IRELAND.

The usual weekly meeting of the Repeal Association was held on Monday. Mr. Ray, the Secretary, reappeared in the execution of his duties, after a brief rustication to recover from the effects of his ita- prisonment. He was the bearer of letters from Mr. O'Connell. One was a familiar note to Mr. Ray, desiring Mr. Maurice O'Connell suit- ably to acknowledge an act of "splendid support" recently done by the Repeaters of New York. The other was a long letter to the People of Ireland, through his "dear Ray." Mr. O'Connell announced that he should reappear at the meeting of the Association on Monday the 25th instant, and should then bring forward two topics of great and vital importance,—first, an application to Parliament for the im- peachment of persons principally concerned in the late monster prose- cutions, and the appeal to the English to support that impeachment ; and secondly, a proposition " of great utility, if it can be legally ar- ranged," (the Italics are Mr. O'Connell's own,) namely, the appointment of a Preservative Society of three hundred. Touching the impeach- ment, Mr. O'Connell has thrown in a new feature—an attack on Mr. Re ; corder Shaw- " At first I thought that he was not to blame ; but farther reflection upon his most unnecessary Ijourney to England at a most critical period, convinced me that the public are entitled to a strict and critical inquiry into his conduct upon that occasion. The mode of his deportment in Parliament on the subject dissatisfies my mind very considerably. He cannot be allowed, as I think, to cover himself by his judicial situation : be was ministerial as well as judicial, and in both capacities responsible to Parliament. A full investigation is re- quired ; because if he had taken proper care that the Jury-list was duly made out, the Jury-trial upon that list would never be denounced by the highest legal tribunal in the land as 'a delusion, a snare, and a mockery.' He may be able to vindicate his conduct; but inquiry is absolutely necessary to satisfy the public mind ; and it is strongly my purpose, if approved by the Association, to have the entire case, including the Recorder's conduct, brought distinctly be- fore Parliament."

He does not regret the long " sagacious " pause that has been made in the Repeal agitation, since it furnished opportunity for an experi- ment, which he takes credit for having been the first to promote— whether the Irishmen who differ from the Repeaters would join the As- sociation. The experiment has not been immediately successful ; the Federalists not having come forward with any specific plan, having made no movement, and having effected no organization among them- selves. It had, however, ascertained some important facts : first, that there are a number of Protestants of rank and station as much dissatisfied with the working of the Union statute as he is-

" The second important fact ascertained is, that if or whenever the Fede- ralists shall announce their plan, it will be received with deference and respect; it will be discussed with coolness and temper; and if we are compelled by our great principle of nationality to reject it in part or in the entire, it will be re- jected in a manner of the most conciliating courtesy. "Thirdly, it is also ascertained that if the Repeaters should find the plan of Federalism is one by which Ireland could get all that simple Repeal could give her, and something more, that in such case the Federalists will be permitted, and even solicited, to take their natural station, according to their talent, wealth, and rank, at the head of the movement."

Mr. O'Connell expresses his "strong opinion," that there would have been "a very powerful Federal movement if the English Whig party had not succeeded in stifling it for the present"— . There is something exceedingly ludicrous in the fact, that whilst the Eng- lish Tory press were abusing the Whigs, and abusing me for having, ad they untruly alleged, entered into a compact to substitute Federalism for Repeal, and to assist in bringing the Whigs again into office, the Whigs were at that very time counteracting every effort of mine to procure a declaration from the Federalists ; and they actually succeeded in preventing a Federal declaration— which, I believe, would have long since appeared but for their antagonist exertions."

It is also certain that Mr. Grey Porter has promised to bring forth his plan by the end of the year. "Let us, however, in the mean time," says Mr. O'Connell, "exert all our energies to forward the Repeal cause, as if this interlude had not occurred "— " It is quite true, that, according to the constitution of the Repeal Associa- tion, Federalism is an open question ; and we have admitted as avowed Fede- ralists many individuals of the first respectability,—for one instance, the Right Reverend Dr. Kennedy, the Catholic Bishop of Killaloe : yet I am very de- cidedly of opinion, and as respectfully submit that opinion to the Association, that it is much better to limit our exertions to simple Repeal, and confine our efforts to the restoration of the Irish Parliament, without seeking any thing further—marking, however, distinctly, the limit between simple Repeal and. Federalism.

" Simple Repeal, I take it, consists in this- " First, in the preservation of the connexion between Great Britain and Ire- land, through the means of a sole Executive and the golden link of the Crown.

" Secondly, in the repeal of the Union statute, 50th George Ill. chap. 47.

" Thirdly, in the restoration of the Irish House of Lords in all its integrity. "Fourthly, in the reconstruction (upon Reform principles) of the Irish House of Commons ; consisting of three hundred Members, distributed upon the basis of population, that being the basis adopted in the English Reform Bill. "Fifthly, that the restored Irish Parliament should have all the powers which were vested in the Irish Parliament before the Union,—that is to say, complete legislative and judicial authority in Ireland. " I think it right to state my thorough conviction, as well as my perfect de- termination, that we should never consent to receive less for Ireland than what is contained in those five propositions." " It never entered into my head," adds Mr. O'Connell, " to accept of less, and it never can." There is one inquiry, however, which the people of Ireland have a right to make, and which he is ready to answer- " What occasion has there been to raise the question of Federalism ; I my- self being content with the restoration of the Irish Parliament in a reformed. shape ? " bly answer is, that it is a duty which I owe to the people of Ireland, to obtain fur the struggle for the restoration of their Parliament all the strength, power, and energy, that I possibly can accumulate in that cause : it is my sacred duty to show to the British empire, and to the world, upon what slender foundations of support the Union statute is based; to demonstrate to the British Ministry and British Parliament the universality of the disgust that pervades

Irishmen of every class at being deprived of any share in the government of

their own country. I demonstrated by means of the monster meetings of last year, how intense was, and is, the anger of the Irish people at the loss of their national independence, and how peacefully but fixedly determined they were, and are, never to relax their exertions until the Parliament shall be in College Green again : and now it is equally incumbent on me to procure, if possible, a similar combination among the wealthier classes, and particularly among the Protestant nobility and gentry, for the restoration of our national independence.

"There is no taunt, there is no reproach, there is no calumny, that I am not cheerfully ready to endure, if I am able to procure the support of such of the Protestant nobility and gentry as have not yet joined us in seeking the repeal of the Union statute. There is nothing short of principle which I would not sacrifice to obtain the support of the Protestant gentry : I desire to place them at the head of the movement, that all fear of religious ascendancy may be done away with for ever, and the repeal of the Union rendered secure."

He thinks he is quite safe in declaring, that success is not remote or uncertain. After a good deal more space devoted to showing how much more judicious it is to meet the Federalists on their own ground in dis- cussing the wants of Ireland, Mr. O'Connell concludes thus-

" In fine, fellow-countrymen, the pause of experiment is over: let us rouse again for the peaceful contest—a contest not to be suspended until the Parlia- ment is again in College Green with all its ancient authority and jurisdiction.

"HuaaAu, TIIEN, POE TUE REPEAL! I ! "

A letter was read from Mr. Joseph Sturge, enclosing a long address from the Complete Suffrage Association of Birmingham. the gist of which it is not very easy to catch : its two objects, however, seem to be, to invite the Repeaters to a deliberate consideration of Federalism as something on which they would be likely to obtain an extensive sympa- thy in England, and to exhort the Repealers to stick to those principles of Complete Suffrage which they had adopted from the Birmingham Association.

The next thing read was a letter from Mr. Bartholomew O'Connor, Secretary of the United Irish Repeal Association of New York, trans- mittiag 5001.—including 6/. 5s. from the Repealers of Astoria! In this letter, Mr. O'Connor says that the Repealers of New York had pledged themselves to pay O'Connell s fine of 2,0001.: that was no longer ne- cessary; but the decision of the House of Lords had not reversed the determination of the New York Repealers to raise the 2,0001.; of which the first instalment was now sent. At the instance of the Liberator, (mentioned above,) Mr. Maurice O'Connell moved a very complimentary record of this donation on the minutes.

Thus augmented, the rent for the week was 839L

?dr. Sharman Crawford is publishing his manifesto on the subject of Federalism, in the shape of a series of letters addressed to the Free- man's Journal; the first dated " Crawfordsburn, 7th Novemoer 1844." He begins by saying-

" It seems to me that the time is now arrived when it becomes the impera- tive duty of those who are of opinion that local legislation is necessary for Ire- land, openly to state their opinions and their views, and the means by which that object can be obtained consistently with the safety of Imperial connexion: the principle of local legislation, combined with Imperial supremacy, is that by which I conceive both these objects can be effected."

This question, he says, has been misunderstood by many, and misre- presented by others. He classes the practical evils which have arisen from the present system under the following heads- " I. Violation and insecurity of civil rights.

"2. Imperfect and ignorant legislation regarding our local institutions and financial capabilities.

"3. The danger and the probability of an assimilation of taxation. "4. Expenses and difficulties in seeking and obtaining acts for improvement.

"5. Insufficiency of aid from the State for public works in Ireland.

"6. Evils of centralizatiou, and probable increase of them.

"7. Inadequacy of the Irish representation in the Imperial Parliament to express the wants and feelings of the people of Irelaud. "S. Inadequacy of the Imperial Parliament to du the work required, under the present system of Parliamentary business.

"9. Difference of circumstances between England and Ireland, rendering assimilation impracticable and inexpedient.

" 10. Proofs of the foregoing, from the present condition of Ireland.

" 11. Present danger to the connexion of the two countries."

These eleven propositions he discusses seriatim, at considerable length : we must present his proofs in a greatly abridged form, but we will follow his own order.

1. The Union was based on the theory of identification ; but the Act of Union did not provide for that identification, which is in fact impossible in countries so dissimilar as England and Ireland ; and hence the necessity of separate legislation. "And bow were we treated ? Just as every country must expect to be treated, and I will say, deserves to be treated, who place the power of separate legislation in the hands of the representatives of another country. By the means of an English majority in the Imperial Parliament, the two great measures for the advancement of popular liberty, the Par- liamentary Reform Act and the Corporation Reform Act, were curtailed in all their important provisions when framed for Ireland ; and the rights of the people of Ireland have been incessantly violated by a succession of arbitrary and unconstitutional laws passed on various occasions since the Union by the same poa cr. In proof of this, I may call to recollection the numerous Insur- rection Acts, and acts for the partial infliction of martial law, the Whig Co- ercion Act, and the other coercion acts which afterwards succeeded it, the Arms Acts, and more especially the lam Arms Act, which I may designate by aray of distinction, the Branding Act. Disturbances have frequently occurred in ; but never was she treated by her own Representatives as her Re- presentatives treated Ireland."

2. The Poor-law is mentioned as an instance of blundering legislation : where it worts well, it is where the Guardians "bend its austere provisions to the circumstances of the poor."

3. The Union imposed an unfair proportion of National Debt and expendi- ture on Ireland, which acts as a constant drain on its industry and resources : there is no chance that English and Scotch Representatives will suffer Ireland's exemption from certain taxes, and especially limn Assessed and Income Taxes, to continue.

4. "The enormous expenses arid other difficulties in procuring acts for local improvements in the Imperial Parliament are such as a poor country like Ire- land cannot compass : therefore, improvement, and its necessary accompani- ment, employment, is virtually stopped by this cause alone." 5. "The improvements of a poor coo. ky where capital does not abound would require some support from the revenues of the State. The riches of England enable the Imperial Parliament to refuse this aid to England ; and consequently it is refused to Ireland, although the circumstances are so totally different."

6. This paragraph is directed against centralization. It is drawing all kinds of boards and offices to London : the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy aral of the separate Law Courts is threatened: thus absenteeism is increased; an& Dublin, without the stimulant of official expenditure or manufactures, will sink to ruin.

7. The evils of agitation are deprecated: what produces agitation ?—discon- tent : what produces discontent ?—the feeling of suffering by the people. Ile desiderates a legitimate organ in a Local Legislature, to declare the people's voice and to give effect to it. 8. Parliament will be unable, without some new arrangement, to get through

the growing mass of public and private business. 9. Assimilation of laws is impossible under dissimilar national circum-

stances: Ireland is no more able to bear taxation like that of England than babes can bear the same food as adults.

10. The present state of Ireland, forty-three years after the Union, with 2,300,000 destitute out of a population of 8,000,000, is adduced as condemna- tion of that measure.

11. Is not the present parchment connexion liable to be torn asunder when it shall be the object of any foreign state, hostile to England, to open the rent? Is not Ireland already England's weakness, instead of strength, &c.

These arguments prove the necessity of some change : what change Mr. Crawford would recommend, he will point out in a subsequent letter.

In a second letter, Mr. Crawford endeavours to show that the demand, for a separate Legislature is not only just and right in itself, but in ac- cordance with the principles and general practice of the British consti- tution, as applied to the several portions of the empire where separate governments or separate establishments of any kind are required-

" I may refer, as proofs of my assertions, to the Local Legislatures of Ca- nada, Jamaica, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, the Bermudas, Newfoundland., Prince Edward's Island, &c. Eastern India is the only important exception— an exception which cannot probably long continue. I am warranted, therefore,, in the assertion that local representation is the principle of British rule; and that the connexion established with Ireland by the Act of Union was, and is, an exception to the rule, an anomaly which cannot be justified either by the theory or the practice of the British constitution."

As a sample of these separate Legislatures, he analyzes the powers conferred upon Canada by the act for uniting the two portions of that province--powers conferred by the Canada Constitution Act as far back as the year 1790. "My object in quoting this act for the constitution, of the Local Legislature of Canada, is to clear away by practical demon- stration the objection of those who say that the power of Local and Im- perial Legislatures cannot be defined : they are defined, and acted on, in the various Colonial possessions of England on which Local Legisla- tures are conferred." Mr. Crawford observes in passing-

" I am at present treating this matter as a question of claim on the part of Ireland : at the same time, I do not wish to be considered as setting aside the important benefits which I conceive would be derived from the adoption of a• pure and perfect Federal system by the three portions of the empire : bat I cannot conceal from myself, that in order to accomplish such a change great difficulties are to be contended with. We have not only to persuade England to give Ireland a Local Legislature, but we have also to induce both England and Scotland to change their own constitutions, and to create Local Bodies for. themselves, subject to the supreme control of an Imperial Legislature. Now,. it is evident, that although Ireland may have a right to claim that which she, thinks necessary for herself, she has no right to demand that England and Scot- land shall make fundamental changes in the constitution of their connexion to accommodate her. Her proposition, then, must be so formed as not of neces- sity to force any violent change in the constitution of England and Scotland."

In closing this second letter of the series, Mr. Crawford states that he puts forth these views individually, not as the organ of any party.

The Recorder opened his Court on Monday, for the annual revisioa of the Dublin Jury-lists. Mr. Pierce Mahony took occasion to crave: the Recorder to institute a full and searching inquiry into the facts attending the abstraction of a number of names from that list from which the Special Jury in the case of the Queen versus O'Connell and others was struck. The Recorder said, that he had no jurisdiction to inquire into such matter. Mr. Mahony urged inquiry, as slanderous imputations had been made against himself and others. The Recorder repeated, that he had no such power. He had investigated all the circumstances attending the missing names after the last revision; and while he deeply regretted what had occurred, yet, as he stated else- where, there was no moral blame to be attributed to any one, while there certainly was gross neglect. Mr. Mahony then pointed out, that in the printed Jurors-book, there was a marginal note in reference to several names in St. Andeon's Ward, in these words—" Amended by Recorder, 1st January 1844 " : be asked by what authority the Recorder had un- dertaken in any way to alter the lists ? The Recorder replied, that he did so in accordance with what he believed to be his duty, four names having been wrongly placed; and if a similar circumstance occurred again he should feel bound to act in a similar manner. Mr. Mahony' was glad to hear that explanation : he considered that the Recorder had. full authority to correct all the errors and omissions in the lists be made up twelve months ago—though the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland. decided the reverse, in presence of his Lordship ; and he hoped that there would be no future cause for designating trial by jury in Ireland. as a "delusion, a mockery, and a snare." The revision then proceeded.,

In a letter to the Dublin Monitor, the Reverend P. Smithwick, a Ro-. man Catholic clergyman, has signified the withdrawal of his name from the notorious "protest" against the Charitable Bequests Bill ; having. signed it in ignorance of the circumstances, and of "the spirit which now seems to have actuated not a few of its promoters "—

" 1 believed it to be sanctioned by the high authority of our own venerable Prelate, and that it was actually receiving the signatures of the clergymen of his archdiocese. This belief, and a wish, if possible, to see procured a better bill, then influenced me. I am now persuaded that a desire to amend that bill is riot the sole nor the chief motive of some of the abettors of the protest ; and that no friendly feeling towards the Episcopal character of his Grace Dr. Mur- ray has caused the production of that document ; which, though framed just at his own door, was completed without his knowledge, and in defiance of all that' even courtesy would require, not to speak of the respect and veneration which his long and saintly career as head of the Irish Church should demand even from an undisguised foe."

The Nenagh papers contain accounts of three murders. One M•Guinness has been waylaid on his road home from Thurles, by two men, who knocked him down and beat him with stones, so that he died. next day. He had got the better of an employer named Tracy, in a dispute about wages, at the Thurles Sessions ; and Tracy has been arrested. A. man who was beaten and had his skull fractured in a drunken quarrel, some weeks since, died on Saturday week. On the previous day, another man died from a blow on the head with a stone, which a fellow inflicted on the 2d October.

The remains of Mr. Gloster, who was murdered near Limerick, were interred last week. It is stated that when the funeral was proceeding on its road, " the peasantry in the fields turned off from their work of potato-digging to cheer and exult at the savage death of a fellow- creature."

The house of Mr. Canwell, a merchant of Limerick, at Killaloe, has been fired into. Mr. Canwell had but the moment before left the room into which the shots were fired. He has lately bought an estate in Clare.