Vtliattonu routings iu Varltamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

Bonn or LORDS. Monday, August 12. Medical Charities Bill, read a second time, and withdrawn—Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Bill, read a third time and passed—Crime and Outrage Act (Ireland) Continuance (No.2) Bill, read a first time —Friendly Societies Bill, read a second time.

Tuesday, August 13. Forged Signatures to Petition; Gream and Cage committed to Newgate—Persecution of Protestants in Ireland—Crime and Outrage Act (Ire- land) Continuance (No. 2) Bill, read a second time ; standing orders suspended, bill committed, reported, read a third time, and passed.

Wednesday, August 14. Royal Assent given to the Duke of Cambridge's Annuity, Marlborough House, Public Libraries and Museums, Parliamentary Voters (Ire- land), Crime and Outrage Act (Ireland) Continuance (No.2), and Stamp-duties (No. 2), Bills, and many other public and private bills. 77norsday, August 15. Royal Assent to the Consolidated Fund Bill and several others—The Queen's Speech at the Prorogation of Parliament.

House OP COMMONS. Monday, August 12. Crime and Outrage Act (Ireland) Continuance (No. 2) Bill, read a third time and passed—Retrospect of the Session 141 Sir Benjamin Hall; Lord John Russell's Defenc—Ceylon Committee; Motion by . r. Hume for Publication of Evidence, +debated, and withdrawn.

Wednesday, August 14. Foreign Tariff Thursday, August 15. Sunday Post-othce gation of Parliament.

TIME -

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Returns.

Committee; Report presented—Proro- TABLE.

The Conuncns.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Meeting. Adjournment.

Saturday lb 311 20n2 Saturday Noon .... lb 30m Monday 511 . 711 56m Monday 31, .... 8b 45m Tuesday 8h 47m Tuesday No Sitting.

Wednesday lh 4h 15m Wednesday lb 3h 30m Thursday 21, 2h 45In Thursday Lih .... 2h tfim Sittings this — this Session, Week, 0; Time, 135 3m Sittings this this Week, 4, Time. 121, Om 100; —260h 51m Session,153; — 1053k 18m

RETROSPEL711VN APPLICATION OF THE TIME-TABLE.

A critical retrospect of the mechanical progress of business in the House of Commons was thrown off by Sir BENJAIIIN 1TALL 011 Monday, returns lately presented to the House on his motion furnishing the basis of fact He never knew a session of Parliament since the passing of the Reform Bill in which a more anxious desire to transact the business of the country had been manifested. The debates have been less often adjourned, and the speeches more concise, than in any preceding Parliament ; and on the Govern- ment nights there has been no instance of a "count-out." The duration of sittings has been such, that if matters go on as they have gone, it will be impossible for those Members representing large constituencies to attend to any other duties—even their Parliamentary duties on Committee. The num- ber of hours during which they sat on Government nights in July and Au- gust were as follows. On the first Monday and Friday in July, the House sat nineteen hours ; on the second Monday and Friday, they sat twenty-four hours; on the third Monday and Friday, they sat twenty-two hours and a hail; on the fourth Monday and Friday, they sat twenty-five hours and fifty minutes ; on Monday the 29th, and on Tuesday, Thursday, and Fri- day following—four days—they sat forty-seven hours. They sat during the session 1,041 hours altogether, or ten hours and a half every sitting-clay sines the commencement of the session. This was independent of Committee business, to which many of them were obliged to attend in addition. It was usual for the House to sit up to two o'clock, and sometimes even up to three o'clock in the morning. Now it was impossible for any man, however strong in intellect or physical organization, to bestow the necessary attention on all the work that was to be done, until some better arrangement was made with regard to public business. Ile did not want to find fault with the Government. He knew how difficult it was for them to get through public business, and that there :were many obstacles in the way. But he showed by detailed explanations, that the extraordinary delay of re- peated postponements has generally been induced by indecision on the part of Government itself. The Savings-banks Bill was brought in on the 29th of April, the second reading was deferred eleven times, and no furtherpro- gress was made with the bill up to the 1st of August. The HihwaysTBill was brought in on the 13th of February, by Mr. Cornewall Lewis ; its con- sideration in Committee was deferred thirteen times, and it lingered down to the 12th of July, when it was withdrawn. The Fees (Court of Chancery Bill was brought in by the Solicitor-General on the 26th of April; the second reading was deferred three times, the Committee was deferred fourteen times, turd the bill lingered in the House till the 29th of July, when it was withdrawn. The Charitable Trusts Bill was brought in on the 8th of Fe- bruary; the second reading was deferred eleven times, the Committee was deferred thirteen times, the consideration of the amendments was deferred four times, the third reading was deferred five times, and the bill lingered through the House till the 25th of July. The Merchant Seamen's Fund Bill was ordered to be brought in on the 11th of February, and was read a first time on the 15th of February ; the second reading was postponed fifteen times, so that honourable Members might have come down on as many ill- ferent days expecting the measure to chine on and it was at Last withdrawn on the 8th of Jay. That %ill was on the °dee-leek for nearly five months. The Lard-Lieutenancy Alailition Bill stood alone ; it was withdrawn, almost without any apparent reason. That bill was brought in by the noble Lord at the bead of the Government on the 17th of May ; it was read a second time on the 17th of Jane ; it was almost unanimously assented to by the House there being a very small division against it ; three nights, which as it turned out might have been better employed, were devoted to its discus- sion ; and yet, notwithstanding the trifling opposition made to it, the bill was withdrawn on the 4th of July.. There was a multitude of other post- ponements. The Merchant Shipping Bill was postponed five times, and withdrawn ; the first Mercantile Marine Bill five times, and withdrawn ' - the Appointment to Offices Bill five times, and nothing more heard of it after the 12th July ; the Chief Justices eleven times, and.no more notice of it taken up to the 1st instant ; the Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill, no fewer than fifteen times, and no more word heard of it up to the time the re- turn -was made up ; the Woods and Forests Bill, introduced in February, was put offfifteen times, and after lingering till July the 4th was withdrawn. On the other hand, when the Government showed decision they always succeeded in promptly carrying their measures, The Metropolitan Interments Bill afforded an instance of the readiness with which they could get through measures they were determined to pass; for they allowed nothing to inter- fere with its consideration until it was sanctioned by the House. The Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Bill was brought down from the Howe of Lords, and, though a good deal of opposition was offered to it, the Govern- ment showed a determination to carry it, and they succeeded. The Duke of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was 'brought hi on the 22d Of July, and was speedily rum through the House. What, then, was the summary of the really s and important bills passed by the Government during the session, which had been, he believed, the most laborious ever known'? Up to the 1st of Augritt, the important bills carried by the Government were the Australian Colonies Government Bill, the Brick-duties Bill, the Charitable Trusts Bill, the Mer- cantile Marine Bill, the Metropolitan Interments Bill, and the Parliamentary Voters (upland) Bill. In the last session of Parliament the House sat for 932 hours, and the Government passed 89 bills. This year the House sat for a greater number of hours even up to the 1st of August, and yet up to that date they only paned 58 bills, or 311ess than in the former session although, as he had said before. the House had never in his experience manifested a greater desire to facilitate public business. He believed that during the pre- sent session about fifty-eight bills had been introduced by independent Mem- bers; of which eighteen, or about one-third, had been passed by the 1st of August. He hoped that the Government would consider the subject in the recess, or appoint a Committee to consider haw the transaction of public business could be shortened. One of the greatest of the evils of the present system is the total uncertainty as to all Government measures. With regard to the coming on of the bills of private Members there is certainty ; but the Government bills you must watch hour by hour from day to day, and when at last they come on it is very likely they will again be postponed Observing that he had carefully abstained from party references or com- ments, he concluded formally with a motion for further papers. Lord Rom RUSSELL acknowledged the fair spirit of Sir Benjamin Hall's criticism, but could not coincide with his conclusions.

Ile believed the House really did conduct an amount of public business which no other assembly in Europe ever transacted. And -whatever might have been the case during one or two sessions within the memory of those now living' still the present session had been an example of very few lengthened debates, and of very few departures from the general understand- ing that, except in cases where it was absolutely necessary, the speeches of honourable Members should be as brief and succinct as possi- ble. With regard to the debate an the foreign policy of the Govern- ment, the policy of the Government for the last few years being then in question, it was obvious that the principal speakers could not deal properly with the subject without going into its various branches at consi- derable length. But the honourable Baronet, very much to his surprise, said that the House was never aware of the business to be brought before it, especially on Government nights. Now that certainly was the case some twenty years ago, because then when there might be thirty orders of the day on the notice-book, the Minister might bring on the twenty-fifth or the twenty-sixth before any of the others, without any previous notice ; and he himself, he believed, was the first to alter that custom. And that he did in this way : he had printed on the Votes what orders of the day—naming one or two—were likely to occupy the greater part of the night, and he gave notice that they would be brought on before the other orders. But not stopping with that amendment, the Government had introduced a further improvement, by giving notice on the day before, to the Clerk at the table, what order they would take on Government nights, to enable it to appear on the Notice-paper. That regulation might cause some inconvenience to the Government, but at the same time it was obviously a great advantage and convenience to the House, and he believed it proved very useful The ho- nourable Baronet appeared to forget, that in the course of the session the Government must occupy a Neu large number of nights on the question of the Estimates. They had the Navy, the Army, and the Ordnance Estimates, and then the Miscellaneous Estimates, on all of which, and especially on the Miscellaneous Estimates every kind of miscellaneous observations were likely to arise. These nights, course, must take up a considerable part of the session ; and when he saw the number of days they sat, and the number of government nights, he must remind the honourable Baronet that only ten nights in the course of a month were taken up by the Government; the dif- ference being that some five or six weeks of the session were occupied by the Estimates. He therefore thought, considering these circumstances, and the importance of the subjects that had been brought forward for discussion, and the interest that was taken in several of these subjects, his only surprise was that the House had been enabled, with the proper attention given to every subject, to get through so many bills, with all their difficult stages, in the course of the present session. The honourable Baronet said that bills -had been brought forward and had not been proceeded with. Why, there were various circumstances that might always account for some bills that were brought forward not being proceeded with. If the Government thought a measure useful to bring for- ward, the Members of that House might perhaps take a different view. of the bill ; or it might be that the House was disposed to say. that the strong feel- ing out of doors with regard to a bill rendered it unadvmable to proceed with it All irutance of the latter was a bill on the subject of education, intro- duced by the late Government, which, after some discussion, had alterations effected in its provisions and details ; but the measure was afterwards given up. Now he had not considered that the Government of the day- was to blame either for bringing forward or for giving up that bill. He thought when it was introduced, that it was a very useful measure'for a very -useful purpose ; but a very strong popular feeling existed against it, and it was not desirable to proceed with it. He could not admit that it was possible for any Government to foresee exactly what might be the impression of that House or the impression of various parts of the country with respect to bills which they might bring forward. Now, the Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill, to which the honourable Baronet had referred, was a bill that had been very

carefully matured in Committee; greater consideration could hardly have been bestowed on any bill than was given to that bill; but yet when it went to Ireland it was considered that it was not likely to produce satisfaction there. With regard to the Lerd-Lieutenancy Abolition Bill, he stated rea- sons for bringing it forward at the time, and those reasons he thought were approved of both by that House and the people in different parts of the United Kingdom ; but there arose a question as to the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State, with regard to which considerable doubts were en- tertained—not by him, for he hail no doubts on the subject, but by several honourable Members. Now when he was about to prooeod with this bill,

and with several other bills including that for the adruission of the Jews into Parliament, there intervened the great debate on the foreign policy

of the Government ; and he felt that if he was able to send bills

up to the other House by the 10th of July, it might be advisable to press them • but if a bill of great importance was not sent up

till the beginning of Aegust, it was obvious that reasons, not against

the bill itself, but against considering so important a measure at that late season of the year, might be urged in the House of Lords. Then the

honourable Baronet had made similar objections to the Court of Chan- cery Bill, and other bills to which he had alluded. Committees were sitting up-stairs, which took a view not entirely similar to that of the bill, but favourable to different other changes accompanying those proposed by the Government. That being the case, it was desirable and reasonable that those bills should for the present session be withdrawn. But he did not consider the time that had been devoted to them was lost. On the contrary, he

thought when bills of this kind were brought forward, and deliberations took place in Committee, at length a way was discovered by which objec-

tions might be obviated, and the bill lie enabled, after due consideration, to pass through Parliament. They had had proofs that bills of this kind often take very considerable time to fit them for becominglaw; and there was an instance to which he had frequently alluded, because he happened once to have had charge of a bill on the subject,. It was on the subject of the County Courts. He believed nothing was more useful than a local administration of justice, rendering justice cheaper and more accessible. One had only to state such a proposition, and it might be thought .a bill to carry out such an object would readily pass through Parliament, and receive general assent. Iltst what was the fact ? Lord Spencer, in 1823 or 1824, at the time when Mr. Canning was the leading Minister of the country, introduced a bill on the subject. It went on, admired and commended by everybody.

It was introduced by various Govermnents, and he and his right

honourable friend near him had chimp of such a bill. Various other persons took up the question : the late Government undertook it, and left a bill for the present Government to carry • out when they came into Office. And in 1846, after twenty-three or twenty-four years of discussion, that bill then became law. The honourable Baronet would

say whether the Government were to blame in not having until 1846 passed such a measure. Perhaps they were so to blame, and it might be that if the honourable Baronet were Minister he could provide at once, not only for pee-

per measures to pass, but for all the details at once to be acceptable to all parties, and such as without discussion would receive the assent of this and the other House of Parliament. That might be possible, only it had never

occurred in his memory ; and it seemed that the various able -Ministers who had conducted the affairs of this House for many years past had had to en- counter delays of the kind he had stated. With respect to the Woods and Forests Bill, that certainly was founded upon the views taken in Committee,

but after the bill had been introduced, and a general assent had been given to its principle, it was found that it required a good deal of alteration in its details, and hehad therefore deferred it till another session so as to afford ample time for its amendment. There were several bills of very great im- portance, which, as the House knew, had been brought in and carried to a successful issue, every one of which had a great deal of attention and of pains bestowed on them. The-Australian Colonies Bill was one of theme. It certainly had taken up much time ; but no one could doubt that the vari- ous statements of the right honourable gentleman the Member for the Uni- versity of Oxford, (Mr. Gladstone,)andof the honourable Baronet the Mem- ber for Southwark, (Sir William Molesworth,) had developed views of Colo- nial policy highly worthy of the attention of the House, and which, whether they were right or wrong, were fully entitled to oonsideration. Well, then, as to the Metropolitan Interments Bill, a great deal has been said, and agreat deal of time has been eonswneil.

Sir BENJAMIN TrAti—" Very little time." Lord JonN Russe.u.--" Well, I think a peat deal of time. I appeal to the right honourable gentleman" [the Sp e.ker.1 (Laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT—" Only one night and two morning sittings." Lord JOHN Russeaz—Very well ; it might have been only one night and two mornings, but there was so much said about it in and out of the House that the impression left on his mind was that it had taken a great deal more. (Laughter.) Local prejudices stood in the way of speedy legislation of this character; but the more Members there were in the House who turned their attention to such subjects, and the more inforraation and will they brought to bear on them, it would be so much the better for the proper discussion of these important matters. There were many Members of that House who Were not ready to enter upon the discussion of whatever subject was brought under their notice' and in former times he knew that many bills of the very gravest importance met with almost no discussion; but at present there was far more discussion, because there were many more Members who made themselves acquainted with the subjects laid before them, both with regard to principle and details. There had been a great improvement in the House in this respect, and in the amount of time that was devoted to the dis-

cussion of every important bill. For his part, he thought that the House had every reason to be satisfied with the dose attention that Members had given to the subjects brought forward this session ; and he thought that the discus- sions upon the various questions—and they were many, important, and very different—did show that the aptitude for business in that House was not smaassed by any public assembly in the world.

Mr. BRIGHT had no doubt about the industry of the House, but he showed that the industry was misapplied. At least two hundred Members of the House had been worked larder in the last six months than an equal number of labourers chosen from any pa- rish in England. The great fault to remedy was the multitude of detail,' put before the whole House. If the House could be divided into sections to consider the details of each measure, and if the whole House were only to be called on to decide the principle involved, the business of the public would Set on ranch more satisfactorily. He had very early pressed on the noble Lord the importance of the Landlord and Tenant Bill; that bill now becomes of still higher importance from what has just happened. The noble Lord would sees conference of men from all parts of Ireland had been sitting in Dublin on the subject ; and, without pretending to agree with everything they had been doing or saying there, Mr. Bright thought the House ought not to shut its eyes to the fact, that it had been a very important meeting, and threatened to get into shape an agitation in Ireland more formidable than any they had witnessed in past years. There seemed to be an amalgamation of Catholic, Protestant, and Presbyterian ; and it was important that the bo_dy so united should only go for those things which were just and,peatieable. He hoped, therefore, the noble lord would take acme steps during the recess to

sift the question thoroughly, and to prepares bill ofa simple and conclusive character, which he would press through the House with the earnestness he had shown with respect to some bills of a very questionable character.

In conclusion, Mr. Bright briefly noticed a eubject which has been made matter of remark in another place—the report of the Committee on Official Salaries, of which he was a member. A noble and learned Lord, speaking of that Committee, had declared " it was composed of moat ignorant men." That might be quite true ; neither he nor the other honourable Members upon that Committee pretended to be as learned as the noble and learned Lord : but they did pretend to have some information with respect to QOM.. mon matters, and, as the House of Commons had referred an inquiry on an important question to them, he doubted if it was Parliamentary for a noble and learned Lord in another place to use such language with respect to them. The noble and learned Lord complained bitterly the Committee had not ex- amined him, in order that they might come to certain conclusions. If they had not examined the noble and learned Lord, it certainly was not because he had not asked them, over and over again, to do so ; and when it was sub- mitted to the Committee that he should be examined, it was their unani- mous feeling that the noble and learned Lord was not likely to give them any information of the smallest possible use to the House or to the country. (Laughter.) He was sure, however, the Committee would not think the

noble and learned Lord's strictures very formidable. He recollected once having had a slight passage of arms, or rather of pens, with that noble and

learned Lord ; and it was generally supposed that he had foiled him in the combat. (Renewed laughter.) Since then, the noble and learned Lord had not done anything to add to his reputation, or to increase the weight of his censure ; for the course he had taken had been so eccentric and extraordi- nary, that he, who had been once admired and respected by the people of this country, was now very much ridiculed—or, what Mr. Bright thought far worse—was very much pitied. The language of Milton's Samson, in the ylgonietee, might be very justly put in the mouth of the noble Lord- " — My race of glory run,

Afy race of shame —"

And his friends slight well exclaim, with some alteration of the next line,

— Would that his tongue and pen Were now at rest!"

Sir Benjamin Hall's motion was withdrawn.

REMOVAL OF THE SUNDAY POST-OFFICE SUSPENSION.

Referring to the report of the Commission appointed to inquire into tho operation of the regulations lately adopted for putting a atop to Sunday labour in the Post-officio, which had been just laid on the table of the Peers, Lord CAMPBELL declared his belief that it will go a considerable way to remove the evils which have been sensibly felt for some weeks past in the correspondence of the country. He would not dwell on the social evils which had been experienced, but he must beg leave as one of the Judges of the land, to state his conviction that the late regulation had a tendency to obstruct works of necessity and mercy. Whilst the Amazes were going forward, it was often of the greatest importance that communications should be made to the Judges with respect to cases that were coming on for trial, and with respect to cases which had been tried. Under the system lately established, all communications of that sort were for four-an-twenty hours completely cut off. On one oc- casion, he himself and his learned brother Mr. Justice Williams, thinking that the postmaster might be authorized to make a dispensation from the strictness of the new regulations in favour of her Majesty's Judges, applied for their letters at the post-office ; but the postmaster refused to allow them to have any, stating that he had positive orders to deliver none whatever. Lord Campbell honoured that functionary for the refusal; but a danger arose in consequence, that prisoners coming on for trial might have been deprived of evidence that might have been material for them, and prisoners who had been condemned might have been cut off from receiving the mercy to which their eases-entitled them. He rejoiced exceedingly that the late regulations, which he did not hesitate to express his belief had a direct tendency to lead to the desecration of the Sabbath would now be at an end. No one is more in favour of a strict religious observance of Sunday than himself, but this would be much more effectually promoted by the new regulations which he understood the Government is about to make.

In the brief sitting of the Commons on Thursday, before the prompt- tion of Parliament, Mr. LABOUCHERE said, he anticipated that the Trea- sury would be ready to carry the recommendations of the Committee into effect.

PARLIAMENTARY REIT/MIS OF FOREIGN TARIFFS.

Mr. NEWDEGATE complained of the Illallner in which the report en- titled "Foreign Tariffs' (Paper No. 570 of this session) is drawn up. It only further confuses existing ignorance. It states that there have been no alterations in the Russian tariff since 1846; whereas there have been alterations raising the duties on sugar, chicory, coffee, coals, tea, to- bacco, and infinite other articles. The ease is the same with the Belgian tariff. 'Would Government take, or let him take, some measures to show the House accurately what the foreign tariffs are ? At present neith,er the Government nor the House has any such knowledge to guide its le- gislation. Mr. LABOUCHERE explained, that the return was moved for early in the session, and was made upon the beat information then pos- sessed. But the Foreign Secretary has written to British Ministers and Consuls abroad, directing them to obtain copies of all existing tariffe, and to communicate all alterations that may be made in tkw.m. The Colonial Secretary has undertaken to obtain similar information with regard to the tariffs of our Colonies. It will hardly be desirable to print all the tariffs—bulky volumes—on account of the expense ; and Mr. Labouehere will consider the most convenient mode of presenting the information to the House. Mr. NEWDEGATE thanked him for the promise.

Pertamme : PETITION SIGNATURES.

On the motion of Lord MONTEAGLE, Charles Gream and Michael Alex- ander Gage were called to the bar of the House. Lord Monteagle stated the result of the inquiries into the forging of signatures to a petition pro- fessing to be from ratepayers or inhabitants of Liverpool against the Liverpool Corporation Waterworks Bill. Those inquiries had ehown that Mr. Gream and Mr. Gage caused that petitian to be presented to their Lordships, well knowing that a number ef signatures were falsely and fraudulently attached to it. The Lone Crieriesiuna and Lord Reautioxt urged the House to take a course clear, distinct, and decisive ; to give a lesson which might teach parties to be more cautious. Mr. Gream and Mr. Gage having withdrawn, the Peers resolved unanimously that they had been guilty of a gross breach of privilege. On the motion of Lord MotereatoLE, the Usher of the Black Rod look them into custody, and brought them to the bar to offer any extenuatory remarks they chose. Mr. Gream claimed to be heard by counsel.; but was informed that he could not now be eo heard : he had been heard by eenuasel before the. Committee ; he emild now be heard only in extenuation. Mr. Gream made a statement of considerable length, the gist of which was that he had acted throughout with the best intentions, and in the hope of pre-

senting to the House a petition that could not be challenged. I bow to your Lordships' judgment, but in my own breast I feel perfectly inno- cent." Mr. Gage commented on the evidence with a view to establish that he and Mr. Gream are the victims of a deep-laid conspiracy for the purpose of defeating the petition. If they were allowed the ordinary forms of investigation afforded by the courts of law, they would expose the conspirators. The parties withdrew. The Peers unanimously ordered them to be committed to Newgate gaol for a fortnight.

THE CzirLosi COMMITTEE.

Mr. Howe moved that the evidence taken before the Ceylon Committee be printed.

It appeared to him utterly ridiculous to sax that this evidence was to be confined to the Secretary of State for the Colonies and to the members of her Majesty's Government, when the object of appointing the Committee was to ascertain what were the causes of certain differences between the Governor of Ceylon and those persons who had made their complaints to that House. Yet the result of the Committee's proceedings, after divisions sometimes six to six and sometimes six to seven, was that they had resolved to re •rt, not to the House of Commons, which had appointed them, but to the isters of the Crown. Would the House remain satisfied under such a suppression of evidence ? Were they, after having gene through the form of an inquiry, to give up its substance, and, instead of judging for themselves, to refer the whole matter to the Colonial Secretary ?

Mr. Hawn went over the reasons which had led- the Committee to ab- .stain from recommending that the evidence should be printed.

Briefly, it was impossible to separate the confidential evidence from that of a puble nature. Further, if the private and confidential communications were published, they would not form a case as against the Governor of Cey- lon: at the same time, there was an impression on the minds of her Majes- ty's Ministers that Lord Torrington could no longer remain in the Govern- ment of Ceylon, not on account of his public acts, but that he could not after what had passed, as it appeared before the Committee, continue to adminis- ter the affairs of that colony. Mr. Hawes moved as an amendment, that the evidence be referred to the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the mem- bers of the Government.

Sir Joanne WALMSLEY said, he might have been able to acquit Lord ' Torrington, notwithstanding suspicious circumstances, till the private

and confidential letters were produced ; but after they appeared, he had thought Lord Torrington could not carry on the government of Ceylon with advantage to the public interest. Mr. Camara Vitamins saw no reason why any of the evidence should be produced till all could be pub- lished. In the evidence given before the Committee there was a good deal to justify the acts of Lord Torrington • but he must also admit that some of his acts could be very little justified. Mr. Bathnir regretted that these confidential letters had been brought forward ; but at any rate, if they had not been published, a nobleman unfitted for that high office would still be Governor of Ceylon.

The result of the present investigation ought to convey a little warning to the honourable gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, and also to the noble Lord who was his chief. It appeared that both in the case of Ceylon and the Ionian Islands, the moment they heard of an insurrection and a not, that martial law was proclaimed, and that men were hanged, they instituted no examination into the matter ; but that Lord Grey, although knowing no- thing of the real state of affairs, wrote out word that her Majesty and her Majesty's Government were entirely satisfied with all the measures taken by these Governors. It now appeared that the conduct of Lord Torrington had not been such as to merit the approbation of the Government ; and he had no doubt that, if they had consented to an inquiry into the case of the Ionian Islands, the Government would also have been satisfied that they had given their approbation with too much facility to the acts of Sir Henry Ward.

Sir JAMES How) deprecated incidental remarks on the conduct of Lord ' 'Torrington, when that subject was not fairly before the House.

It did not follow, because the Committee could not recommend the 'imme-

diate publication of the evidence' that it was never to be published at all. There might be more changes in the Government of the island than the re- call of Lord Torrington and then the publication of the evidence would be less disadvantageous. Torrington, evidence, indeed, showed a state of social disorga- nization throughout the island, that rendered it impossible1 with a due regard for the interests of the public, that things should remain in their present state.

Mr. Hines, in reply, stated that the first stop he should take next session would be to bring this subject again before the House ; and he should per- severe in carrying out his threat to direct the Attorney-General to prose- . cute Lord Torrington. With this understanding, he would not divide the House upon his present motion. Mr. Hawes's amendment was therefore carried without division.

PERSECUTION PRosinamsm.

The Earl of RODEN put a question to Ministers respecting the religious persecution of certain Protestant ministers and others in Ireland.

Some years ago, in many parts of the South and West of Ireland, a large

portion of the Roman Catholic community left the Church of Rome and joined the Church of England. He alluded particularly to the neighbour- hood of Dingle, in the county of Kerry, and to Limerick. Somewhat more than a year ago, very serious feelings arose between those two parties, and the most violent conduct had been used and the most tyrannical course pur- sued, not only against the poor individuals themselves who had from con- viction adopted the community of the Church of England, but also against the ministers of that Church. The Reverend Mr. Lewis had been subjected to these tyrannical proceedings ; as appears by informations sworn before the Irish Lord Chief Justice Blackburne at the last Assizes. On the return of Mr. Lewis in October last, to take permanent charge of the mission' he learned that during his absence of six months both the priests of the parish had died, and that the Roman Catholic Bishop had selected in their stead three priests who had distinguished themselves in a different part of the dio- cese by the persecution of those who exercised the right of .private judg- ment; and, before his arrival, they had openly stated their intention to give him a warm reception, and to drive him from the parish if possible. Accordingly, denunciations without number were hurled against him. It was sworn by a Roman Catholic policethan, that a mob of three hundred ns pursued the reverend gentleman as they would a mad dog. When ntrio visit a sick person, a mob assembled round the house, nd blowing horns. For four months he was dogged where- ts ent Public worship in his church was disturbed for ve Sundays; • the yelling rose higher than his voice, so thaen - e third Sunday he was obliged to discontinue his sermon. A friend ist) Lord Roden's own, sent to ascertain by personal investigation whetrer tise facts were as represented, wrote that he observed a crowd of ill- 7.16olting poisons gathered round when he went to walk with Mr. Lewis, and thiat,'the es commenced hooting, groaning, insulting, and pursuing Mr Lewis and himself through the street ; the police during the whole scene walking after them outside the mob, and looking on without the slightest in- terference. Two persons who had been engaged in interrupting public wor- ship in Mr. Lewis -'s church were tried at Tralee on the Ifith of July last, found guilty, and sentenced to six months' imprisonment by Chief Justice Blackburne • who observed that Mr. Lewis had acted with great leniency in prosecuting them for conspiracy, instead of for disturbing public worship, which would have rendered them liable to transportation.

Is Government aware of these proceedings ; and have they taken any means to preserve the public peace, and insure Mr. Lewis and his congre- gation the enjoyment of that civil and religious liberty which are the right of every British subject ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE gave palliatory explanations.

He attributed the origin of these unfortunate disputes to the circumstance that persons, actuated no doubt by great zeal, . had endeavoured to give the religion which they professed what was called in Scotland an "aggressive" character ; and had carried religious discussions and appeals into places where the great majority of the in-habitants were of a different persuasion, which were followed by conduct on the part of others which it was impos- sible to justify. He believed that much annoyance had been given, not only in the places mentioned by Lord Roden, but in other in of Ireland. It had been alleged, he knew not with what truth, that in some places a system of proselytism had been carried on, by what the inhabitants were led to regard as a system involving acts of bribery. Mr. Lewis was, he believed, a gentleman of high character ; but it was understood that other persons, to whom the same honourable testimony could not be borne, were also engaged in the work of proselytizing; and that circumstance, doubt- less, had a tendency to increase the irritation which prevailed on the subject. The Irish Government uniformly discountenanced everything in the shape of annoyance or persecution for religious opinions ; and instructions had been issued to the magistracy, directing them to cause the arrest of all per- sons offending against the law in this respect, and informing them that in the event of their finding any difficulty in dealing with a particular case, they would be fully advised as to the law on sending the Government a statement of facts. If the noble Earl should think proper. to move for ex- tracts from the reports of the Police with the view of showing what had oc- curred in the particular eases referred to, and copies of the instructions issued by the Government thereupon, he would not oppose the motion. The Lord- Lieutenant would continue to give his attention to the subject ; but any at- tempt on the part of the Government to put an end to the irritation which prevailed would be abortive unless the reverend persons by whose proceed- ings that irritation was caused exercised forbearance and caution as regarded their language.

Lord RODEN made the motion suggested, and it was agreed to.

CLOSE OP THE SESSION.

Parliament was prorogued by Queen Victoria in person, on Thurs- day. The last session having been closed and the present session opened by commission the present ceremony had its intrinsic gorgeous- ness enhanced by contrast with the "maimed rites" of the two previous occasions. We quote the graphic account by a writer in the Morning Chronkle- " The doors of the House of Lords were opened at twelve o'clock to the fortunate possessors of the privilege of entrie. Even previously to that hour, a long line of carriages extended from the Peers' door far up parliament Street, and a number of Peeresses and other ladies were waiting in the pas- stage which skirts the South-western corner of the building. The House ra- pidly filled with ladies, who occupied the whole of the body of the apart- ment, excepting only the two front rows of seats, and the places reserved for the Ambassadors. The strangers' gallery, and the galleries which run from end to end, were also entirely occupied by ladies. The two excepted rows were appropriated to the Peers. " As the hour advanced, the aspect of the magnificent chamber became most imposing. Its own splendour of gold, carving, and colours, 'its array of statues, and paintings, and stained glass, seemed at once to assume an ap- propriateness, when surrounding that brilliant assemblage, which the eye fails to recognize during the ordinary scanty attendance of plainly-dressed noble- men met for the purposes of business. For this stately formality the House of Lords seemed expressly designed. In poured the female aristocracy of the land, in the choicest attire that fancy and fashion could prescribe. An in- teresting group came next—the hero of Europe and Asia, in the uniform of his high rank, entered between his two daughters-in-law, whom he con- ducted with careful courtesy. Then, one by one, came the various Envoys of Foreign Courts. The whole world was represented upon the seats to the right of the Throne. There glittered the various milder . dresses of the nations of Christendom ; and there literally blazed the Am, svidors of the East. Lastly the Peers themselves., in scarlet and ermine, lined the assem- blage, and a few officers completed the picture, with shining cuirasses, white plumes, and rich epaulets.

"Shortly a procession entered at the door to the right of the Throne —red Beefeaters andy golden Maces ; and then the Sword of State, borne by the Duke of Wellington, and the Crown of England, and other emblems. Then came the Queen, wearing a tiara, and a magnificent robe, supported by pages. Prince Albert, in his Field-Marshal's uniform, took his station on her v left, as the Queen seated herself upon the throne.

"The Peers having seated themselves at the command of her Majesty, and the Commons having been summoned; a noise was heard, with cries of Order' order !' without, and the sound of a crowd hurrying along a pas- sage. Instantly the faithful Commons, headed by the Speaker, advanced to the bar ; their hurry and heat and struggle contrasting with the calm and orderly scene into which they had rushed."

Silence having been restored, Mr. SPEAKER addressed to her Majesty a brief summary of the legislative labours of his House. "We, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, attend your Majesty with our con- cluding bill of supply. "In obedience to your Majesty's gracious recommendation, signified in the speech of the Lords Commissioners at the commencement of the session, we at once addressed ourselves to the consideration of a bill for the better go- vernment of the Australian Colonies • and, in furtherance of this important object, we have invested the Colonial Legislatures with such powers as will enable them to establish (subject to the approval of your Majesty) those forms of representative government which may be best adapted to their wants and circumstances. We confidently look forward to the gradual development of the vast resources of those distant portions of the empire, and to their in- creasing attachment to this country and its institutions, as the happy and beneficial result of this measure.

"We have made a considerable advance in sanatory improvement, by pro- hibiting interments in the Metropolis, and by giving the sanction of law in certain districts to those regulations which past experience has proved to be protective of the public health. "Aware of the growing competition to which our merchant navy is ex- posed in consequence of the recent alterations in the Navigation-laws, we have devoted much time and attention to those supplementary measures which have become necessary to give greater efficiency to our mercantile marine. A bill in connexion with this subject has lately received your Ma- jesty's assent, by which we have endeavoured to elevate the character of the commanders of merchant-vessels, to enforce a better discipline amongst their crews, and at the same time to promote the general comfort and welfare of British seamen.

"The state of the Parliamentary franchise in Ireland, the extraordinary diminution in the number of electors, and the defects in the existing system of registration in that country, have received from Us, as they deserved, the most careful and patient consideration. By the remedies we have provided for these acknowledged evils, we hope to have secured to the people of Ire- land an electoral body sufficiently numerous and independent for the due and faithful discharge of the important trust of returning representatives to the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

"These are the most prominent measures of the present session ; and it would be tedious to enumerate various others of minor importance, but of great practical utility, to which our attention has been equally directed. It has been our pleasing duty to reduce the amount of taxation, whilst care- fully providing the supplies requisite for the public service, and for the sup- port of the honour and dignity of the Crown; and we have been sustained during a session of almost unexampled labour by a feeling of unfeigned loyalty and attachment to your Majesty, by an earnest desire to uphold and improve the institutions of the country, and to maintain, under the blessing of Providence, the increasing prosperity of the people. "We have now to crave your Majesty's most gracious assent to our last bill of the session, which is to apply and appropriate the Consolidated Fund."

"The officer of the House," says the writer whom we have already quoted, "signified the Royal assent to the measures in question, and the old Norman French was heard in accents to which the audience were little accustomed. The Chancellor then presented her Majesty with the . Royal Speech. And the Queen, with a precision of articulation which permitted every word to be heard to the remotest corner of the building, (shaming the slovenly, unartistlike utterance of many professed orators,) delivered the following most gracious speech." "My Lords and Gentlemen—I have the satisfaction of being able to release you from the duties of a laborious session. The assiduity and care with which you have applied yourselves to the business which required your at- tention, merit my cordial approbation. "The act for the better government of my Australian Colonies will, I trust, improve the condition of those rising communities. It will always be gratify- ing to mete be able to extend the advantages of representative institutions, which form the glory and happiness of my people, to colonies inhabited by men who are capable of exercising, with benefit to themselves, the privileges of freedom.

"It has afforded me great satisfaction to give my assent to the act which you have passed for the improvement of the merchant naval service of this country.. It is% I trust, calculated to promote the welfare of every class con- nected with this essential branch of the national interest.

"The act for the gradual discontinuance of interments within the limits of the Metropolis is in conformity with those enlightened views which have for their object the improvement of the public health. I shall watch with interest the progress of measures relating to this important subject. "I have given my cordial assent to the act for the extension of the elective franchise in Ireland. I look to the most beneficial consequences from a measure which has been framed with a view to give to my people in Ireland a fair participation in the benefits of our representative system.

"I have observed with the greatest interest and satisfaction the measures which have been adopted with a view to the improvement of the adminis- tration of justice in various departments, and I confidently anticipate they will be productive of much public convenience and advantage. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The improvement of the revenue, and the large reductions which have been made in various branches of ex- penditure, have tended to give to our financial condition stability and se- curity-. I am happy to find that you have been enabled to relieve my sub- jects from some of the burdens of taxation, without impairing the sufficiency of our resources to meet the charges imposed upon them.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—I am encouraged to hope that the treaty be- tween Germany and Denmark, which has been concluded at Berlin under my mediation, may lead at no distant period to the restoration of peace in the North of Europe. No endeavour shall be wanting on my part to secure the attainment of this great blessing. "I continue to maintain the most friendly relations with Foreign Powers, and I trust that nothing may occur to disturb the general peace. "I have every reason to be thankful for the loyalty and attachment of my people ; and while I am studious to preserve and to improve our institutions, I rely upon the goodness of Almighty God to favour my efforts, and to guide the destinies of this nation."

The LORD Cas.wcaLLon, kneeling, received back the copy of the Royal Speech, and the Queen's commands respecting the prorogation. Rising, he turned to the two Houses, and said—

"My Lords and Gentlemen, it is her Majesty's will and pleasure that Parliament be prorogued till the 15th of October next ; and the Parliament is accordingly prorogued till the 15th of October."

Queen Victoria then quitted the House, leaning on Prince Albert's arm as before ; and the Parliamentary session of 1850 was closed.