Debates anb iprocerbinns in iPaaiament.
METROPOLITAN 3IA0 I STRATES.
Lord PrscANNox moved the House of Lords, on Monday, to go into Committee on the Metropolitan Police Courts 11111. Lord Ilnounn.k 31 would not object to the Committee, but hoped the bill would not pass in its present shape. He objected to the increase in the number of Magistrates ; but the most absurd part of the bill was the 27th section, by which, if a thief' chose to put stolen goods into any- body's out-house, that person might be treated as a felon and the re- ceiver of stolen goods.
Lord Dr WAN N ON maintained that the duties of the Magistrates would be much increased, and theretbre it would be necessary to enlarge their number and raise their salaries.
The House went into Committee.
Lord Buort;t1.%3I moved the rejection of the third clause, which in- creases the salaries of Magistrates.
Lord LvsontrasT observed that such measures as the one they were engaged upon could only be passed through the house of Commons when that House was reduced to nothing better than a Board of the Government.
On a division, the clause was retained, by a majority of 34 to 33. Clauses up to the 24th inclusive were agreed to.
Lord IA-Nom:ten' moved to strike out the 25th clause, which en- larged the Magistrates' powers of summary jurisdiction.
It was surprising how men's views had been recently let loose on the sub- ject of the administration of justice. It was but in the last session of Parlia- ment that a liberal supporter of the Government in the other House intro- duced it bill to dispense with the mode of proceeding by Grand Juries, which had always been considered a great defence for her Majesty's subjects; and now, for the first time in the history of this country, a clause was introduced into this bill to take away trial by jury in cases of felony—a thing never before attempted, not even in the worst times of the history of this country. Trial by jury was to be taken away, and the power of trying and convicting solely vested in an individual appointed by the Crown, and removeable at the pleasure of the Crown. But this was not all; it was to be left to the Magistrate to say whether he wonld try the prisoner or nut: therefore they would open the door to delay told partiality, and every species of ntiellief, by adopting this clause. Furthermore, the Magistrate was not obliged to decido in the first instance ; he mieln proceed to the very verge of conviction, out just previously to con- viction he might say to the accred—"Your case is of such a description that I will not decide it;" and tutus it would, after much delay, be sent to be tried in the colittary t`3iincrs Such a emdltination of violations of every princi- ple which bad hitherto Lceu bell sacred in the administ minis of criminal jus- fife. he was persuaded, had never before been united in any one clause of any one bill. Yet such a clause was thrust incidentally into a police-bill—a bill said to lie founded on at report of a Committee of their Lordships' House, but not following it in any one particular, and on a report of the 'ommittee of the other House, but not following it in any one particular. Ile knew that it was said in support of this clause, that the principle was only to be applied to trifling matters; but if the principle were once adopted, they would not be able to say where it would end. Lord DEvoN thought the power of stuni»ary jurisdiction would be useful, by preventing the long confinement of prisoners before trial.
Lord Ilmmouc.ir.B1 strongly objected to the extraordinary change iu the law which this clause would effect.
Lord Chancellor CovrENnam admitted that the clause wa 6
its terms than the object required; but he wished it to reniam6'. , DA introduce limitations in a future stage of the bill— Any one acquainted with the operation of the criminal lawounst that it was a great hardship for a man to be subjected to a long impi.V before his trial, and that, perhaps, when committed on some trigns4 It would be much better for him to be subjected to summary panish'is-EQ fore a Magistrate.
Lord Ilnoconam said, these remarks were less applicable to l4kx than to any other part of the country— In London no man could ever remain a fortnight untried, because th sions of the Central Criminal Court, when they finished in one weektk, mnenced again in a week I 1ft c r, or ten days, or, at the outside, in a fott'."; Therefore, in London there was not a shadow of a chance of that occurring, to remedy which his noble and learned friend on the wookka posed this notable clause; the extent of which, he believed, he was not
AIN
or he would not support it.
Clause rrjected, by a vote of 34 to 31.
Clauses 2c,th and 27th were struck out.
The remaining clauses were agreed to, with minor amendments, On Tuesday, Lord DUNCANNON moved that the " report" be brought.
Lord Chancellor CorrENit.v.tt, on Tuesday, moved the second teaks of the Admiralty Court Bill, and briefly explained its chief provisissi Lord LYNDHURST could not permit this very important 'unstuck pass without that deliberate consideration which it waS impossible ite00 1 receive so late in the session. lie did not think the salary too hill; but next year a bill might be passed, when the salary clause mightti made retrospective. He moved to put off the second reading fortin months.
Lord Bnounnam had repeatedly urged the Lord Chancellor totat the payment of the Admiralty Judge out of the Navy Estimates. gal Ise thought a bill for that purpose should contain a provision exeludiq the Judge from a seat in Parliament. If the Judge were to be paidif a regular salary, and to be independent of the Crown, he ought, ontl4 other hand, to be removed from political lire, and not be placedits situation to be influenced by political feelings- lle did net object to the proposed salary of 4,01)01. a year; but it sled be recollected, that this 1,1100/. a vcar was fur little more than twen1peig14 days' work, for that was the period dories which the Court sat ; and thitua certainly very adequate remuneration for an office which was little more the a sinecure. It was said that this was less than the salary of a Paiseehttlgt; but then, the duties of the latter were very different. Ile might he told dui' they might look fiwward to a state of war, when the duties of the Judl of the Admiralty \you'd be greatly increased. Now he had no expectation Of mill it war while he lived; at any rate, he sincerely trusted that he should Atopsee see war. Ile, however, would conseut to this salary of -1,0001/. a rear; bo when the comparison was made between the duties of the .Tudge of the Admiralty Court and the Pointe judges, he would remind their Lordships, that theism sat ten months in the year, while the Admiralty Court hardly sat 1111111 111011t11. '.Phis Made all the difference ; for if this hill passed, it would enable this Judge, as a political partisan to work double tides for the political party with which he was couneetcd. Ile believed that a more zealous, active, or Wept. tisan, and a more useful supporter to the Treasury, did not exist than his b." tinguished and learned friend who was now Judge of the Admiralty Court the Might then work as long as his services were required, and as actively IA possible as it member of the political party to which he belonged, and might again take the lead in coming up to search their Lordships' Journals to Re what they were doing with some particular measure. But it should also bete. membered, that he was the only .lodge to decide on the matters involved in that bill to which lie had just adverted, as he alone had to determine on the deflate points of the law of nations. Loud Brougham therefbre could not help feeling that his right honourable and learned friend should not have taken finites& (' an active part in passing that hill. The Portuguese would certainly take thit view of the subject ; and, it' their Lordships had enacted that bill, they would have complained that the most active partisan in support of it was the Judge sf who would have to decide on all cases undo. it. Ile remembered two presiont Judges of the Admiralty Court who sat in the other House, Sir 11111ism Scott and Sir John Nicholl ; but both these teamed ,Itudqa were Members fa the University of 051I001, and this was a very different thing from being Mos. hers tier the Tower liandets; for in nearly every case tint would come Wolin Court it would be found that at least one of his learned friend's constituents was mixed up in it, either as plaintiff or defimdant, or as promoter or respor dent, as they there called it, Be would then he one day on the hustings of the Tower hamlets, and the next day sitting in the Admiralty Court deciding on some caw involving the interests of his constituents. No minim wad assert that it was right that any came in such a situation should be appointed Judge of this Court. Again, it was generally admitted that Judges should not have the disposal of patronage ; but under this bill the Judge might appoint whoa he pleased to half-a-dozen places of emolument — In the first place, he might appoint a Registrar to the Court of Admiralty, with a salary of 2,0011/. a rear in time of tour and 1,400/, a year itt timeof peace. There nom was ttko t he office of Deput vt- Regis( rar, with a larle ealtay. 'Ilk re also the llartrlial or the Court, itithi a great salary; lo1.111,1 with the Clerk and ass:staids, all with large salaries ; and fill these appo■niment: were to ho placed at the dispos•J it' the Judge if the Admiralty Court. hi past
tuft's's, no doubt, a great tcot of patronage was ,;yet to Judges, but more ens
Irghrened aims tea: it a Wa V. 1'01.111(Th', hey some or the Judges smallstlniie•', and arowed the heitr4:11,-e or certain Aires ;Oinked td these courts, and they were even allowed to dispose of them in coffin) votes; butt this ss lout had Iwo: chatifted ; mid his noble friend opposite, Olaf Earl of Ripou,) when Ciento:11n. Of OR' I '.11,01tT, had brought torward a measure a lake away the patronage front the Judws and to give them blew:v.4d slit:Meg Thi: hill, however, gone more vitronve to the Judge of' this Coto t than ant imlgr l'"11 ever before po•e-scat. By this hill also, the Judge hail power o Lord BnoutatAat said he should content himself with simply tuorrt that the third clause be struck out.
Lord LYNDHURST supported this motion. Now that the 11°106 decided not to give Magistrates further jurisdiction, there was nonni of increasing their salaries.
Clause negatived, by 43 to 30.
The report was then brought up.
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Lord 31ELBOURNE replied to sonic of the objections urged against the bill; and reminded Lord Brougham of his repeated demands that such a measure should be introduced ; yet now he objected to pass it, because it came before the House at a late period of the session— $is noble andimwit friend had also objected to tine passing of this bill lic- it conferred patronage on the Judge of the Admiralty Court. From one clibuostbad never had the enjoyment of patronage in the disposal of place as a Lthis might appear to be very sound in principle. But it' it was such an oge, objectionable and difficult task, how he pitied his noble and learned friend for rise; tii,1(.011 tea: lug a, a
the wry painful situation ill which w
jt, tl e woolsack, for he hail the largest diliaml ol patronage that could to the lot er tity subject. (Linghter.) Then, again, his noble 6-d learned friend objected to the 'fudge of the Admiralty Court having the „ov. to make rules for the practice of the Court over whieh he preAded ; 11It `iiiiVadges did so in their several Courts. e• .V0!") Did they not swkefrom no practical knowledge of the subject, but he believed that all ,fudges had that power. ltis honourable and learned friend said that he never Ilea consent to a measure by which the Judge of the Court a1. ..bniralty would 1eenabletd to sit to the House of Commons. The noble and learned lord opposite only seemed lately inclined to adapt the same opinion ; hut, fur his • tart he thought that It would he very objectionable to adopt the prin- ciple of excluding the Judge of the Admiralty Court from the !louse of Com- mons. That high functionary. had always sat there; and his situation and position in the country Wright, m certain matters, give very important weight and authority. to the opinion or decisions of the 11.111,;12 CO111111011:4, Which noble lords might think was much wanting at the present time, and %Odell it would certainly not be wise or prudent to lessen or diminish.
Lord BROUGHAM denied that he was guilty of any inconsistency with regard to this measure— He had asked for a particular bill, and another, altogether different from what he had expected, was presented to him. Was it not a shame to expect hum to cat a stone? If they had given him the broad lie hail asked for, he would hare eaten, it ; but with a portion of the all they had given him two large flint pebbles, and his noble and learned friend expected him to swallow them also. He would not attempt to do any thing of the kind. The authors of this bill had given him two principles which he could not digest under any circumstances.
He adulated that the Master of the Rolls ought not to sit in the flonseof Commons; but as to the Lord Chancellor, he was known to be apolitical officer removeable at pleasure by the
This was very different from the Judge of the who had a groat criminal jurisdiction, and was at member of the Criminal ('ourt, and
might be called upon to sit in trials ()I' high treason. Ile ,ca, not iii ;lc mm, footing as the Lord Clinneellor, who was known to be it political man and to hold his office at the will of the Crown. As for the .lispensation of patronage that he hail, it was a very disagreeable part of the duty of his mike; and he did all in his power while Lord Chancellor to get rid of it, and diminish it for which he was rely much blamed, as his noble friend very well knew.
The amendment was carried, by 34 to 23 ; and the bill was conse- quently lost. PORTUGUESE SI. A VE-T RA DE.
The bill for the Suppression of the Portuguese Slate-trade was read a third time by the Commons on Monday, and passed. It was taken to the Lords on Tuesday-, and read a first time.
On Thursday, Lord "Mtonuorose: moved the second reading. He said the house would find in the preamble of the bill a clear and dis- tinct statement of the powers it would confer. The measure provided that persons employed by her Majesty to seize and detain vessels en- gaged in the slave-trade should be indemnified against the consequences of sttits which might be brought against them for obedience to her Majesty's orders; that certain courts of judicature should have power to condemn vessels taken by the Queen's cruisers ; and that bounties should be given to the captors of slave-ships. Lord Melbourne re- minded the House of the efforts made by this country, daring many years, for the suppression of the slave-trade. lie would not enter into the question of the increase or decrease of the traffic, but it was cer- tain that it was still carried on to a very great extent. Neither would he discuss the painful question whether the means taken to suppress the trade had aggravated its horrors. But he would state, that it was the general feeling of the country that the British Government shrink' carry to an cud the great and good work it had begun. Among the nations under whose flag the slave-trade was conducted, be was sorry to say, Portugal stood fbremost. 'Elie Portuguese flag sheltered a very- large if not the largest portion of this iniquitous traffic. By more than one treaty Portugal had undertaken to put an end to it, but she had kept none of her engagements. Lord Melbourne read an extract from a note presented by Lord lloward 1)e Walden to the Portuguese Go- vernment, wherein the various infractions of treaties and engagements between England and Portugal were recited, and the present demands of Portugal stated—
"Instead of consenting to give greater power for the detention and for the
condemnation of slave-vessels, she endeavours to recede from the limited power which she granted for those purposes twenty .) ears ago; she tries to narrow the extent ofthe mutual right of search, which, hy the treaty of 1817, h without any limitation of geographical space, and which net v now he exer-
cised in every part of the world. She wants to abolish the e;ixed tribunals,
established liv the exist in, treat and to mionit the adjudication of detained
dare-slops to Portngliese tribunals; from whom, in cases of this Idiot, guilt
the most flagrant and the most clearly proved would lie certain to ohm ant acquittal. l. strtwAos for a power 10 cancel, at the end of a certaio period.
such portion of the iivatv its she mat. ; that is to soy, in mlwr word:,
she asks fora power to reties, tat the jasl of a certain period, the slave-trade of all the original plenitude .1' it, iniquity. She demands c ;sit:ma- ke of her African possq-ssiom,, Ile; dangers to Whiehl they viii it ex- posed fro"' a measure which the [od nadtee josertintw.i itself ;whew I, dges to be an indispeasalde foundation film' the wviktre and prosperity of tie's,.- colonies ;
that propriety and decorum vegan: those c•'^ 'turns,' so utterly repugnant tO gOoli faith, to national interest. and to nat ivied humour." The address adopted the House impi.ired her .Majesty to take measures to suppress the siave-traok. tier .Majesty had complied with that prayer, and given the nee). nary' directions to her cruisers ; and now Government presented a bill to fulfil their Lordships' own object--to carry their own ay i,hus into effect.
The Duke of WELLINGToN said it Was quite certain that the slave- trade had increased, and been extended to parts of time African coast Whereit did Itot formerly exist. lie Wits willing to aid Government in measures to induce Portugal to fulfil her treaties—measures of diplomatic arrangement to be taken by the Executive Government. It was not the province of Pull:. cent to say what those mea- sures should be. And this was not a question of form merely— it touched the essential authority of the Crown of England. The House could not tell what means m..re at her Majesty's disposal to carry these measures into en, -et, aud fair less (amid they judge of the consemiaiees. The first slams( of the bill (hail:trod, that in ease her M shout(' issue Ork:, 1,, 1.;cr credo. ss to capture Portu-
iese vu_ GIs emrmed in the slave-tr. ,.1e. :1;:y vk engaged ire the slave-.rwlo not having or imt pap'-r, whiril en- titled them to the protecti.m of ;my mcion, it should Le hateful fur :toy persons acting ni. .!», l High Admiral,
or Commissionees executing the ()OH), • .1A seize, capture, and detain such ve.),,,bs.carismce
with treaties between Great , of Europe, and „ espeertny with tne treaty botiveyn o'rt .. . „ ;Lich sti- p:dated that. ro British officer should i-i" -swcpt the colowmelers of liner -1: of . 'A; and their names given to the Er) ai.!1 :Ind the unmaliders not to be officers under the of Lieutenant. The Duke said that this clause would also he a viti!.ttion of the treaties Whim Spain, the Ilanse 'Eowos, Sardinia, Doiniarin. aauel Sweden. With the United States no treaties had been oxide fin' the suppression of the slave-trade, and the traffic was extensively carried on in vessels of the Putted States; hot he apprehended that the United States would re- solutely oppose any attempt to search or det"ii it those vessels. 'Ellis country- would be held responsible for every vessol of the United States detailed by British cruisers. Ile advised the ilonse not to take upon itself' the responFitility of this measure, and moved that the bill he read a second time that clay she months.
Lord earnestly entreated the I louse to pass this bill. objections stated by the Duke of NVellington might be partially re- moved in ('(iminittee. There could be no iorringement of the law of nations. No act of Parliament could break down a treaty. As re- garded foreign countries the act would be mere waste paper. If any in- fringement of the French treaty were mule, Marshal omit would not
look to this act, but to the treaty. The Coyerniment respon- sible fair the manner of carrying the Illeastire into effect, and would issue orders which would prevent infringeniatt of treaties. It WaS matter of deep regret that there wits no treaty with the I•nited ; hut, vlien the sintation of the American planters teas.' 1.1/1),"1, red, he thought it would appear that the outcry against the l lotted states Gov,,,,weitt was not altogether 5listiliable. Compared with the con- duct of slaveholders in the British \Vest holies --and the comparison with the people of Yorkshire or "Aliffilles,..x, who had no slaves, a as not fair—the conduct of the Americans did not appear so reprehensible. Ile ardently wished that some measures, short of the right of search, could be adopted to prevent the citizens of' the reit ed States from en- gaging in this traffic. lie had a letter from a person in Ilarbadoes, stating that there were 29 Americiiii-Imilt ships at present l■fr the coast of Africa leaking for slaves. Some of these ships had Brazilian Cap- tains, but others were commantlial by citizens of the I nit ed Suites. Now it was most desirable, but very didieult, to pro, mit such vessels being built in America. Lord Brougham referred to Mr. lin xton's statements of the inefficiency of such measures as the bill before the Lords authorized ; lint he emphatically denied that the slave-trade Lad not been lessened by the capture of slave-ves,nds, and maintained that this country would not have done its ditty till it foul trietl every means to put clown down the traffic. As to rejstance frown Portugal, he ridi- culed the notion of it.
Lord IVysrottim said, the bill could only be productive of mischief', and might involve this country in war with every nation that had ships. The Bishop of LoNomx spoke briefly in support of the bill.
Lord Chancellor COTTENIIIM said, Lord IVynfurd entirely mistook the effect of the enactments—
It was not intended by the bill to give to the commanders of her Ilajesty's ships the power to seize the ships of France or of other (.0111milers; it only gave them power to search vessels where search maii,slit he mete liefore, and not where it might not, and to direct them fu do that which they tom had the
power to do. lint what further did it propos...? It WCIII 10 l'Nt•Illpf 4/11.11•■•1. of 111:10 ,11111, 1.1'11111 being called to act:omit iii any of the court,. of this country for aiding limier the orders issued to Clem. Would their Lord-ships consent to the Crown directing its officers to do certain acts, and yet rjuse them indemnity in our own courts for those acts: Lord ELLENROROrGII contended, that if' Parliamtml were to indem- nify officers, the orders to these officers should lie communicated to the I louse.
Lord ATELBOUBSE said—" Such a thing was never knoirn."
Lord Et.t,EN non tutam thought that, in order to know what measures were necessary, the tinders slionid be known. 'Pile evils which would
ensue from this hill hail 1! i/t been exaggerated by time Duke \Velling- ton. Desirous as he Was to lint ;111 end to the slave-trade, he NVLI,A(I. not risk tini versal war t'Vyll to at romplidt that.
Lord 31INTo, Lord 1)las3lAs, and Lord Col.v11.1. 1.:.rd \Viet:Low opposed the bill; but nothing new ei:dior side.
Bill renal a second time, by :v.1 to 2S.
CoRP(MATIoN REFf,R)t.
In the House of 0111111011S, On Monday, Lord Jolt that the lards' atnembnents to the Irish -Municipal consideration.
'Air. (leo ts:NI.T.I. begged to ask, whether it were tIlle that more trot Ts had been withdrawn from Ireland:
Lord Jim N lirssml.r, said it was true -
Ills »tdde friend at the head of the War D.-porton:tit lead been in Commual cation will' the Commander-in-Chief of Cie s in Irolatil, who informed hion, that if there was any necessity for it he i ra'd rrelite sp,,.re more It'd:y.4; and another regiment had heel' sent for. (I. o/ -1,, vs fr,,,t .lb.v7s!,■ InwrItes.) t; supported, :al
adVailet'd
N ussia.t. navel:
lii'l be taken into
and the only other course was to bring in a new bill,—that is to say, if the House determined to legislate on the question this session : but there many new clauses introduced by the Lords, on the effect of which he was not able to form a positive opinion ; and, moreover, a measure of such importance ought not to be brought forward in the ab- sence of so many Members. lie therefore had resolved to move that the amendments be taken into further consideration that day three months. He entertained a strong opinion, that early next session they might come to some agreement with the other House, and pass a bill which would remove the existing anomalies and disadvantages from the Cor- porations of Ireland.
Mr. SHAW expressed his concurrence hi the course taken by Lord John Russell. 'With regard to the bill, he had, in deference to the opinion of the Conservative leaders, consented to waive his many strong ob- jections to it.
Mr. O'Coxsams readily believed that the Conservatives united in i
approval of this measure in its present shape ; for a worse one could not be found—
Why should it not be similar to the English bill ? The people of Ireland demand a bill similar to the English hill in every respect. A majority in this House will giant such a bill. A. majority in the other House will reject it. But their conduct would not be less unjust on that account, less injuirions, less oppressive to the people of Ireland, nor less a violation of the legislative union bets: cell the two countries.
In his farewell speech for the session, Mr. Thomas Duncombe had enumerated twelve grievances which remained unredressed ; and Mr. O'Connell had voted with him, though he said not a word about Ire- land—
" The honourable Moldier said, that all Reformers were agreed on demanding the redress of the grievances of which Ile complained, and tit blaming the con- duct of this House. I think him wrong in attributing to this House the blame of having refused to repeal the Curn-laws. The Chartists did not ask
• for a repeal of these laws. On the contrary, one of the great &tilts of the Chartists is allowing themselves to be carried away by their leaders to oppose a repeal of those laws. I therefore think the noble lord was quite right in -throwing off the charge against this House, in so fitr as regarded that question. But how could they justify their neglect of Ireland ? I ant as free as any man to admit that there has been great amelioration in the conduct of affaws in Ireland. The Executive Government in Ireland has done every thing the Executive had in its power to do to promote peace and tranquillity, and to satisfy the people. But our first complaint against the Reform Bill is, that you passed the Coercion Bill, and that you began by treatin,,,, us not only in a
• contemptuous, butt in a despotic manner. We may be ready to forgive your conduct at that time—we can never forgot it. Ohr next complaint is, that the Legislature which passed the Retbrin Bill for England did not concede the same franchise to Ireland. And there is not the least prospect of any amelio- ration of the Irish Bill, not to speak of its assimilation to that of England." After dwelling for some tune on the wrongs of Ireland, Mr. O'Con- nell animadverted upon parts of Lord Brougham's speech in the House of Lords on the administration of justice m Ireland. He defended Sir Michael O'Loghlen from Lord Brougham's attack. "Sir Michael," said Mr. O'Couuell, "is one of the best Judges that ever sat upon the bench "—
" I am safe in saying so, though he is a personal friend of urine. He is a man who has won the good opinion of every one. lie is a Judge who dispassion- ately hears whatever causes come before him, and deliberates upon them fully. He makes no exhibition of flippant harlequinade. He has no wish to paralle himself—no affectation of mixing the law which he understands, and which some other Judges do not, with a variety of topics having no connexion with the case upon which Ile is called on to adjudicate. lie neither makes the tribunal over which he presides an object of ridicule, nor himself, as a judge, an object of contempt. (Cheers.) He never hunted for place so ardently as to seek it from opposite parties. He was a young man when Lord Castlereagh was in office : he never-asked the man from whom ire differed in politics for promo- tion as the reward of his public services. He never sought a Chief-Baronship, or any other office, front those opposed to his views. Why, if one wished to point out contrasts between Judges, I don't believe that a more powerful one could be presented them in the conduct of my honourable and learned friend, Sir Michael O'Loghlen, and that of a late Chancellor, whom I had once the misfortune to see on tire bench in this country. The entire profession are unanimous in the praise of Sir Michael O'Loghlen as a Judge ; and if there be any thing which distinguishes the upright discharge of his duty more than another, it is the total absence of that vulgar and sectarian prejudice which has been charged upon him in his absence. He is one, too, who would reject with scorn the miserable and paltry expedient of pandering to any prejudice, by levelling against any man unheard so abominable a calumny as that which has been uttered with regard to him. This is not the place to reply to the speeches which have beef' published by the newspapers of that debate ; but I don't recollect any thing so tarnishing the administration of justice to have occurred of late years, as the foul attempt to calumniate that excellent person. (Cheers.) And on what was this calumny grounded? On the fact, that Sir Michael O'Loghlen wished to get rid of the scandalous practice of packing. juries. He desired that the sources of justice should be pure, and that the victim of the law should not be the martyr of party. I ask any gentleman in this House, whether there is any thing which so disposes the people to illegal violence and dissatisfaction and disloyalty, as the supposition that trials instituted for the punishment of the guilty and the protection of the innocent, should be con- taminated by party strife, and become the victory not of justice and truth, but of party mal.volence ? It was for endeavouring to put an end to such scenes that Sir Michael O'Loghlen was calumniated."
He contended that the inquiry before the Lords Committee, so far front proving that life and property were insecure iu Ireland under Lord Normanby's government, proved the very reverse. As to Ribbonism, the only rational thing about the Ribbon Society was their nomination of himself to be King of Ireland ; but he was sorry to say that all his forces disappeared as he ran his eye through the evidence. Mr. Rowan bad arranged a foul conspiracy in his own mind ; but it vanished like an idle dream when the taogible tests of date, party, and place, were applied to it. He hoped Ministers would remain in office. There were many things disagreeable in their position, and not the least was the unrea- sonable urgency of their friends ; but they had a great duty to perform, and he hoped they would remain- " Though I see nothing done for my country—though those who assert her rights may be treated with more ridicule than respect-1 do not feel the least apprehension, or the smallest tendency to despair. I know how the pat.he mind in Ireland is concentrated, not by the maniac movements of Chartists, but by a determined spirit to obtain her rights. And here let me ask, you, if Ireland had chosen to encourage Chartism—if the people had appeared aim at different places, and if they had talked of the torch and the dagger—what
security would the proudest amongst you have at the present momenta don't mean to terChartfy nor even to threaten, but the stoutest bean miglit,1 be alarmed if theist violence gained that firmness and commas whitLf: 1 reinforcement from Ireland would naturally impart. I rose to protest the manner in which this country treats Ireland. I rose to declare tfri; demanded not what this aristocrat or that may be pleased to assign NI: • ft vq." English privileges. I think the noble lord ought to distinctly inset the „„ of freemen next year ; and if the other House think fit to reject this pro c on them be the folly and crime of such a course. I call distinctly for the l.:. lish franchise, and nuthing else." (Cheers.) The motion was agreed to. So the bill is again lost.tai
THE BANK OF IRELAND.
Mr. SPRING RICE, on Wednesday, moved the order of the 1, '1
s• for going into Committee on the Bank of Ireland Bill. or fe
Mr. O'CoNsisix said he had given notice of his intention to op. to the bill by every means in his power, and. therefore Inc wouldPeZ 13
an amendment, that " the House do now adjourn "— h
Ile thought he might went to the Chancellor of the FxdiequerEsi, whether the Douse was now in the situation it ought to he, in order todist; so important a question to tine trade and commerce of Ireland. The 16 ti was now thin, and before going into Committee, the dinner hour wonlaC,, arrived, and he would appeal to 'honourable Members whether it seeingnotdr require all the influence that Ministers could exert to keep forty the House. Nearly six hundred of the Members had left town, and he roli submit, therefore, that it was unjust to the people of Ireland to force field forward. No reason hard been stated why the bill had not been hernia (mei sooner. The Report upon which it was founded had been published URN months, and full five before the commencement of the present session;* with all this information the first intimation of the proceeding with theS1 was extorted front the Clutocellor of the Exchequer, by the honourable lies. her for Drogheda, on the 14th of July last. The impression had goneahsott in Ireland that is was nut intended to keep up the monopoly, and it saw until the time he had adverted to that the least intimation had ham giros the intention to continue it. Was it not important that tine people othrissi should have an opportunity of giving their opinions on this subject? Co. thinly it was ; and yet here they were moldier to en into Committee oa when it was only- ordered to be printed on the 2d of the present monthoulini , not circulated till the 4th.
His constituents wrote to him, expressing their opinion that Mr, '; Spring Rice had been bribed ! That was impose ible. Nobody cult oiler film a bribe if he would take it. But his constituents said—her is it possible that the—(he could not repeat the epithet applied to th: • Chancellor of the Exchequer) would give a monopoly to fifteen vidttals, unless he was either bribed or mad? Why does he give thee 100,000/. for nothing ? He would get men who would to-morrow gio Mr. Rice 100,00W. for the privilege he was about to confer on the hail • of Ireland.
Mr. hen said that Mr. O'Connell had not made out a case for pos. • I ponement. The application for delay should have been made when the bill was first introduced, and not on the 14th of August. It was als solutely necessary to make some provision respecting tine debt tolls '• Bank of Ireland, on which the country was now paying 4/. 7s. Id. pa S cent. instead of 3/. 10x.
Mr. Humm supported the amendment. There was no precedent fa the course Mr. Rice was now pursuing.
Sir WILLIAM SOBERVILLE declared that he had been taken completely by surprise ; for he had distinctly understood from the Chancellor or the Exchequer that the Bank of Ireland charter was not to be renewed in all its force.
Mr. It. DILLON BROwNE said, that in accordance with the resnestof his constituents Inc should oppose the bill by all the means in his power. The amendment was rejected, by 55 to 17.
Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the Committee be postponed for three months.
Mr. Husim seconded. the motion.
Mr. GIsnouvn supported it. If the 105 Members. for Ireland were 'present, Mr. Rice would receive the support of only two.
Mr. CLAY spoke for some time on the evils of the American system of banking.
Mr. Ens's, Mr. REDINGTON, and Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE repeated objections to the bill.
Tire amendment was rejected, by 57 to 19 ; and the House went into .• Committee ; but no progress was made, as the minority, by motions for adjournment, compelled Mr. Rice to .agree that the House should " resume."
On Thursday, Mr. SPRING RICE moved the House to go into Cone mittee. Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the bill be conunitttud that day three months. Mr. Horst: seconded the amendment. Mr. SPRING RICE said he would persevere, and would not be defeated by the mere mechanical means of successive divisions. Amendment rejected, by 36 to 17.
The House went into Committee. On clause 2d. being read, Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the Chairman report progress. Sir. Rice had told. fifteen Members, in Downing Street, that notice had been giveu to the Bank of Ireland that its charter would be discontinued.
Mr. SPRING RICE—" I contradict the honourable gentleman, in the most distinct manner."
Mr. O'CoNxiii,s—" And I contradict the right honourable gent
man's contradiction in the most distinct manner." (Cries " Order: )
Mr. &us said that Mr. Rice was first out of order. • Mr. O'CoNxier.r. defied Mr. Rice to deny that he made it believed that the act would limit the Bank monopoly to twenty miles.
Mr. Fuson remarked, that he saw an individual taking notes below the bar ; and a dispute arose as to whether the House should .allots it. In the course of this wrangling, Members left the House and 311•• Maas having noticed that only 25 were present, the gallery was cleared for the purpose of counting; but it appeared that 44 Members. were is the House, several haring rushed in during the counting. The nuns' bers were soon reduced to 26; and the House being again counted, on Mr. Esms's motion, only 37 were found, and the adjournment of ne- cessity took place.
a
MISCELLANEOUS.
THE POOR-RATES COLLECTION BILL was read a third time, and passed by the Commons, on Monday. CHURCH DISCIPLINE BILL. On Wednesday, Lord Joliet RUSSELL, in accordance with Sir RonER'r INGMS moved. to put off the Committee on this bill for three months. Motion agreed to. So the bill was lost. THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGHS PENSION. Mr. SPRING RICE Ob- tained leave to bring in a bill to exempt the Duke of Marlborough's pension from the duty of one shilling and sixpence in the pound. rwrsesys, The House agreed to a motion by Mr. IloonsoN IIINDE foran address to the Queen, praying her Majesty to appoint an engineer or engineers to inquire and report upon the relative merits and the pre- ference which ought to be given to the already-surveyed railways be- tween London and Edinburgh,—namely, via NeNreastle-upon-Tyne and Berwick, via Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Ilexham, via Lancaster, White- haven, and Carlisle, viii Lancaster, Penrith, and Carlisle. THE COUNTRY AND DisrtneT CONSTABLES BILL was read a third time, on Thursday, by a vote of 45 to 13, and passed. THE MANCHESTER POLICE BILL was "committed" on Tuesday ; after a discussion of some length. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET led the opposition to the bill, on the ground that it was wholly unnecessary ; for in Manchester there, was no apprehension of serious disturbances, and there were already in that town 2:20 well-drilled watchmen. was informed that the system of watching in that town could not be im- proved. •ed Besides, men of all parties had concurred at a very large public meeting in opposition to the bill, and a petition against it had received 7,000 signatures. Mr. Mame PHILLIPS thought the measure wits judiciously framed ; and explained, that under the local acts there might be delay and difficulty in collecting a police-rate. Mr. POULETT THOMSON, Mr. Poarromerox, Lord JOHN Bussuma llr. Baiseou, Mr. ICEMBLE, Air. limit:, Sir ROBERT Pince, and Sir Cita ishEs G tem-, sup- ported the bill. Mr. GnimsniTen, Mr. DARBY, Mr. CHARLES Btesdet, Mr. THOMAS Duezcommi, and Mr. FIELDEN, opposed it. The majority in favour of going into Committee was 63 to 17. The clauses were agreed to with slight opposition. Lord Joint Ittesses.I, said, he would not object to a clause declaring that the act should terminate when the legal disputes were settled. On Thursday, this bill, and the Bolton Police Bill, were read a third time, and passed.
THE BIRMINGHAM POLICE BELL, strongly opposed by AIr. Thomas Adman, Mr. SCHOI,EFIELD, Mr. FINCH, 1111d sup- ported by LordJoitet ltosse3a., was "reported" on Monday. On Tues- aay, it was read a third time, by a majority of 38 to 8, and passed.
It was taken to the Lords, and read a first time.
On Thursday, Lord Ilitoutettaet presented a petition from the Town- Council of Birmingham against the bill ; and Lord DuNCANNON having moved that it be read a second time, Lord BROUGHAM spoke in opposi- tion to that motion; contending, that the bill was an onieeeesary infringe- ment on the rights so recently conferred on Birmingham, which rights had not been fialeited by the recent disturbances in that town. No charge against the Corporation had been even brought, far less proved ; and he never before heard of an attempt to abolish a corporation unless for abuses or non-uses of their functions. He feared that this bill would sow the seeds of future discord broadcast over the town, and the youngest of their Lordships might not live to see the end of those dissensions and the appeasing of those discords.
Lord Mramouneni said, the bill was necessary ; for an efficient police was required in Birmingham, and no police-rate could. be levied under the charter of' incorporation. I le denied that any stigma was cast upon the Corporation of Birmingham. The Duke of WELLINGTON, ditfvring front Lord Brougham, sup- ported the bill as necessary, in consequence of the late disturbances, and
of the doubtful legality of the {finial:glm charter. He apprehended that, if the charter were not valid, the appointment of Magistrates under it was illegal. Bill read a second time.
IDOLATRY IN INDIA. The Bishop- of Loemox, on Tuesday, moved for papers connected with the religious ceremonies of the natives in India, the employment of British troops at those ceremonies, nod Sir Peregrine Maitland's resignation of his command and seat in the Madras Council, on account of his conscientious reluctance in any way to sanction idolatry. The Bishop spoke very earnestly against the en- couragement given to idolatry by the British Government in India, and declared that it' the Indian empire could only be retained by such com- pliances, it ought to be given up. Lord MELBOURNE assured the Bishop of London, that despatches had been sent to India directing the Government there to abstain as much as possible front giving counte- nance to the Ilindoo religion. The Duke of l\-tes,ixteros warned the Rouse not to go too far into this subject ; and not to entertain the vain idea, that the hundred millions of idolaters could be converted to Christianity by any means which this country could employ in India. The motion, modified so as to exclude the papers relating to Sir Pere- grine Maitland's resignation, was agreed to. AFRICAN Gum-mum. Lord STRANCFORD, on Thursday, presented a petition to the Lords front parties who complained of the destruction of their trade in gum on the Western coast of Africa, and the blockade of the coast of Porteudic, by the French. This question had been brought before the House of Commons in the early part of the session, by Dr. Lushington ; who was assured by Lord Palmerston, that negotiations with France on the subject were then in progress, But no redress had been obtained by the petitioners for the loss of their property, and of the trade which the French now almost entirely monopolized. He wished to call Lord Melbourne's attention very particularly to this subject. Lord MELBOURNE admitted that it was a question of grave iinport- alive. A verr great outrage had been committed on her Majesty's subjects by French agents. Such was the opinion of Government ; but Lord Melbourne regretted to say that the French Ministers took a different view of the matter. But he could promise that the question should be pressed upon the French Government in the most earnest and solemn manner, in confidence that eventually reparation would be ob- tained.
Petition laid on the table.
POOR-LAW CONTINUANCE BILL. The Lords went into Committee on this bill, after a long speech in opposition to it from Lord STANHOPE ; W110 divided the House against the motion for going into Committee, and was supported by 2 Lords out of the 12 who were present. The clauses were agreed to, and the bill " reported."