THE BEST PEACE MACHINERY.
II R. GRANT DUFF, in his second speech to his Elgin 1.11. constituents, made one very good point, which we would recommend to the consideration of Mr. Richard and the various Parliamentary empirics who are so thoroughly possessed by the wild imagination that the true method of securing peace is to set up a permanent Court of Arbitration for adjusting quarrels which never could be adjusted after that fashion ; and still more, perhaps, to Mr. Rylands, who is always proposing to reform the Diplomatic Service in a direc- tion that would soon reform it off the face of the earth. Mr.
circumstances, whether measured by what is said or only For the purposes of such an influence, the Diplomatic by what is skilfully avoided, which lends weight and Service should, as we have often pointed out, be numerous, authority to the language held by a great Power. We very carefully selected, eventually at least well paid, and heartily agree with Mr. Grant Duff that if we could have such should be trained in habits of keen observation and habitual Ministers as Lord Odo Russell or Mr. Morier scattered all over reserve ; and all this cannot be effected without the Continent, at every centre where new information of the cost, and without leaving a certain amount of discre- less visible threads of diplomatic action can be picked up, we tion in the Foreign Office, which our democratic politi- should be able to do a great deal more to anticipate and pre- cians seem very unwilling to admit. But we believe that, for vent those outbreaks of ill-feeling which sooner or latter lead to these purposes,—the purposes of peace and of English influence war, than all the Peace Societies in the world, even if there to promote peace,—they would do vastly better by liberal were one in every village in Europe, could possibly effect. As provision for the Diplomatic Service, and by abating that it is, there is no doubt but that our Foreign Office is often ignorant and Philistine jealousy of its administration which very much behind the world in its knowledge. Go they erroneously regard as a sign of their political acuteness, almost where you will, and you find the attaches and than by all the Quixotic campaigns of Mr. Richard or the subordinates of the British ministers or legations express- reforming zeal of Mr. Rylands. Indeed, it only betrays the ing discontent at the condition of comparative hibernation depth of political incapacity to which popular members of in which they live. If you ask them for the information you Parliament—here and abroad—can be reduced, that Mr. Richard might expect them to have at their fingers' ends as to the true has had the moderate measure of superficial success which motives, and the professed motives, of the policy of the country appears to have attended his journey to Italy and France. If any- in which they live, it is two to one they will shrug their one will but realise for what kind of quarrels the solution of arbi- shoulders, and reply :—‘ Really I know very little more than traticin is really appropriate, and for what kind it is not only the English papers and one or two local papers tell me. It is wholly inappropriate, but an absolutely ludicrous and im- my chief's business, I suppose, to know these things ; but he possible remedy, he will see at once that the latter is by keeps them in his own hands, and one is not encouraged, but far the more serious and dangerous class of cases, and yet rather discouraged, if one tries to contribute fresh light on precisely those which a well-organised Foreign Office would local politics. I have to prepare one or two reports in the have the power to prevent. Only conceive the case of Russia year, to which I confine myself, unless my chief is away, and wishing to annex Affghanistan, or America desiring to declare then I follow out his instructions. I have not found zeal Ireland a State of the Union, or France contemplating the for the enlightenment of the Foreign Office remunerative, absorption of Belgium, or Germany the addition of the Baltic On the contrary, there is a disposition at head-quarters to re- provinces of Russia to her empire, and let any reasonable man gard officiousness to communicate hints on subjects on which one ask himself if the State threatened could in any of these has not been asked to report, with displeasure, as the conduct cases afford to submit its quarrel to an International Court of of a meddler who gives needless trouble. And consequently, I Arbitration. Howcould a Court of Arbitration be satisfactory in have ceased to keep up, even for my own sake, a habit of in- any case in which its adverse decision would command absolutely vestigation which is burdensome, and which seems to meet no respect or authority at all, but simply stultify the nation with neither reward nor appreciation.' Such is the kind of which submitted to that adverse decision ? How could Great speech which you are as likely as not to hear from the subor- Britain submit to arbitration what every man in Great Britain dinate of any British legation of whom you inquire as to the local holds not to be an arguable question, but simply a gross question's of the day. Evidently, till very lately at all events, attack on immemorial British rights, in the name of some the wet-blanket which the House of Commons and dreamers of fantastic caprice of crazy politicians ? Yet these are the kinds dreams about International Arbitration have thrown on the of cases which lead to serious wars, and also the kinds of cues Diplomatic Service, has actually produced a sort of official dis- which would seldom or never arise, in relation to a strong
like of energy, and a disposition to confine a great many Power, if the approaches to the diplomatic raising of such at least of our smaller legations to routine work. No questions were but carefully watched and firmly dealt with. result more disastrous to the power of England, and there- We hold that Mr. Grant Duff has expounded a very fore to the cause of peace, can well be imagined. 'What wise and true view, which our Foreign-policy crotchet- comes of it is, that England is often informed very late of mongers would do well to study, when he declares matters most essential to her interest ; and late information that the multiplication of diplomatists like Lord Odo
means feebleness, and also a certain ingenuous innocence which Russell or Mr. Morier is by far the best security for British takes all the wind out of her sails, even when at last she influence and for peace,—that the Diplomatic Service ought to
begins to act. Governments measure their respect for other be a wide and efficient system of delicate observation, by governments in great measure by the knowledge they which our statesmen should be informed of all the currents show. If the knowledge of Great Britain is tardy and and under-currents of international policy and feeling, and imperfect, we are placed from the first at the sort of dis- taught how best to use the great moral influence of this advantage under which inertness or obtuseness to the strong country on the side of peace, at that early stage in inter- and weak points of a position always place a player at any national misunderstandings when alone that kind of influence game of skill. If you once let your competitor feel that he can be used with real effect. The popular politicians of the knows a great deal more than you, you give him self-confidence present day threaten us with a double danger in relation to to start with ; and in these matters, self-confidence is half foreign affairs,—first, they cripple the percipient power of our the game. In the present state of Europe, there is no security statesmen, by tilting headlong at our Diplomatic Service for peace like a pacific government with a strong fleet or like half -armed Don Quixotes ; and then they try to army, and a Foreign Office that can command more of the make up for the mischief they have done by spreading silly important clues to international action than any other Foreign notions of the function of arbitration, and so in effect throwing Office in Europe. Of that for many years back we have not discredit and ridicule even on those natural and reasonable been able to boast. When Lord Malmesbury, in 1859, sent arbitrations to which all thoughtful statesmen are cordially in a fuss all round Europe, in the vain hope of patching up a favourable. May Mr. Grant Duff's lesson to his constituents not peace at the eleventh hour, he might have known that he had be quite lost on his well-meaning, but unwise Parliamentary lost his moral opportunity through the very belated character colleagues.
Grant Duff holds, and in this, we believe, he is but expressing ; of his information, which made his position ludicrous. And the opinion of every man who is thoroughly familiar with I when the permanent head of the Foreign Office declared in June, foreign affairs, that the best means of advancing the influence 1870, that there was hardly a cloud on the horizon,—or some- of England,—and so long as England remains, what she cer- thing to that effect,—he simply betrayed to the Governments tainly now is, the most pacific of the European Powers, the of Europe the utter inefficiency of our system. What the advancement of English influence will mean a new security interests of peace really require is, that every one of our for peace,—is to improve, by all the means in our power, envoys and diplomatic subordinates should be aware that as what may be called the perceptive faculties of the much importance is attached by our Minister of Foreign Foreign Office, and thus enable English statesmen to Affairs to early and complete secret information as if speak out of an intimate personal knowledge of all the we were, like France or Germany, anticipating every day the background, the interior motives, and the complicated risk of another war, but that the use to be made of such secondary objects of diplomacy. For, it is circumstances secret information will be in the interests of quiet and good- often but half-known to many of the Cabinets of Europe, will, and not of any selfish English ascendency, though which really determine the relative attitude of the European English ascendency of the best kind will be secured by the Governments, and it is the complete command of these display and firm manipulation of early and accurate knowledge. circumstances, whether measured by what is said or only For the purposes of such an influence, the Diplomatic by what is skilfully avoided, which lends weight and Service should, as we have often pointed out, be numerous, authority to the language held by a great Power. We very carefully selected, eventually at least well paid, and heartily agree with Mr. Grant Duff that if we could have such should be trained in habits of keen observation and habitual Ministers as Lord Odo Russell or Mr. Morier scattered all over reserve ; and all this cannot be effected without the Continent, at every centre where new information of the cost, and without leaving a certain amount of discre- less visible threads of diplomatic action can be picked up, we tion in the Foreign Office, which our democratic politi- should be able to do a great deal more to anticipate and pre- cians seem very unwilling to admit. But we believe that, for vent those outbreaks of ill-feeling which sooner or latter lead to these purposes,—the purposes of peace and of English influence war, than all the Peace Societies in the world, even if there to promote peace,—they would do vastly better by liberal were one in every village in Europe, could possibly effect. As provision for the Diplomatic Service, and by abating that it is, there is no doubt but that our Foreign Office is often ignorant and Philistine jealousy of its administration which very much behind the world in its knowledge. Go they erroneously regard as a sign of their political acuteness, almost where you will, and you find the attaches and than by all the Quixotic campaigns of Mr. Richard or the subordinates of the British ministers or legations express- reforming zeal of Mr. Rylands. Indeed, it only betrays the ing discontent at the condition of comparative hibernation depth of political incapacity to which popular members of in which they live. If you ask them for the information you Parliament—here and abroad—can be reduced, that Mr. Richard might expect them to have at their fingers' ends as to the true has had the moderate measure of superficial success which motives, and the professed motives, of the policy of the country appears to have attended his journey to Italy and France. If any- in which they live, it is two to one they will shrug their one will but realise for what kind of quarrels the solution of arbi- shoulders, and reply :—‘ Really I know very little more than traticin is really appropriate, and for what kind it is not only the English papers and one or two local papers tell me. It is wholly inappropriate, but an absolutely ludicrous and im- my chief's business, I suppose, to know these things ; but he possible remedy, he will see at once that the latter is by keeps them in his own hands, and one is not encouraged, but far the more serious and dangerous class of cases, and yet rather discouraged, if one tries to contribute fresh light on precisely those which a well-organised Foreign Office would local politics. I have to prepare one or two reports in the have the power to prevent. Only conceive the case of Russia year, to which I confine myself, unless my chief is away, and wishing to annex Affghanistan, or America desiring to declare then I follow out his instructions. I have not found zeal Ireland a State of the Union, or France contemplating the for the enlightenment of the Foreign Office remunerative, absorption of Belgium, or Germany the addition of the Baltic On the contrary, there is a disposition at head-quarters to re- provinces of Russia to her empire, and let any reasonable man gard officiousness to communicate hints on subjects on which one ask himself if the State threatened could in any of these has not been asked to report, with displeasure, as the conduct cases afford to submit its quarrel to an International Court of of a meddler who gives needless trouble. And consequently, I Arbitration. Howcould a Court of Arbitration be satisfactory in have ceased to keep up, even for my own sake, a habit of in- any case in which its adverse decision would command absolutely vestigation which is burdensome, and which seems to meet no respect or authority at all, but simply stultify the nation with neither reward nor appreciation.' Such is the kind of which submitted to that adverse decision ? How could Great speech which you are as likely as not to hear from the subor- Britain submit to arbitration what every man in Great Britain dinate of any British legation of whom you inquire as to the local holds not to be an arguable question, but simply a gross question's of the day. Evidently, till very lately at all events, attack on immemorial British rights, in the name of some the wet-blanket which the House of Commons and dreamers of fantastic caprice of crazy politicians ? Yet these are the kinds dreams about International Arbitration have thrown on the of cases which lead to serious wars, and also the kinds of cues Diplomatic Service, has actually produced a sort of official dis- which would seldom or never arise, in relation to a strong
like of energy, and a disposition to confine a great many Power, if the approaches to the diplomatic raising of such at least of our smaller legations to routine work. No questions were but carefully watched and firmly dealt with. result more disastrous to the power of England, and there- We hold that Mr. Grant Duff has expounded a very
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