The aftetrovolfs.

On Monday, "being Plough Monday, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 'held a Court at Guildhall, to receive presentments from the several Ward invests, and to swear in special constables. Many of the presentments complained that numbers of the inhabitants, in wholesale business and in affluence, continued to neglect to take up their freedom. The present- ments will be considered on a future day.

Mr. Sheriff Laurie waited on the Lord Mayor, at the Mansionhouse, on Wednesday, to obtain his concurrence in a plan of employing prisoners- , Since he had become Sheriff he had devoted his attention to the working of the present system, which produced incalculable evils. A prisoner, after conviction, in vain looked for employment. Again, from the pressure of want, he became a criminal, and again be was prosecuted. The expense of such repeated prosecu- tions of the same individual proved the immediate necessity of a remedy; and that remedy was within the power and control of the Legislature,-at less cost than the present cost of such prosecutions. For the year 1844, the total number of prisoners committed to Newgate for trial was 2,581; of that number, 14860 were convicted, and 631 were acquitted. The cost of such prosecutions for the year is as follows: Total cost of Newgate prison, (salaries, &c.) 8,0441.; expenditure for twelve sessions at the Sessions-house, 17,1001.; maintenance of the prisoners con- victed, 29,400k—total, 54,5441. This is without any proportion of the Queen's Judges' salaries, who try the capital cases, and without taking into account the expenses of all jurors' time, Grand Juries, and the witnesses whose expenses are not paid by the community; to say nothing of the expenses incurred in the Ma- gistrates department and the Police force. This stem of 54,5441. for one year shows a sum of 251 expended u each case; and as two-thirds had been tried before, some more than once, eau • individual of such proportion has cost the com- munity at least 501. This obviously proves that the prevention of crime is mach less expensive than the punishment The beneficial employment in which he was desirous the prisoners should be engaged was the supply of all Government stores, the clothing for the Army and Navy and the Police, the necessary public works or harbours of refuge, and the cultivation of waste lands. He should not relax in his exertions to achieve so excellent an object by solemn appeal to the Legislature. The Lord Mayor said that he would most cordially join in a committee to investigate the subject: it was partly embraced in an inquiry to which he had already addressed himself.

An address to Lord Metcalfe, on his retirement from public life, WAS. adopted, on Monday, at a numerous meeting of gentlemen connected in various ways with India. The Earl of Auckland was called to the chair. The speeches,were highly eulogistic, but spoleen_With that heartiness which accompanies sincerity. Lord,Auckland mentioned that he and Lord Met- calfe had been schoolfellows at Eton; their pursuits in life took different

A similar expression of esteem and'sympathy for Lord Metcalfe was adopted, on Thursday, at a meeting of gentlemen connected with the North American Colonies. The meeting was held in the Committee-room of the North American Association; Mr. Robert Gillespie presiding.

The Anti-Corn-law League held its second sessional meeting at Covent Garden Theatre, on Wednesday evening. • The demand for admission was as great as on previous occasions: in a few minutes after the doors were opened the house was completely filled. Mr. George Wilson was in the chair; Mr. Charles Villiers, M.P , Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P., Mr. Joseph Hume, M.P., Sir William Baines, Major-General Briggs, Mr. John Houghton, and many other Free-traders from various parts of the country, with some American citizens, were on the platform. The chairman repeated his previous congratulations on the probability which existed that the labours of the League would speedily and satisfactorily be terminated. The qua- lification movement was lending effective assistance, and that leverage

would continue to be employed till success should be complete. As to the quarter of a million fund, every day proved the facility with which the money could be raised. The Manchester subscription, which 'amounted to about 70,0001., was put down at the rate of 5001. a minute; Liverpool had contributed from 12,0001. to 13,0001.; at Dundee 1,500/. was raised in twenty minutes. Taking the sums collected at Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds, alone, the League would challenge the Dukes of Buckinglitan,

Richmond, and Norfolk, and all the rest, with all the squirearchy of Eng- land to their back, to call meetings everywhere, and put down one half of the sum for the furtherance of the cause of protection. But the getting- up of the League fund had never interrupted the ordinary business. Messrs. Cobden, Bright, and Moore, had attended sixty meetings during that time; and from a htmdred to a hundred and twenty meetings had been held by Free-traders in other places.

Mr. Villiers noticed the events which had taken place since the last meeting, and inferred' from them that the Free-trade cause was in the ascendant.

It was satisfactory to learn that the persons whom Lord John Hassell had asked to join his Ministry had entirely agreed with him on that question; and if he had

proposed his measure, he would have had the support of Sir Robert Peel, and such of his friends as he could influence. Sir Ito"bert however, had returned to the helm: and though the personal friends of Lord John would naturally have wished

to see Ides at that post, (which, notwithstanding our friend Punch's joke) Mr. Villiers believed he would have filled most worthily,) yet he could net help think- ing that the means of advancing their cause were best promoted by the present

arrangements. Sir Robert had returned to power; his dissentient colleagues had

returned to reason; he had not heard of any of them returning to-their old opin- ions in favour of the Corn-laws; and he for one found it difficult to believe that Sir Robert had returned to power simply-to convulse the country with disappoint-

ment and to draw upon himself universal odium. If the will was not wanting, he had a position that he had not had before to advance the cause. Recalled to power as a matter of necessity, he was released from all party considerations; and

not only possessing all the patronage of the Government, he had also that of the Opposition, who, for the first lime since he had known them, were united, deter-

nulled to extend to the Minister cordial, zealous, and active support, if iris mea- sure was honest and complete, but if he failed, then to resort to every means to procure for the people this measure of justice. He felt, then, sanguine of success; -and he could not believe that this session or this year would pass without seeing some satisfactory settlement of the question. According to Mr. Gladstone, the advantage of forming a Government had been offered to the Ultra-Protectionists, but they bad shrunk from the task. This could not have arisen -from modesty. On the contrary, judging from what they said of themselves, they had every qualification required: they had superior in- tegrity, a majority in both Houses of Parliament, and seven-ninths of the popula tion to back them; and why, with these requisites, they had not - taken the Go- vernment, he could not see, but that they were not prepared themselves to uphold the Corn-law and be answerable for its conseviences: what they like is to have it supported for them, with all the advantage it can confer, and none of the risk. Many persons connected with the land wore now eager for free trade: e would give an instance- " I happened the other day to be on business with one of the most respectable land-agents in the country, who acted for many noblemen's properties. I asked him if he stood in fear of the Protective gentlemen ? He said, far from it; there

was nowhere a more ardent Free-trader than himself, or one who was more tho- roughly convinced of the delusion which many people were under about it.

He said he spoke from thirty years' experience, and much reflection on the matter.

I asked him in what way he thought it would benefit the land? He said instantly, it would lead to a better cultivation of the land, a greater employment of the la-

bourers,'and relieve the aristocracy from much odium that was daily accumu- lating upon them. He told me that he had just been reletting all the farms on a nobleman's estate in the West; and he had, by the desire of his principal, offered to insert a clause providing for the lease being cancelled by either party a year after the Corn-laws had been repealed; and he said there was so much doubt as to whether it would be a good thing or a bad thing, that every one of them re- fused the offer."

Mr. Houghton, one of the largest farmers in England, followed Mr. Villiers. He had been a member of a Protection Society, but had abandoned it, and joined the League; and he entered at some length into the reasons which induced him to take so decided a step. We can but glance at them—

The conviction he now entertained was that the repeal of the Corn-laws would not be detrimental to the farmers. Re deemed protection the parent of idleness

and he knew of ne branch of trade that had prospered under it. The eilk-manu- lecturers had prophesied ruin to their traffic if the duty was removed : but no harm had arisen—on the contrary, the manufacture had extended: English silks were actually supplanting the -native manufacture of India on its own soil. As to wool, he had participated in the alarm felt by the woel-growers at the withdrawal of the protecting duty but since the abolition of the duty he had actually sold his wool at a higher price than he had ever been able to realize before. When Sir Robert Peel introduced his tariff, he had some doubts as to the effects likely to arise from the diminished duties, to the agriculturist; but the result had shown that his fears were without foundation. Beef and mutton were as dear as ever. The English consumers wanted all the fat pigs that America could send; and if a greater supply could be raised, an adequate demand would be found to exist. He approved of the lease system; and would not object, in the immediate prospect of the Corn-laws being repealed, to take his farms for as long a period as his land- lords would be inclined to give them. Farmers complained loudly of the county- rates: but if they would consider how that impost was expended, they would find that it was often lavished in the most wasteful manner by the landed interest themselves. He thought that much good would arise in Ireland were a bill passed enabling heirs of entail to raise money for the imprvement of their lands at 4 per cent interest.

Mr. Gibson remarked, that the Protectionists denounced the Parliament- ary enfranchisement scheme of the League as unconstitutional and im- moral, and yet they were about to attempt the same thing themselves—

Perhaps they might even have a rival house: but he would not advise them to take Drury Lane; let them begin at least with a smaller theatre—let them try the Strand! (Laughter.) The League had never made the Corn question a question of mere prices; and the opinion of Mr. Houghton was that farmers under free trade would enjoy as good prices as they got at present. Neither did the selling price of landed property countenance the idea that repeal would be ruinous to the holders. • Had not estates been lately sold by public auction, and purchased by persons

- as investments for their money; and had those estates been sold for one day's purchase less than they fetched some time since, when the agitation of the Corn- law question was not quite so ripe? He knew farms that were lately sold for more by two years' purchase than they fetched in 1839; and yet it could not be doubted that the Corn-laws were nearer repeal now than in 1839. If, however, there were a sincere belief in the minds of the capitalists of the country that the. repeal of the Corn-laws was to produce ruin, sorely they would not have seen farms selling at such prices. He knew in Suffolk a case where four tenants woeengaged in the Ministerial interregnum, as it was called, in negotiating new

leases with their landlords; and not one of the four mentioned the Corn-laws, but was willing to renew his lease for seven or fourteen years, as his landlord wished; and two of them volunteered to give an increased rent A speech from Mr. Moore brought the proceedings to a close.

The Central Protection Society held a special meeting at Willis's Rooms, on Monday; the object being to consider the propriety of rescind- ing that part of the rules which prevented the Society from interfering in " election matters. The Dukes of Richmond and Buckingham, Lord Sondes, - Lord Beaumont, Lord Rendlesham, Lord Ossulston, M.P., Lord March, M.P., Sir John T. Tyrell, ELP., Mr. E. Wodehouse, M.P., Mr. W. Miles, M.P., Mr. A. S. O'Brien M.P., Mr. C. N. Newdegate, M.P., Mr. H. S.

,

Waddington M.P., Mr. Bennett, M.P., Mr. R. A. Christopher, M.P.,

Honourable H. W. WRson, Honourable and Reverend. M. Talbot, General Sir James Cockburn, Colonel Hall, Sir H. R. Hoare, and from two to three hundred delegates from provincial societies, were present. The Duke of . Richmond, President of the Society, stated from the chair, that he did not

deem it necessary to discuss the general merits of the Corn-laws; but he thought the reason should be explained why the meeting had been called—

Of course, they all knew as well as he did, that no person in that room pos-

sessed the least means of knowing what were the intentions of the Queen's Go- vernment with reference tin the Corn-laws. No man out of-the Cabinet could say what the measures were which the Ministers intended to submit to Parliament: the general impression, however, was, that those measures would involve an in- fringement of the great principle of protection—that principle which it was.the main object of -their association to promote and defend. He lamented to say that there was too good reason to apprehend the dangerous tendency which the policy- of Ministers had recently assumed. He feared that the great principle of protec- tion was now to be departed from.

The ultimate object of the League was to create a Democratic ascendancy; but as this could not be accomplished unless the landed interest was destroyed in the first place, that unconstitutional body were endeavouring to carry their object by sapping the foundations of the electoral system. He asked, if the League had combined for such a purpose as that, was it not fair for other men to - associate in order to counteract designs which were not only unconstituticmal but self-evidently unjost? By. one of the rules of the Central Society, that associa- tion was disabled from interfering in any respect with the business of the Regis- tration Courts: looking, then, at the condition of the country and the conduct of the League, he took upon himself fearlessly to ask that meeting, whether they were not prepared to rescind a regulation which disabled them from meeting their adversaries upon equal terms? He would ask them if they did not think the time had at length arrived when it became their duty to enter the Registration Courts with as bold a front as their enemies?

- For himself, he could rely, upon the stability of the men of West Sussex; they

were not composed of slippery materials. They had raised their standard for agricultural rights; and his persuasion was, that to a mail they would adopt for their motto, "No compromise, and no surrender." He hoped the same spirit would animate the friends of native industry all over the country. Lord Beaumont, in moving a resolution asserting the necessity of pro- tection, characterized the existing crisis as " most alarming." He fearlessly avowed himself a friend to protection; and wished to explain the sense in which he used the word—

When he talked of protection, he never meant a system which would have a tendency to diminish the supply of food, or to increase its price. If it had such tendencies, he did not hesitate to say that all idea of protection should be aban- doned. It was because he believed the contrary that he raised his voice in sup- port of the existing Corn-laws; and it was because he believed the contrary that he should still exert the small influence which he possessed to maintain those laws; and it was for that reason that he should call on every one then present to go and do likewise. if the effect of the Corn-laws was to diminish the supply and increase the price of food, then he should say that those laws constituted an unhallowed system; but, believing that the direct reverse was consonant with the truth, he should appeal to every true patriot to assist him in warding off that blow which the League had aimed at the industry of the country. He eulogized the principle and working of the sliding scale. The operation of the present (tern- laws was intended to be, and really appeared to him to have the effect, of inducing the farmers to bring the largest possible supply of grain to the markets, in order

to protect themselves from an inundation of foreign corn, but not to exclude it altogether. The effect of the law was not by any means to deprive us of foreign, supplies, but to encourage such a growth of corn at home as would in most years preserve us from being dependent on our rivals or our enemies; because it was well known that if the importation of foreign corn were free, the production of British corn would be very materially reduced. England would trust to a broken

reed if she depended upon other countries for a supply of food. With a scarcity in Europe and a misunderstanding with America, what would be our condition? Such a state of things might happen; the nations of Europe might be unable, and the States of America unwilling, to feed us. There might be in America abun- dance of corn, but there might be at the same time a disputed territory. At the moment when we were praying for a morsel of food, a military man in the Ame- rican Congress might be moving resolutions hostile to England. What, then, would be the instructions of our Cabinet to the British Minister at Washington? A stern necessity would compel him to instruct the Queen's Ambassador to say nothing about the disputed territory. If the Corn-laws be abolished, there must be a general revision of all taxation: there must be also a general revision of all the local burdens that press upon kind, and which burdens were considered to contain a compensating principle for that which was called the evil of the Corn-laws. He did not believe in the utility or even the existence of such a compensating principle; but it was quite evident that an alteration of the Corn-laws involved an extensive revolution.

Ittr. Christopher, in seconding Lord Beaumont's resolution, remarked, that the Colonies had hitherto been protected at the expense of the agri- cultural interest at home; but were the Corn-laws abolished, the advantage must be withdrawn—

In the county with which he was connected, there were thousands of acres capable of growing tobacco; and if the protection on wheat was removed, it was i only fair that the impediment which existed to the free cultivation of tobacco should be removed also.

" Compensation" had been mentioned : but what compensation could be awarded them in lieu of the loss of food? Could they put the burdens which the land bore upon the Consolidated Fund? Would that compensate them ? Nothing of the sort. The Income-tax would be immediately inflamed if the Corn-laws were repealed: the poor must go into the hands of paid officials; to the tender mercies of such functionaries the whole pauper population must be handed over. Did they call that compensation for the loss of the Corn-laws? Compensation I—he would refuse all such compensation. It would destroy our whole parochial system, which was the pride of England; while it would embarrass the Executive Government with the care of the poor. Mr. Miles contended that the agriculturists preponderated in number over their antagonists; and he ventured to say, that at the next general election it would be seen that the constituencies entertain the same opinions they held in 1841. Mr. T. M. Gladstone (of Wolverhampton) stated that he was connected with the iron manufacture, and that he and many others engaged in the same trade felt grateful to the agricultural interest for the readiness with which they extended protection towards it when in its infancy. The Central Society knew not their own strength: if they only put forth a de- monstration of their power in the manner that their enemies of the League were accustomed to proceed, they would soon be astonished at the number of manu- facturers who felt with them and were ready to support the principle of protection.

Mr. Baker quoted from the American newspapers to show the over- whelming competition to which the farmers would be exposed were the Corn-laws abolished— He -held in his hand two American newspapers, by which it appeared that country was ready to supply.England with corn if she should want it. The mild- nese of the season in America had produced the greatest abundance of wheat. The Albany Argus stated the arrival of a prodigious quantity of flour, and that the amount of production in.the West was really without limit. America, then, was ready to send us any amount of flour the country required; and if the admit tame of this reduced the labour-market at home, what would be done in that case?

Under existing circumstances, the agriculturists were called upon to proceed as an united body; and in so proceeding, it became their duty to cast aside all political differences. fhe time had arrived when a Protection Society would be lase to itself if it continued to abstain from facing its enemies in the Pegistration Courts. He moved that the following words be expunged from the fourth rule of the Society—" And that the Society shall on no account interfere in any election for a Member to serve in Parliament."

The resolution intrusted to Mr. Ball pledged the meeting to support those candidates only who would steadily maintain the present protection. The agriculturists had hitherto been too confiding— It had been the-misfortune of the agricultural class, that they trusted too im- plicitly: to a Minister whose policy had falsified all tlieir just expectations. He was a man who, as far as words went, was without a rival in the House of (km- mons ; but he had not the moral courage, he did not possess tuffRclent nerve, to face the attacks with which the enemies of the Corn-laws assailed him. He be- came- alarmed about famine, he trembled at the mention of a monetary crisis; and that perhaps was the chief cause of his fright. He was, however, alarmed and influenced by various rouses. The public press took up the subject in a manner which seemed thoroughly to alarm him: he quailed before the public press. But he trusted that the constituencies of England would not yield their in- dependence either to the League or the newspapers. Mr. Newdegate thought the interests of the Church were involved in the perpetuation of the existing system— He would ask them hew could the tithes be maintained if the Free-trade prin- ciple were carried out to the fullest extent? Whatever -doctrinal differences aught be among Englishmen, there was one point upon which they were all _agreed—namely, that the clergy of the Church of England ought to be inde- pendent of the CLOW)] : but if free trade bad, as it must have, the effect of throw- ing the clergy upon the Censelidated Fund, the Ministers of the Church must ne- cessarily become the humble servants of the Ministers of the Crown. He laughed to scorn-the-physical force threat of the League. But in one thing the agriculturists were weak— However strong they might be in other respects, the debating power in the House of Commons was almost all against them. They had depended too im- plicitly upon one man; and they sent their Representatives to Parliament rather as followers of him than as men who would stand alone. They knew as well as he did that they lived in an age of Democratic tendencies. Mr. Cobden might promise them peace, but could Mr. Cobden secure them against disturbance? Let the Aristocracy look well to every step the took: if they once conceded a repeal of the Corn-laws, then the fanners would be thrown into the ranks of the Free-traders. Notwithstanding these disheartening circumstances, he ventured to persuade himself that the cause would ultimately triumph.

The appointment of a Sub-Committee to take into consideration those measures which the excision of the fourth rule (that which prohibited in- terference with elections] may render necessary," was recommended in the next resolution. The whole were passed unanimously; and the proceed- ings closed with a vote of thanks to the Duke of Richmond. The Duke, in return, expressed a hope that the agriculturists would not go to slumber: he thought it would be exceedingly wrong in any Minister to attempt to carry repeal of the Corn-laws without dissolving the present Parliament; and if the attempt were made, he hoped the House of Lords would adopt measures to compel that Minister to take the sense of the electors on his policy. Rounds of cheers were then given for the Duke, for Lord Beau- mont, and for Mr. T. M. Gladstone, the iron-master. At the London Sessions, on Saturday, Mr. Rathbone, the Secretary of the Leicester and Tamworth Junction Railway, was tried for an assault on Mr. Lewis, an advertising agent. Mr. Lewis had been employed by the Company to insert announcements in the London papers; he sent in his bill for 406/., and a crossed check for 3001. only was forwarded to him. As the bankers would not pay the "crossed" check to him, he went to the Company's office to speak about it. Mr. Rathbone offered to send a clerk with him to the banker's to endeavour to get the check cashed. At that moment, however, Mr. Villiers, the Deputy-Chairman, was announced; and the Secretary then said he could do nothing in the matter; adding, that Mr. Lewis must leave the place. The agent now insisted on seeing Mr. Villiers, and attempted to go to the board-room; but the other seized him by the throat, and afterwards took up the poker, threatening to split Mr. Lewis's skull and " smash his brains out." The cries of Mr. Lewis happily brought as- sistance. Some time previously, the Secretary had asked a clerk of the agent's what " consideration"- his employer meant to allow Rathbone out of the account. The prisoner was found guilty, and was ordered to pay a fineof 201.

Benjamin Brown, the railway "projector," was tried at the Central Criminal Court, last week, for obtaining 50!. from Mr. Jacobs, under a false pretence of procuring a situation for him in a railway company. He was found guilty, and sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment with hard labour.

At Bow Street Police-office, last week, Mr. Joseph Bowers Grey, a chemist and druggist, residing in St. James's Street, was charged with stealing a letter and forging the signature of Mr. George Leicester Hillas, a surgeon of Brewton, to a Post-office money-order for 20s. Mr. Grey bought a business in Holborn of Mr. Mlles in October 1844. At that time the Reverend Alfred Tatham, of Sonthwell, was indebted to Mr. Hillas 208. In September last, Mr. Tatham sent a Post-office order for the amount to Holborn; it was presented at the General Post-office, pur- polting be signed by Mr. lints, and was paid. It never passed through the hands of Mr. Hillas. Several witnesses declared that the signature resembled Mr. Grey's handwriting. The accused was remanded, the Magistrate refusing to take bail

On Tuesday, Mr. Grey was again brought up. Evidence was given of the send- ing of the letter enclosing the order; and more witnesses said the signature re- sembled Mr. Grey's writing. For the prisoner, however, testimony quite contrary was produced:, his brother, a barrister, Mr. Cooper, a solicitor of Colchester, and Dr. Tomkins, a physician of Devizes, declared that the signature by no means tallied with his usual hand. Mr. Jardine, the Magistrate, said that the facts of the case were very much altered since the first examination, by the evidence now adduced; in consequence of which, he would admit the prisoner to bail, himself in 1,0001., and two sureties in 5001. each, to answer the charge at the Sessions. The sureties were in attendance, and Mr. Grey was liberated.

A very tragical affair has happened at Brentford. Some time ago, Thomas Law, a shoemaker, in his seventy-third year, fell into difficulties, and in consequence made over his business to his son. Having got his affairs arranged, Law went to Brentford with the intention of retaking possession of his business; this the son would not suffer, and he excluded the father from the house. After suffering much privation, on Tuesday Mr. Law went to the son's shop and made an ap- peal to his feelings: the younger Law was obdurate; in the heat of the moment the father caught up a knife, stabbed his son in the breast, and then cut his own throat. It is supposed that neither will recover.

The Adelphi Theatre was in great danger from a fire which occurred at three o'clock on Sunday morning. The fire broke out, from some cause unknown, at the Castle public-house, in Bullin Court; which, with with the next house, was speedily consumed. The back of the Castle adjoined the theatre, the roof of Which soon became intensely hot; two men ascended the building, and found at the top an engine and a tank of water; the engine was useless, but they plenti- fully wetted the roof with water by means of buckets, and thus prevented the fire from getting a hold of it. Bailin Court is a narrow alley, densely inhabited by poor people; and the scene during the fire was very distressing.

On Tuesday night, four newly-erected houses at Camden Town were found simultaneously on fire. All were injured, and one was completely destroyed. The fire originated about the staircase in each house.

On Thursday, Grant, a plasterer's labourer, was brought up at Marylebone Police- office, on suspicion of having caused the fires. Mr. Marshall, the owner of the houses, had prosecuted the young man some time since for stealing a handker- chief ; and he afterwards received a threatening notice. It was attempted to be proved that this notice was in the handwriting of the prisoner: but the testi- mony was insufficient, and the man was discharged for the present.

The Registrar-General's return of mortality in the Metropolis for the week end- ing on Saturday last shows the following general results.

Number of Winter Annual deaths. average. average.

Zymotic (or Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious) Diseases 201 ... 183 ... 188 Dropsy, Cancer, and other diseases of uncertain or variable seat 78 ... 115 ... 104 Diseases of the Brain. Spinal Marrow, Nerves, and Senses 150 ... 159 ... 157 Diseases of the Lungs, and of the other Organs of Respiration 308 ... 363 ... 294 Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion 73 69 ... 72 Diseases of the Kidneys, &e. 11 Childbirth, diseases of the Uterus, ac • 19 Rheumatism, diseases of the Bones, Joints, ft.. 19 Diseases of the Skin, Cellular Tissue, &c. 2 Old Age 48

Violence, Privation, Cold, sad Intemperance 27

Total (including unspecified causal) 972 ... 1,080 ... 968

The temperature of the thermometer ranged from 44° in the sun to 32.4° in the shade; the mean temperature by day being warmer than the average mom temperature by 5.6°. The mean direction of the wind for the week was South- west, but during a large portion of the time the air was calm.