SCOTLAND.

The freedom of the oity of Glasgow was presented to Lord John Russell, in the City Hall of that town, on Monday last. Lord John had gone by railway from Edinburgh early in the morning for the purpose, accompanied. by Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, Mr. Rutherfurd, and Mr. Gibson Craig. On the platform in the hall were present, the Lord Provost of Glasgow, with several Bellies and. Town-Councillors, the Earl of Stair, the Earl ofCam- perdown, Lord Belhaven, Mr. Fox Mantes, Mr. North Dalrymple of Clel- land, and many leading Liberals of the town. The body of the hall was crowded by ladies and gentlemen: tickets of admission had been sold at as high a price as 15s. The burgess-ticket, enclosed in a massive gold box, was presented to Lord John, with an eulogistic speech, by the Lord Pro- vost. On the ticket was inscribed the following resolution; which was read by the Town-Clerk- "At Glasgow, the 12th day ofJanuary 1846. " The Magistrates and Council of the city of Glasgow, in Common Council as- sembled, in testimony of the high sense they entertain of his splendid talents as a statesman—of his elegant accomplishments as a scholar and historian—of his zealous attachment to the principles of our free constitution—of his energetic exertions in the cause of civil and religious liberty—and of his eminent services in promoting commercial freedom—unanimously, and by acclamation, admit the Right Honourable Lord John Russell a freeman citizen of Glasgow, with all the liberties, privileges, and immunities belonging to an honorary burgess and guild brother of the said city.

" Extracted from the minutes of Connell by

" Awrizun FORBES, Town-Clerk."

In acknowledging the compliment, Lord Jonn Russell spoke at con- siderable length. He began by some complimentary allusion to the his- torical reminiscences of Glasgow—its advancement in arts and commerce, the scientific experiments. of Black, the inventions of Watt, and the lec- tures of Adam Smith. Thence Lord John passed to reminiscences of himself. He recalled his exertions in repealing the Test and Corporation Acts— opposed by the Government of the day, but triumphiug in a ma- jority of more than forty in the House of Commons. He pointed to the declaration introduced into the hill, which virtually excluded the Jews from. relief, as illustrating the danger "at all times" " of admitting a condition or qualification to that which is a plain claim of justice." The relief of the Jews was carried last year-

" It was one of the measures I supported as a Minister, but which I had the misfortune to see rejected in the House of Lords. It is one of those measures which, like many others under the present Government, has been supported in the House of Lords, and carried by a large majority in the Commons, =Moiling some of those who made the strongest speeches against the measure."

He touched upon Parliamentary Reform and Municipal Reform, with special references to Scotland. Speaking of the municipal measure, he indicated his principle for effecting improvements— "Lot ma now say—for I do say it with respect to this measure, and with re- spect to every measure in which we engaged—that the view we took of the con- stitution of this country. was, that there were many abases, many unjust restrict- ions, many corruptions in our constitution; but there were none which could not by patience, by investigation, by measures proposed to Parliament, by the influence of public opinion, be corrected and altered ; and that, above all things, it was desirable to look to the possible conflict of opinion, in order to obtain those changes which were to be desired: and I say this with re- gard to any measures that are .passed, or any measures that are to come, that the whole fabric of society in this country, with its extensive commerce, with its manufactures, with its various interests pervading every portion of the community, and connected with other interests hi every part of the world—that this fabric of society ought to be preserved. There would he the greatest danger if for one year, or for one six months, confidence was lost, and if anything like, I will not say civil war, were t.o occur, but if it were to give rise to general distress amongst us, no man could say what would happen in the next few months. But I am convinced with regard to measures to come, as well as to those past, that the expression of the public voice acting upon the constitution of England will gain all that is to be desired?'

Abolition of slavery and opening of the China trade were not omitted from the self-gratulation. Lord John asserted his opinion that Scotchmen ought to have the same privileges as Englishmen, Irishmen the same al Scotch or English. Ireland ought to be considered an integral part of the empire, or the Union is but a parchment union: he could never listen or agree to the assertion that the Irish ought to be considered as " aliens "; yet the endeavour to obtain these equal privileges—es in the case of cor- porations—was resisted: at this time of day, however, the principle appears to be conceded, and the only dispute is, how it can properly be carried into effect- " For myself, I think I could not do a greater benefit to this country than to endeavour to cement betwixt all parts of the empire an affection both in peace and in war. Far, however, from having obtained any strength from that effort, it has been a source of repeated calumnies—calumnies which I now despise, but which I have felt materially, impaired my public usefulness in comparison to what it might have been in other circumstances." Again citing the authority of Adam Smith, Ricardo, and other writers on political economy, Lord John adverted to his measures of 1841, as founded on the principles of commercial reform advocated by those author-. ities- " You all know that part of this proposition was, that there should be an e- mission of foreign sugar, with a differential duty of twelve shillings. It was another part that the differential duty on Colonial timber should be diminished. ft was another part of that scheme that the duties on corn, instead of proceeding aft what is called the sliding scale, should be regulated according to the uniform fixed duty of eight shillings per quarter; that fixed duty only to be suspended by an order in Council, of which suspension her Majesty's advisers were to be the judger. Now, in consequence of that proposition, the Government of that day were assailed as the most violent enemies of the agricultural interest. I was held up as an enemy of the farmers and agriculturists of the United Kingdom : they rejected myproposition, and it was prevented from being carried in Parliament. The friends of protection—the friends of monopoly, as I may call them—thought they had ob- tained a triumph. Do they now rejoice that that eight-shilling duty was rejected? Are they now prepared to say that that ei,ght-shilling duty, which would have prevented much of the misery and mitigated many of the evils which occurred to the manufacturing towns in the years 1841, '42, and '43, would not have been a compromise most favourable to the views of those calling for protection? I went on; and when there was a surplus in the revenue, I said that if they could prove that there were taxes that pressed on them, then was the time to ask for an equality of taxation along with Corn-law repeal. Upon this occasion I was again treated with indignation as on enemy to the landed interest. Bat let us consider what has been the effect of their rejection of these terms. Is there any man who, as a Minister in Parliament, as the Minister of his Sovereign, would propose terms equally favourable as those which I proposed in 1841 ? I believe not.* When he saw those obstructions, he withdrew his former opinion, and declared, in his letter to the citizens of London, that the Corn-laws ought to be WWI, repealed. It did not become him, Lord John said, to refer to occurrences of which they must all be aware, and of which the day of explanation would arrive as seen as Parliament should meet. H,e trusted they would, find that he had not shrunk from the assertion of all the principles contained in his letter

to the electors of London. The proposition with regard to the Corn-laws is now in the hands of Sir Robert Peel- " I know no more than yourselves what his proposition may be, or how he has agreed with the remaining colleagues with whom he had differed, and who have again consented to serve under him: but of this I am fully convinced, that if Sir Robert Peel wishes his measure to be safe—safe to propose and safe to carry—it must be formed on broad and extensive principles. I am persuaded, that unless it contain total repeal, the friends of monopoly and protection will rejoice at the proposal of a measure which will not satisfy the country; and that they will take heart to defeat that which otherwise they will not have the means of opposing—I say they will not have the means of opposing. I do not believe but that they will make some struggle if they choose on behalf of protection: not but that I believe that if they stand on the ground of protection and we on the ground of freedom, there may not be a formidable opposition to the measure of the Government in the House of Commons—not but that it is within the range of possibility that there may at first be a defeat of that measure; but if it is such a measure as I should wish to see, I feel confident that that defeat will be a temporary and not a final

one—that that defeat will only be the commencement of a struggle, which I should, indeed, regret to see, but which I should infinitely prefer to a measure which

should not settle this question—which should not for once and for ever settle this question, and leave the people of this country that which they ought to possess, the power and the privilege of getting their food as cheap and as good as it is possible for them to obtain it." In the course of some arguments for repeal, Lord John spoke dispara- gingly of the Acts of 1815, '28, and '42— " I will not say that the proposers of these schemes were unskilful in the inven- tion of artificial schemes; but I do say that no artificial scheme whatever will so well supply the people of this country with food, as by leaving it free and un- feUaed to pursue its natural course as an important branch of the commerce and trade of the country. If I am right in believing that thepeople of this country,

that the working men of this country, take this view of the question, I should like any one to tell me if there be any body of public men in the country out of which a Government could be formed to resist that wish."

He advocated_ the total abolition of the duties on grain as uniting us in the bonds of peace with foreign states, and especially with the United States of America. It would shortly be his duty to stand in the House of Commons and declare his opinions upon some of the most important ques- tions that agitate the country: he did not fear the discussion: he did not fear the opposition of men who, like the new Member for Hertfordshire, likened him to Satan—of one honourable gentleman who spoke for an hour and a half to show that the disastrous results of the new tariff would be that beef would be one penny and mutton one halfpenny a pound cheaper—of others who opposed the introduction of butter for grease, until told that it was spoiled for food by an admixture of tar! As a representa- tive of London, he should be able to declare that all the great towns of the kingdom were determined that this monopoly should not last, but that commerce should be free.

Lord John was loudly cheered as he sat; down; and the meeting at Once broke up.

At six o'clock on the same evening, Lord John Russell went to be enter- tained by the Lord Provost at dinner, in the Town-hall. The Lord Provost sat at the head of the table, Mr. Walter Buchanan was croupier; the number of the principal guests was reinforced by the Marquis of Breadalbane, Mr. J. Campbell, M.P., Mr. Ross, M.P. for Belfast, and a large band of other gentlemen; the company being numerous, though select. Lord John spoke many times—five times in all. Compliments to Scotland and the Scotch adorned the noble Member's minor orations. In proposing " prosperity to the city of Glasgow," he was eloquent on the superior advancement of farming in Scotland as compared with England, and on the enlightened commerce of Glasgow. In proposing " The cause of civil, religious, and commercial freedom all over the world," he declared what he meant by com- mercial freedom— "When I say commercial freedom, I do not mean that it is to be any partial or imfair application of that principle. I have never looked upon this question but as upon one which required the careful deliberation of statesmen, and upon which particular measures, from time to time, in a particular state of a manufacture or s colony, may not demand special consideration. But I have always considered the object to be obtained, not partial or to be applied to one interest, but to be general commercial freedom; and that any duties to be imposed should not be im- posed with the view of protecting any class against another class of the commu- nity.. Now, this principle has the merit of rendering, what I am sure is very desirable, all our legislation far more safe and satisfactory than it would be other- wise. We have subjects enough, and more than enough, to occupy the time, the attention, and the ability of the Members of both Houses of Parliament; and it will be the means of easing us of some of our labours, and of facilitating every other subject of legislation, if any part of the burden borne by us were taken off our shoulders: and the most simple way to accomplish this is to save Parliament the trouble of maintaining this system of protection. The subject of taxation should be viewed only in the light of making it press lightly on the community, and what will give the largest return to the Exchequer."

He paid a tribute to the exertions of the principals of the League-

" I should be doing an injustice to the persons belonging to that association which is held up as a bugbear to the country, and the members of it stigmatized as revolutionaries and Jacobins—it would not be consistent with fairness if I did not say that the progress this question has made is very much owing to the per- severing exertions and the lucidity of arguments employed by the members of what is called the Anti-Corn-law League. I will say also, that with respect to much of the language of particular members of the League with regard to the landed interest and with respect to the harsh terms used towards the landlords, I regret it, I dispute its justice, and I differ from its po- licy—but when I say this, I am not ore of those fastidious persons who, because in the warmth of discussion harsh language, which I disapprove of, is used, will, irrespective of the justice of the cause or the question at issue, make that an excuse for turning my back upon it altogether. If I was that fas- tidious person, I would shrink from more than one good cause to which civil and religious liberty is deeply indebted, instead of following it with admiration and respect." This might be illustrated by language which sometimes fell from such men as Martin Luther and John Knox. " After all that has passed today—after the honours conferred upon me, and after the speeches we have heard—I thought it would be something like a wilful blindness, something like a pettiness on my part, were I not to acknowledge the great services which such men as Mr. Charles Villiers and Mr. Cobden have rendered in forwarding the important question of commercial freedom."

" Peace with all nations" gave Lord John occasion to touch upon the renewed negotiations at Washington; and to express a wish that the Governments of the United States and Great Britain would fulfil the desire entertained, he believed, by a majority of the people in both countries, for peace.

Other toasts and speeches followed. Mr. Ross eulogized the Liberal Peerage of Scotland. The Marquis of Breadalbane expressed his acknow-

ledgments, and spoke of the excellence of the Glasgow University. Mr. Rutherfurd, the Lord Rector, entered into the general question of educa- tion; and expressed a hope that every enactment or prejudice which im- peded its progress, in school or college, would be speedily removed. Mr. Fox Maule contrasted the intelligence and spirit displayed by the present constituencies of Scotland, with the political bondage in which they were held up to the passing of the Reform Act. "Peace with all nations" was advocated by Mr. Walter Buchanan; Mr. Gibson Craig, one of the Mem- bers for Edinburgh, expressed Free-trade opinions; and Professor William Thomson pleaded the cause of Ireland.

A meeting of Free-traders was held at Dundee on Saturday last, to pro-. mote subscriptions to the League fund. Provost Brown occupied the chair; Mr. Duncan, the Member for Dundee, and most of the leading merchants, manufacturers, and shipowners of the place, were present. Mr. Edward Baxter stated that he never gave money with greater good-will than on that occasion: no money could be spent better; it would furnish bread to the poor, and enable the industrious man to earn an independence. Agree- ment in the views of Mr. Baxter was practically exhibited by the meeting, for in a few minutes nearly 1,5001. was subscribed; and on Tuesday the subscription had amounted to about 2,000l.—a small sum in comparison with the Manchester or the Leeds subscription, but which is thought great- in Dundee.

A meeting of the Border Association for the Protection of Agriculture was held last week at Kelso. Letters were read from several persons of: note, accounting for their absence: the opinions expressed by two of them supply the only points calling for notice. The Duke of Roxburghe thought it would have been more prudent to defer the meeting till the intentions of Government were known: for himself; he was determined not to come under any pledge. The Duke proceeded to say of the Corn- laws—

" I have, however, come to the conviction that their gradual diminution, ending in the ultimate abrogation of the Protection-laws, would create less disturbance in the country, and would operate less prejudicially to the agricultural interest. in general, than that state of doubt which now prevails with regard to the probable duration of such laws, and those fluctuations in price, affecting both consumer and producer, which have occurred under their operation, and which are too clearly proved by reference to the official accounts of the imports of the- United Kingdom for the five months from July to November of the two preceding- years."

Mr. Alexander Pringle, the late Member for Selkirkshire, recommended- the utmost caution and discretion, lest they should detract from the weight of their remonstrance by any unreasonable expression—

"Of the measures likely to be submitted to Parliament in the approaching ses- sion we at present know nothing. Any expression of opinion regarding them ought therefore to be reserved, as well as any assumption of what they are likely to be. We must keep in view that the amount and kind of protection required for any one interest is at all times a question of statistics, to be accurately weighed only on the fullest information. If, therefore, there is any important hiformation to be communicated, we ought to wait for it. In all their financial measures , hitherto, the present Government have shown that they felt how important the wellbeing of the agricultural interests is to the general prosperity of the country." , The speeches were strongly Anti-League, but withal moderate: the speakers were obviously reluctant to part company with Sir Robert Peel.