REPRESENTATION or LIYERPOOL.—Sir Robert Peel as well as Mr. Grant
declines the representation of Liverpool. In his letter, Sir Robert says, that the pressure of his public ditties, as a Minister of the Crown, would render it impossible for him to discharge, with satisfaction to himself, the ditties of a representative of Liverpool ; and that he must therefore forego the honour of being put in nomination. Mr. Grant, whose resignation we mentioned on Saturday, after alluding to the me- lancholy accident which led to the requisition, and expressing his high. sense of the honour it conferred on him concludes thus- " In my presilt situation, however, I must decline the acceptance of the trust so honourably proffered ; and I am induced to decline it, you will readily believe,-by feeliniss of no ordinary description. Indeed, gentlemen, they are of no conmion character,—the feelings which connect me with the county of Inverness. Highly as I deem the honour of representing this great county, that honour is to me en- hanced by considerations and eircmistatices peculiarly its own. To my connexion with this part of the British empire, it is mainly owing tint I have had the opportu- nity of pursuing that line of conduct which has been stamped with your approba- tion. During a series of years through various fluctuations of fortune, whether in possession of official influence, or under the frown of Gorernment, I have expe- rienced, from the friends with whom I am united, the same cordial and unvarying support; and their generous zeal has, in the midst of many and formidable difficul- ties, achieved for the cause of liberality and independence a triumph, in which my humble name is associated with results of great and universal interest. "With support thus uncompromising aud successful, is joined the remembrance of past kindness, evinced through long years, not only towards myself, but also to- wards those who are gone before um. " These, gentlemen, are ties which, you will agree with me, are not lightly to be severed,—ties of kindness, of affection, and of gratitude,—ties of personal friend- ship and political independence. Such a connexion thus formed, matured, and cherished I—thus endeared by mutual good offices, ennobled by lofty principle, sanctified by sacred recollections—such a connexion, in the very moment, too, of hard-earned success, I feel that I cannot, by any act of mine, consent to impair, far less to dissolve. To such friends, so long as they please to accept my services, those services I am bound to devote."
The phrase which we have given in Italics, seems to indicate on Mr. _ Grant's part an opinion that Mr. Macleod was really, as be asserted, supported by the Duke of Wellington in his attempt to turn Mr. Grant out of Inverness. We have heard this denied ; and the attempt has been attributed to the Ministerial zeal of the Duke of Gordon ; for which moreover, it is added, his Grace has received but cold thanks from those whose gratitude he sought to gain. Perhaps, had his Scotch in- fluence been as great as he thought it was, he might have fared better. No Minister cares much about dependents whose inconsiderate assist- ance only enhances the credit of his enemies.
NORFOLK POLITICS.—The Chronicle of this morning gives, from a correspondent, a scene which occurred at the Mayor's feast at Lynn, on :Michaelmas day. Mr. Coke was the principal spokesman. "lie professed himself (says tile Chronicle's correspondent) a decided oppo- nent to the Duke of Wellington's Administration, because he knew the Duke to be a bitter enemy to liberty at his heart. " The Duke would bring forward next session, Parliamentary Reform, the abolition and re- peal of certain taxes, and other measures so long advocated by the Whigs, and Mr. Coke would be obliged to vote with him • but the Duke would bring them forward, not because he liked them but because he was obliged to bring them forward, or go out of Office ; and office he liked too well ever to leave it so long as he could keep it. But he would now meet a Parliament such as no Mi- nister ever met before — a Parliament untractable — a Parliament determined upon every possible measure of retrenchment and eco- nomy. One part of Mr. Coke's speech we will give in his own words, as it created much interruption to its continuance Gentle- men, I shall continue what you have always found me—a Whig. The Ring can make a Peer—be can put a ribbon upon the breast of a slave—but the King cannot make what you can, what the people can make—an independent member of Parliament. The Almighty will soon send me to my grave, but, thank God ! I have lived to see an end put to that system first begun by a man in this kingdom, and afterwards continued in a neighbouring kingdom by the infamous Bourbons. The picture of that man is in this room—there it is (Mr. Coke here pointed to a full length portrait hung over the Mayor)—the worst man that ever sat on a throne—George the Third, that bloody King.' These words were no sooner uttered, than loud and continued hissing proceeded from various parts of the hall:' DINNER OF THE BIRMINGHAM UNION.—A festival in honour of the French Revolution was celebrated at Birmingham on Monday, by nearly four thousand persons. The place selected for the purpose was the extensive repository of Mr. Beardsworth, the winner of the St. Leger the other day,—who, we are happy to find, is the owner of better things than running horses. The repository is finely adapted to so mul- titudinous an assemblage as that which sat down within its ample area on this occasion. The buildings form a magnificent oblong, one end of which is occupied by Mr. Beardsworth's mansion : the longest division is one hundred and eighty yards in length, and in this there were six tables running parallel to each other ; fourteen more filled the area of the repository. The dinner was of the plainest description, but ample; con- sisting of rounds and loins of beef, fillets of veal, hams, legs of pork, and legs of mutton ; a pint of beer during dinner, and a quart of ale afterwards, were allowed to each man. There were two hundred stewards, one being allotted to every twenty guests : each steward had a small flag—blending the Union Jack with the Tricolour—to point out his place. The dinner commenced precisely at half-past one. When Mr. Attwood, the Presi- dent of the Union, took his place as Chairman, the trumpets of the or- chestra, fifty strong, sounded "attention !" and Mr. Attwood solemnly
• • pronounced the following blessing, to which thousands of voices re.
• sponded a fervena ams-a. "0 Lord, we thank thee for the good things thou hest sit before us ; and we implore thy blessing upon us and our • rightful cause 1" When the tables were cleared, "Non nobis Domine," was sung by a profeessionsl band. The Chairman then rose to propose the heat, of the Kinj. "Gentlemen," said Mr. A ttwood;."iu all public Companies in t rigland, in my remembrance, the first town has - always been the King. On the present occasion an illustrious inclivi- - dual fills the ;Mon* of these realm., who, in my opinion, is more entitled to this honour than any King since the days of Edward the Third. The present King, in the short period he has reigned, has given many in- dubitable proofs of his great kindness and sincere affection towards his people; and I am convinced that he will do everything in his power to restore the liberty and increase the happiness of his faithful subjects." We need not say this toast was drunk with enthusiasm' for where has it been proposed tbat it has not been so received? The next toast was "Louis Philip, the King of the French." In proposing the toast of "Honour and gratitude to the French People," Mr. Attwood alluded to the last meeting of the Union on the 26th of July ; "a day which would be memorable in the history of the world, for it was on that glorious day that the edicts of a tyrant were issued, and that the French people, ani. mated with one spirit, rose like one man to vindicate the violated liberties of their country. On that very day he had the honour of proposing a toast, at a /dinner of the Union at the Royal Hotel, To the glorious people of France.' Little did he think, that at the very hour he was rendering an act of justice to that noble people, they were giving at the very same time such glorious proofs of the correctness and propriety of the toast. It was proper that he should state here, that although it was perfectly just and right that the French people should have recourse to physical force, nothing could be more erroneous than to suppose that the English people would also be justified in having recourse to force. In France the King violated the constitution—issued one mandate virtually • abolishing the French House of Commons, and a second edict, really - abolishing the liberty of the press. Force was absolutely necessary to - resist these wicked and tyrannical acts. In England the case was widely - different. The people of England had rights to recover and wrongs to redress ; but not of a nature that required force to redress them. In France, the King's authority was placed in opposition with the constitu- _ tional laws of the land. The King's authority was instantly broken to - pieces by the thunder of the wrath of the people. In England, the rights and liberties of the people had been twisted out of their hands by -1 due course of law,' and by due course they must and would be recovered. 'They had, perhaps, heard it asked, what have the Frenchmen gained ? there is still as much distress in that country as ever.' He would tell --them what the French people had gained—they had gained liberty, with- . etut which man's life was no better than a dog's, and in the train of which - all other good things were certain to follow." The Chairman gave next s the "People of England." Referring to the alleged democratical cha- - racter of the Union, he denied that the imputation was deserved. "The members had not forgotten that to the Aristocracy of England the people were much indebted for the preservation of England's liberty. The Barons of Runnymede, at one period—and such illustrious men as Lords Essex and Brooke, Sir William Waller, and Sir Thomas Fairfax, at another—nobly stood forward in defence of the liberties of their country. The immortal Hampden belonged to the Aristocracy, .and he wait the first man who drew his sword against the tyrant Charles. Much,sinitintde was, therefore, due to the ,Aristoeracy as well as to the Crop._ The Union made no attack Upon the privileges of the 'Aristocri4y, and none upon the just prerogative of the kingly office. It was 'against:an odious oligarchy of one hundred and fifty-four individuals, who, unjustly, deprived both the King and the Aristocracy, and the People, of their rights, that the 'efforts of the Union were directed. • It was for this reason that they had adopted as the motto of their medals, The Con- stitution ; nothing less and nothing more.' They only asked for the constitution under which their forefathers flourished ; and when they had got that, it would be time enough to consider whether any im- provements were necessary. Standing upon this high and holy ground, their cause was certain to triumph." The next toast was La Fayette, and the National Guard." Mr. Attwood then gave the great toast of the day, " The working classes of Paris, who had vindicated the liberties of their country, without the com- mission of a single crime, redeemed the errors of the first revolt. tion, and given glorious proof that tyrants can be humbled without the aid of an Aristocracy." Mr. G. Edwards gave " the French Press," and Mr. Hadly " the French soldiers." After a number of other toasts, Mr. Beardsworth proposed the health of the Chairman. In returning thanks, Mr. Attwood said—" Many of my friends attempted to alarm me with all manner of terrible representations. They told me that I should set in motion a tremendons power, which no human force could control— that I should, like a Frankenstein,create a monster of gigantic strength, endued with life, but not with reason, that would hunt me about the earth to my own destruction. Look around now upon this peaceful and magnificent assemblage—are we not all met here the friends of the law ? —(' Yes, yes,")--and of the peace and order of society ? What possible mischief can arise from men animated with the same motives which ani. mate you ?—And as for me, what possible danger do I incur ?—(None: none. Great cheering.) I am like a father in the midst of his family, and a pretty numerous family it is. (Laughter and great cheering.) Where is the man among you who would injure me ?—(" None .!" Cheers.) Where is the man who would not follow me to death in our righteous cause ?—(The cheering on the delivery of this passage, lasted for some minutes, accompanied by cries " All, all.") Your hearts are mine, and mine is yours ; we will go on in our peaceful and legal career ; and by God's grace we will recover the liberties of our country— not by violence, anarchy, or force but by the peaceful, organized, and magnificent display of the will of the people. When the Barons of Run- nymede recovered the liberties of England from the tyrant John, they took up the bow, and the spear, the battle-axe, and the sword. Thank God, we have no occasion now to take up murderous and destructive weapons like those ; the progress of education and knowledge have changed the state of things—our weapons are union, truth, jus- tice, and reason—our sword is The sword of the spirit; it is the will of the people ; and let no one doubt that this great moral sword is sufficient for every just and useful purpose. (Cheers.) Look round again upon this assembly, and I will say, show me twenty such dinners as this, and I will show you the governors of England—not the gover.• nors by violence, anarchy, or force, but by the moral agency of public opinion peacefully and legally influencing the opinions and the conduct of the opinion, (Great cheers.) I am now about proposing the last toast ; and I must request, that after it is drunk, you will all retire to your respective homes. Your OA tondtict is our strength ; and I beseech you to bear this great truth in 'mind; upon this and every other occasion. We will now part with the concluding toast, Peace and good-will to all mankind.' "—If it be not eloquence, this is something will serve the turn as well. The vast assembly now retired with the ut- most decorum, while the band played peaceably" God save the King." SCOTCH REFORM AND SCOTCH POLITICIANS.—Our readers will be astonished to learn, that, notwithstanding the extreme moderation, candour, and constitutional tone which distinguished all the meetings in this quarter, at which Mr. Hume was present, the law authorities in Edinburgh are said to have instituted a special investigation into these proceedings—Glasgow Journal. ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING AT EDINBTIRGH.—A numerous meeting of the friends to abolition took place in the large Assembly Room, George Street, on Friday last week. The chair Was filled by the Lord Provost. The resolutions were moved by Mr. Jeffrey, in a speech which occupied three hours in the delivery ; they were seconded by Dr. Ritchie of Potter Row. They expressed a wish that slavery should be abolished at the earliest practicable period. Although the words, to most people, would seem strong enough,—for surely nothing can be done that is not practicable,—Dr. Andrew Thomson thought the resolutions did not go far enough ; and in consequence, suggested that the word immediate- should be inserted instead of the less definite circumlocution proposed by Mr. Jeffrey. It does not appear that the Reverend Doctor went to. the meeting prepared to move any amendment ; and indeed he would have contented himself with deprecating the loose wording against which his speech was directed, had he not been called on by the meeting to- frame his objections in the form of a substantive motion ; which was- seconded by a casual auditor, merely that it might not be lost from any defect of form. In the course of his argument, Dr. Thomson had observed —" The planters say the slaves are as happy as the peasantry of this. country. I will take them at their word, said he, and be it so. If that be the case' where is the danger of leaving them to themselves ? Where- is the risk of their revenging injuries, if they have never suffered wrongs ? Instead of cutting each other's throats, the argument cuts its own throat. The truth is, that it is the most absurd argument ever brought forward ; and though no friend to the shedding of blood, I would rather that a great deal of blood was shed, if necessary, than that 800,000 human beings should continue in hopeless bondage.' The allusion to shedding of blood seems to have produced a strong effect on the Chairman's nerves. We give the remainder of the debate, to show the way in which they sometimes manage these matters in the Modem Athens.
" The Lord Provost thought that there was more ingenuity than solid argument in the reasoning of Dr. Thomson. Dr. Thomson had said that he would wish the object gained even though it should cost blood ; but would it not be better if the same good could be accomplished without bloodshed ? His Lordship said, as Chief Magistrate of the city, he could not preside at a meeting where such sentiments were uttered. "Dr. Thomson said he hail been misapprehended. Suppose, said he, we had rands on the Continent, and suppose a neighbouring nation irk. vaded them, and for years maintained possession, in spite Of scion*
_
strance . would not the Lord Proros4,. as a 'Ova . subject—and who doubts-that his Lordship is so ?—say that we should go to war against that nation ; and what was that but to shed blood ? But with the Lord Provost war is not the same with bloodshed. If the West India pro. prieters set themselves against. the .principles of eternal justice, and re- fuse to give freedom to the slaves, on the be the guilt and the respon- sibility of shedding blood. "Mr. Dickie said, when he seconded the motion of Dr. Thomson, he did not state his reasons ; but his maxim was borrowed from a heathen philosopher, who said, flat justitia, ruat minim; which he would English thus, Let justice be done, be tile consequence what it may !'
"The Lord Provost .here rose and said—' Ladies and gentlemen, presiding here in my character of Lord Provost of the city of Edinburgh, I cannot allow, such language and sentiments to be addressed to me. I therefore bid you all farewell.' " And so saying, Mr. Allan immediately left the room ! The Edinburgh Weekly Journal, from which the above is extracted, says, the Lord Pro- yost was hissed and hooted; but no marks of hissing and hooting appear in the report. In England, a chairman makes it a point to hear all par- ties, to put resolutions or amendments indifferently, to report the deci- sion of the meeting, and there his functions end. In Edinburgh; it ap- pears, from this report, the Chairman, not content with his ministerial duties, wishes to take a part in the scene as well as the rest ; and if he do, he must look for opposition, and the same kind of opposition. The row has excited a good deal of interest in Edinburgh. The anti-slavery people were to meet again ; when Dr. Thomson's amendment—for which, it would appear, the former meeting were nearly unanimous— would doubtless be carried.
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