friends. He would impress the Reim fliers with the belief that they were betrayed by their friends, and that till a radical change took place in the coma.- nation of the House, they would never be represented.

Sir WILLIAM Mottswoarir briefly replied; and the HEElse. (fi vided-

For the motion 104 Against it 133

Ministerial and Tory majui ity

29 SEATS OF THE BISHOPS IN PARLIAMENT.

Mr. CHARLES LUSIIINGTON moved the Commons, OD Thursday, ac adopt the following resolution- " That it is the opinion of this House, that the sitting of the Bishops in is unfavourable in its operation to thegencral interests of the Carialac religion in this country. and tends to alienate the affections of the people from the Established Church."

Mr. Lushington was aware that his motion jarred against many long: received prepossessions, which he sincerely respected ; but he imam

that every Member would lay aside his prejudices, and, after a delibe- ate examination of the important question before the House, decide upon it calmly and coolly. He had paid little attention to the records of the House in preparing himself for the discussion of this question. He would rather study the effect which the existence of spiritual Deets had upon the People. He had examined polem!eal writings, and that sacred code in which there was no error; and he must say, that he saw no trace of an authority in the sacred volume for the fre- quent desertion of their spiritual duties, of which Bishops, so long as they remained Peers of Parliament, must be guilty. His object was to relieve them from duties incompatible with those high and holy functions which they had solemnly vowed and sworn to discharge. Mr. Lushington quoted the opinion of Bishop Watson, Lord Henley, Mr. Knox, the Reverend E. Duncan of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the Reve- Send Sydney Smith, Archbishop Leighton, and Bishop Jebb; who all perceived and lamented the injurious effects upon the Church of turn- ing Bishope into temporal lawmakers and politicians. In fact, he said, it had long been a prevalent opinions, that in a political assembly a Bishop was in a false position. In the Church of Scotland, there was Ito union of civil with ecclesiastical dignities ; and so fully was this principle enforced, that Lord Belhaven resigned the office of elder be. fore he could assume that of Chief Commissioner of the General As- sembly. Even the Roman Catholic Bishops, in Catholic countries, bad nothing like the extent of political power enjoyed by the Prelates of the Church of England. It was his opinion that Bishops should reside in their dioceses, and devote themselves entirely to their episco- pal duties, remote from the political conflicts of the metropolis. They should be engaged in promoting pit ty, diffusing education, and exhort- ing their clergy. When he mentioned exhortation, however, he meant a very different sort of exhortation front that which lately proceeded from a member of the Episcopal Bench. The Charge to which he alluded tilled forty-eight octavo pages ; and forty-one ot them were oc- cupied with a political discussion of certain Acts of Purliament, one of which this especially political Prelate described as " degrading and storruptiug," " replete with mischief," and "pregnant with disastrous consequences." Was that a Charge, be would ask, ealculeted to create respect for the episcopal character? It was owing to such discourses as these, and the political ietluence of the clergy, that1Lord John Rus. sell sat for Stroud instead of Devonshire.

Mr. limeys seconded the motion ; and argued, on the authority of Lord Henley, that the interests of the Estoblishima t would he pro- moted, not injured, by the absence of the Bishops from Parliament.

Mr. flesie presumed that the arguments of the mover end seconder were found to be unanswerable, as nobody replied to them. He trusted that Lord John Russell would support the motion, seeing he bad tit elated a few evemit.gs ago, that mayigrates (Mr. Hume meant &reason) ought nut to be in the to 'ssion of the pence. The sole question was4 whether the ',oilfired function- est the Bishops were in consennime with the Fillet periorneoiee of their spiritual duties. The Bishops had almost uoirornily li i it tie alijcet tools of the Mini-ter of the day. lle could send them back to their diotasts, avid euniptl them to attend to their spiritual duties.

Lord JO1IN 111:Sn1:1.1. Fortis that the motio.. would irtre.litek: a chimp-a

into one of the inost ativient portions of tile 1 fmish I (institution.

From the vailiest pet iedethe Bisheps 1.a i Mk.,1111,1:, of tI e 1.-pper Bowe. The motion was not one to reform an existing itts:itution, Lot to destroy one of the primacy ts of w Lich the cunt- posed--to niter essentially: emu of the most ancient institutions in the realm. If this motion we le earrit d, it would lead to other eneet mews not included in it The reasons adv:tived for the chat,ge were vague, desidrery. and liable to strong objections. Extracts from wink: de- aeribit.;.t. the poop of eldSeOpal eerelt1011teS, did 110: prove the le eessity

of rett.oving Bishops from the House of Lords. argumet.ts of Llt,hitigtoo led to the substitution of Presbytery, or the ecclesias-

tical system that ',reedited in the United States. It was argue el that a conip!ete line should be drawn between the r xereise of spiritual and civil functions but in this country, whet e the Clutch was in close affinity with the State, to draw such it lice was impo•sible. The Bishops sat in the Lords as the representatives of that portion of the Constiottion which was of a spiritual nature ; and if they were ex- cluded, he did not see how they could refuse the whit i-sion of clergy to the House of Commons. Ile considered that the bier:111.11y was that portion of the clerical body which could sit in Podia:11Na with the least disturbance of their spiritual duties. There was 110 want of precedents for the admission of eeciesiusties into legi-lative bodies. In the Spenish Cortes, when he %vitnessed the deliberations of that body, there were foam forty to fifty ch•rical alembets. Though he bad no ecelesin-bead patronage himself, his connexion with the First Lord of the Treasury and the Lord Chancellor enabled Min to know how that patronage was exercised, and that it was quite in: mssible to prevent the appointment of clergymen who meddled with politics. For instance- " Application has been made in favour of a deserving clergyman or a curate of fifteeu or twenty years' standing ; and it has been urged that be was a gentle- mangreatly beloved, that he attended to all the spiritual wants of his flock, and that all parties were anxious that the vacant laving should be given to him; and he was appelr:trd. But might nut those who contend that civil and seligious funetiom should be separand, raise their voice against such a practice, and say, that though the curate is not a violent partisan, his brother, or his nephew, or his cousin is, and that the living ought not to be given to an indi- vidnal connected with a person of such political opinions? With iegard to the Dissenters, 1 know many ministers of the ditTet emit sects for whom I have the greatest respect and regard ; I know how much they attend to the spiritual in- terests of church to is hieh they belong ; but if I were to select those who are most respected, and if I am asked whether they separate religions fuuctions from political, I am glad to say they .10 IPA dust. ( Cheers and laughter.) I am glad to say, that so long as I have t then a share in politics, I have found the Dissenting ministers time seamiest fi Mewls of political liberty; and when. ever the rights of their fellow subjects have b:en to danger, they have always been eager to promote the cause ot political freedom ; and I give them credit for it. To the propositi,o of the honourable Member I must therefore object, beeal..e, in a country like thee whets. political and ecclesiastical duties are so intemingled, I cahoot see 1.0S, by dint of resolution:, we are t u reach the 11.11entuto, and I, awe a eel Calla number of persons of the Estoill-hed Church

ly exclu,tvely devoted to Religious inteiests, with

Clair ps et,4 to ti hat is alive—and atiotlit:1 set of poisons who bli..d1 like no.ol,;er cuti:■ne t!wilo.vivt - to political interests."

It was tate that the Bishops generally voted with the Minister wino bad appointed them, and it was natural to suppose that the Minister would selest those of similar opinions to himself. The Tories ele. voted their friends, and the Whigs theirs, to the Episcopal Bench; and it would be found that, generally, the Bishops adhered to their party, and did not turn round and vote with every Minister for the time being. When he was asked to alter a constitution that had existed for centuries, it was not enough to tell him that twenty or thirty Bishops had voted against the interests of the People.

Mr. EWART then rose, but was assailed with clamour and cries of " Question !" from the Opposition benches. He said that the people out of doors would know what to think of gentlemen who substituted a cry of " question " for debate, and clamoured when they ought to argue. Fie, however, would proceed to speak his own sentiments, and those of the constituency be represented, sincerely and without fear_ Thenoble lord had admitted that Bishops had changed sides with the aspect of the political atmosphere—that they bad been Whigs under Whigs, Tories under Tories. (Cries of "No. no!" from the Opposition.) Had not the noble lord said that the bench of Bishops had assumed a Tory complexion under a Tory Government ; and would honourable Members opposite deny that the promotions lately had assumed a Whig complexion? The noble lord said the proposal measure would be a change in the constitution of this country. Were nut the mitt ed Abbots, who held seats in the Lipper Ilouse, swept away by the Reformation ; and was not that as good a precedent for this measure as many which had been advanced in favour of the Reform Bill? He bad been asto. 'Milled to hear Lord John Russell advance an argument burrowed from the most learned and polemical dignitary, the Bishop of Exeter, that Bishops sat in the House of Lords as pastures pastorum nut as pastores populi. If they looked back to the early and pure days of Christianity, they would find no sanctien for political I3ishops. In later and more cot rapt times, Bishops bad become military chieftains, Lord Chancellors, and statesmen: now the only vestige of their political functions was, their seat in the Upper House. Ile be- lieved that by sitting there, they violated the feelings of the religions portion of the community. He did nut agree in the noble hod's statement, that the Bishops adequately represented the clergy. They did not look to the interests of the working, though humble class of the clergy, so much as to the higher order of ecclesiastical dignitaries; they were more anxious to protect those who were in the receipt of salaries, varying front 15,000/. to 4,000/. annually-, than to raise the scanty incomes of the poorer members of their body. In the words of Mr. Grattan, " they looked more to Dives than to Lazarus."

Had not Bishops voted against the abolition of slavery ; and against the bill for abolishing the punishment of death for forgery, not only (as it must have been) in violation of their own feelings, but in viola- tion also of the old Parliamentary maxim that Bishops ought not to vote on questions of blood ? Mr. Ewart was sure that public opinion would not stiffer the Bishops to remain in the Ilouse of Lords much longer. The last minority on this question was greater than the one in 1833; the minority of this night would be greater than the last; and lie believed that the measure would be eventually curried through the House of Commons.

Mr. CHARLES DULLER rose amidst noise and cries of "Divide!" Ile said it would b.: better if gentlemen opposite would attempt to argue the question, instead of venting those cacophonies. He was surprised that Lord John Russell should have the chivalrous gallantry to tilt against his acorn friends and supporters, in defence of the privi- leg• of it per-on (the Bishop of Exeter) ■vitoni he lied denounced as a lib, lhe•r mid the enemy of representative government. Lord John ussell had not treated the House to any very novel arguments— Ile hall a .st what had been a stock argument against all reforms—" How far do yeti go?" llere the limit was plait' enough. They only wished to show the Itislitips to the door of the House of Lords, push them Gut, and let them go where they pleased. (Loud laughter.) lle thought it would conduce to the peace of the land that they should quietly return to their own dioceses, and dis- charge their ecclesiastical duties. lie had a great respect for Bishops—(Laugh. ter)—melee 1 ire spoke sincerely'—(Loud langhter)-1/1.1t he et01111 not see why, because the government of the Church should be Episcopal, that therefore the Bishops should sit in the House of Peers. This was not the ease in France, nor in.Spalti, where the Bishops la et rtheless were held in great respect, and had great mflueuve. Lord John Russell knew well that the clergy of this country interfered inn political matters. Witness the last Devonshiretlection, where, the majority bring GOO against the noble lord, (MO parsons had voted. He bad no objection to its many pistols ctutting into that !louse as the People would elect for their Rept e,entatives, if the Ibis sips would retire from the House of Lords. When had the Bishops dime any thing in the House of Lords for liberal and good govertanent ? On the contraty, hail they nut been handed together against all liberal measures, and been the last to yield tins m, since the tittle of Atter- bury, the Jacobite and tiaitor to the liberties of his country ? It had always been considered that the judicial office should be separated front all political functions; how touch none strongly, did the principle apply in the case of spi. t itual dignitaries ? The dazzling prospect of a trauslation to a higher see would be held out to lure them even from that political consistency which certainly was the best argument in their favour ; and, unless he read history erroneously, out always unsuccessfully. Honourable gentlemen on the opposite side might abstain front argument, and leave to the noble lord the unpopularity of defend- ing the Bishops, but the question was making great progress in the country, and within ten years he was convinced the majority wuuld be as great in Is- vour of the measure as it now was against it.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that if any unpopularity attended resistance to the motion, he would not be so base as to refuse to share it with Lord John Russell ; and though he feared lie should not benefit Lord John by his compliments, he would say, that 'ne never heard a speech deli. vered in a more manly tone, or which did more credit to the speaker. For if it were true, as had been asserted by the honourable Member far Liskeard, that the noble lord had lost his election for Devonshire by the votes of six hundred clergymen, and it being undoubtedly true that a large majority of the Bishops were opposed to the present Government, the noble lord bad set a most laudable example of the conduct which, untie! such circumstances, ought to be ',unwed by every man and every Nliuistet, and had not allowed any per- soual feeling to prevent him from frankly avowing his opinion on a great con- stitutioual question like that under the consideration of the House. There was an objection to Mr. Lushingtores motion, which struck him as being fatal to it. It was proposed to deprive a portion of the

other House of their constitutional privileges by a resolution. Now the right proceeding was by bill. Why should the House of Comtnous bring itself—he would not say into contempt—by passing an invalid resolution? Every argument adduced by the supporters of the motion went the length of abolishing the Establishment. Sir Robert defended the political honesty of the Bishops; and concluded by assuring the House, that whether the declaration was unpopular or popular he cared to move, that the Committee on the Bill for the regulation of Municipal Corpo-

not, but would give his decided opposition to the motion. rations in Ireland be empowered to make provision for the abolition of such Mr. LUSHINOTON said a few words in reply ; and the House di- Corporations ; and for such arrangements as may be necessary, on their aboli- vided—

For the motion 92 peace and good government of cities and towns in Ireland."

'House to the dictum of Lord Denman in the case of Stockdale versus Parliament. Had their votes been allowed, the present Mayor would Hansard. Lord John expressed his opinion that this decision was not have been elected. wrong, and that Mr. Hansard was protected by the authority of the Sir JOHN CAMPBELL did not see bow the Court of King's Bench House. The SPEAKER, Mr. WYNN, and Mr. O'CONNELL, concurred could decide otherwise than it had done. He had himself brought in with Lord John Russell. Mr. HARVEY appeared to approve of the a bill to remedy certain irregularities which bad crept into the working decision of the Lord Chief Justice. No motion was made on the of the Municipal Act, but be did not propose to alter the constitution subject; and the discussion was dropped, on the suggestion of the of the Municipal Corporations. Speaker. Lord STANLEY said, that Sir John Campbell's observations were not mittee of Privileges on Mr. Lechmere Charlton's case, and on his had been denied the right of voting for municipal officers, because they motion it was read by the clerk. After detailing the particulars of had not paid the shilling which was due on being registered as voters Mr. Charlton's offence, and quoting a number of precedents, the for the county. The decision was illegal ; but the Court of Kings Committee stated, that, in their opinion, the privilege of Parliament Bench could not reverse it, because there was no appeal from the deci- could not be admitted in Mr. Lechmere Charlton's case as a ground sion of the Mayor. Now that a bill was before the House for re-

for requiring his discharge from imprisonment. medying the irregularities of the Municipal Act, surely a provision Mr. WYNN said, he had been charged by the Committee to call the might be introduced to prevent the recurrence of this grievance.

attention of the House to an article which had appeared in the Morn- Sir JonsCamenubt. rejoined, that it was not so easy as LurdStanley ing Chronicle of that day, attributing the attendance of Members on the imagined to find a remedy for the corruption of a tribunal ; with all Privilege Committee to personal and party feelings. Now he had his acuteness, Lord Stanley had not been able to point one out ; and, seldom seen a fuller attendance on any Committee ; and the truth of with due submission to Lord Stanley, he thought that when the inten- the charge might be estimated by the fact, that Members who dis. tion of a law was violated, the proper mode of proceeding was not to agreed upon almost every other question concurred in opinion on Mr. alter the law, but to make the delinquent parties conform to its provi. Charlton's case. Mr. Wynn then read the paragraph in question from Amis. the Morning Chronicle, and moved that the registered proprietor and Sir WILT.IAM Fot.LErT wished a more competent tribunal than at printer, John Black, should be ordered to attend at the bar of the present existed, to be established for revising the municipal lists; and

House on Friday. he suggested that the Recorder should perthrm that duty.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished that Mr. Wynn bad taken further The petition was laid on the table ; Sir EDWARD ENATCHIA*LL un- time for consideration before bringing this question before the House. dertaking, to prepare a clause to be brought up on the report of the He did not think the course recommended by the Committee war- Committee on the Municipal Act Amendment Bill.

ranted or expedient— The House went into Committee on that Bill ; and, after a brief "Public writers have been accustomed for several years to indulge in great discussion, the several clauses %acre agreed to. latitude of observation on the proceedings of this House; and the custom which Mr. HODGSON HINDI: moved a new clause to provide fur the sup•

formerly prevailed, of any person or set of persons feeling offended at any pars- port of hospitals for poor freemen, their widows. and daughters.

duct which they have pursued. To pus over all minor observations of this The 'Comm:My divided, cad ite,c ctrl tho clause, by 91 to .1.1.. The description, there was a recent charge delivered by a Lord Bishop—( Luta sad established in the country, it proceeded to say that certain Members of the llouse, who were sufficiently designated — namely, those Members of the as to their votes was the public press, to be guilty of treachery and perjury.

take any notice of such proceedings, but act acceordin,g to their own sense of much by party feelings? But even supposing that there was some foundation or editors of the Molting Post and John Bull should also be summoned. successful operation.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL then moved for a Select Committee "to ex- amine precedents with respect to the circulation and publication of Reports and Papers printed by order of this House, and to ascertain the law and practice of Parliament prior to and since the order for the sale of such Papers." Lord John dwelt upon the importance of settling this question. And, after a few words from Mr. WYNN, the Committee was appointed.

MISCELLANEOUS.

IRTSII CORPORATIONS: TORY TACTICS. On Tuesday, Lord FRAN- CIS EGERTON! gave the following notice- " Before going into the Committee on the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill,

calculated to interfere with the administration of justice ; arid the been 9,000 writer in the Chronicle had endeavoured improperly to influence a Coin- her of t3S3,000.

mittee of the House in the discharge of their judicial functions. The Motion, by leave, withdrawn. blishments. tion, for securing the efficient and impartial administration of justice, and the Against it 197 MUNICIPAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Before going into the Com- mittee on this bill, on Wednesday, Sir EDWARD RNATCHBULL presented

Ministerial and Tory Majority 105 a petition from fifteen burgesses of Hythe, who had not been allowed PRIVILEGES OF TILE HOUSE OF COMMONS. to vote at the municipal election, because, although they had paid their

On Thursday, Mr. WYNN presented the Report of the Cum- to the purpose. The complaint was, that fifteen burgesses of Hythe

House resumed, and ordered the report to be la ceived °a niday.

year's eompheint for postponing epito-ition till a late stap.■, gave notice moment iu vindicating the honour of the Members of this House, who THE ImmisostttENT fort Pfitir BILL wa- read a sevond time on for giving their votes in Parliament, and for nothing. else, are deviated Wednesday. To be committed on the •rtli of February ; when the by this right revereud Prelate, whose source fur making that declaration

discussion upon it is to take place.

For my own part, when I read the pamphlet, I thought that it was as gross a DECLARATION or Memerem. Orricres. Mr. Barxr:s obtained breach of the privilege of this House, as ever had been committed ; but I am leave, on Wednesday, to bring in a bill for the relief of persons- wbo convinced that the Members of this House who were thus attacked would do conscientiously objected to make certain religious deelaratians enjoined far better to treat it with utter contempt—( Continued elfrering)--and not by the Municipal Act.

what is their duty as members of the Legislature: and are we now to be told PrBLIC WALKS AND INSTITUTIONS. Mr. HT:CI:INGHAM obtained that we are to take up cases of this kind, when a journalist chooses to say, in leave to bring in a bill for the establishment of public walks, play- his daily paper, that some members of a Committee were 6 whipped up' to attend grounds, libraries, and museums, for the purpose of promoting the it—(Lanyhter)—and that they had in their proceedings been influenced too health, morals, instruction, and enjoyments of the people.

for it, what does it amount to? Nothing more than that which has great pre- Law or LIBEL. A bill to amend the law of Libel was brought in valence, and which has great influence in the proceedings of this House, namely, by Mr. 0' CONNECT. on Tuesday, without discussion. party feeling.* BENEFIT Soot:rtes. A motion by Mr. Baarow HoY, for a Com- With respect to the divisions in the Committee, he had been told mittee to inquire into the operation of Benefit Societies, was nega. that the Attorney-General had been attacked or ridiculed for the votes tived on Thursday, by 142 to 66; on the ground that the act for regm. he had given ; and if it was determined to bring the writer of the dating those societies, brought in by Mr. Berkeley Portman, was it article in the Morning Chronicle to the bar of the House, the proprietors

Barrisust.0 si. In reply to a question from Mr. Hawes, on

Mr. Pnaen considered that the case of Mr. Lechmere Charlton was u 3IWednesday, Lord SraNt.i:v mentioned, that the Trustees of the Bri. analogous to that of the writer in the Chronicle. Mr. Charlton was tish Museum bad resolved to keep it open every day of the week ere- condemned to an indefinite term of imprisonment for writing a letter cept Saturday, all the year round. On one day last smuttier, there had visitors; and during the whole year, the unpreci dented num- paragraph in question was full of gross and scandalous falsehoods. Cons TRADE IN MALTA. On Thursday, in reply to Mr. llowiNno

Mr. WYNN said, he had acted merely as Chairman of theCommittee ; Sir GEORGE URry stated, that the system of keeping rip a supply of and, in conformity with what seemed to be the opinion of the House, grain in Malta by the Government was to be abandoned, and that he would withdraw his motion. instructions had been sent out to the island to abolish the grain esta-

NEw WRIT FOR STAITORIL In the House of Commons, on Mon- day, Captain CHETWYND moved that a new writ be issued for the elec- tion of a Member to serve in Parliament for Stafford. in the room of Sir Francis Goodrielte, now Member fur South Staffordshire. Mr. DIVETT, who gave a sketch of the Parliamentary proceedings in the ease of Stafford, moved that the writ be suspended till ten days after the commencement of next session. The original motion is as sup- ported by Mr. Houesos HINDI:, Sir T. CRT: MANTLE, and Mr. Ro- IIINSON. The amendment by Mr. Runner ; who, however, declared that at Stafford bribery was only too open, and that the electors were punished on the Spartan principle, because they had been found out t there was a sure and safe remedy fur bribery—extension of suffrage and the ballot—which they who voted for the suspension of this writ would Inbound in consistency to support. The House, on a division of 152 to 1.51, agreed that the writ should be issued.

Lorrovonn ELECTION. On Tuesday, the Smarten read a letter from Mr. Luke White, Member for Longford, stating that he did not mean to defend his return for that county.

hum GRAND JURIES. The bill for amending the law relating to Irish Grand Juries having 'passed through its intermediate stages without discussion, was read a third time, and passed the Commons, on Tuesday. On Thursday, it was read a first time in the Lords.

PETITIONS. Every night this week, in both Houses, numerous peti- tions hate been presented from all parts of England and Scotland for the abolition of Church-rates. One of these, from Glasgow, was signed by forty-two thousand persons. Mr. O'CONNELL has also pre- sented to the House of Commons a number of petitions from various places in Ireland for the Ballot.

bum EDUCATION. In the House of Lords, on Monday, some conversation occurred between Lord MELBOURNE mid the Bishop of EXETER, relative to a Committee of Inquiry into the working of the National system of Education for Ireland • and it was finally agreed that Lord Melbourne should move for the Committee on Thursday next.

RAILWAY JOBBING. On Tuesday, Lord DENBIGH presented a peti- tion from Rugby, complaining of outrages and thefts committed by per- sons employed on the Birmingham and London Railway. Lord WIN- CHILSEA took the opportunity of making some remarks on the manner in which Railway Bills were carried— The estimates brought before their Lordships were often fallacious. He be- lieved that this very company—the London and Birmingham Railway Com- pany—was about to apply to Parliament for the power to raise a further sum of of money, nearly 2,000,000f. beyond that which was asked for in the first in- stance, to complete the line. 1 heir Lordships owed it to the public at large to guard them against such a proposition, such a gross fraud. • • There was another point which ought to come under the consideration of the Ilouse,— namely, that many of these railroad bills were passed through Parliament by the grossest deception. By many railroad companies securities wile given to individuals that in the ensuing session an application would be made to Parlia- ment for leave to deviate from the line which was originally adopted by them. lie knew one instance of this which had occurred in the county of Kent, in which case he had pressed the solicitor until he acknowledged that a bond for 70,0001. had been given to a gentleman there, through whose property the original line was to have passed, that leave should be sought fiont Patliament for a deviation which would remove the line, so that it should pass through property at a distance, belonging to a gentleman who had no idea of any thing of the kind being contemplated. He was informed that such an applica- tion would be made ; and if it were, he would pledge himself to bring forward his letter and the *elicitor's answer, and would show that it was the grossest fraud—to use the mildest term—ever practised before a Connuittee of their Lordships' House.